The first green revolution: Debt Peonage and the making of the nitrogen fertilizer trade, 1840-1930

American Historical Review

Volumn 117, Issue 4, 2012, Pages 1028-1060

  Melillo, Edward D ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 84870288956     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/ahr/117.4.1028     Document Type: Article

References (316)

1. Treatments of the twentieth-century Green Revolution as the first extensive anthropogenic alteration of the nitrogen cycle include Dietrich Werner and William Edward Newton, eds., Nitrogen Fixation in Agriculture, Forestry, Ecology and the Environment (Dordrecht, 2005);
2. Lance H. Gunderson and C. S. Holling, eds., Panarchy: Understanding Transformations in Human and Natural Systems (Washington, D.C., 2002), 37;
3. David Tilman, "The Greening of the Green Revolution," Nature 396, no. 6708 (1998): 211-212;
4. Gordon Conway, The Doubly Green Revolution: Food for All in the Twenty-First Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1997).
5. Hobsbawm, The Age of Revolution: Europe, 1789-1848 (London, 1962), 27.
6. See, for example, Perry Anderson, "Modernity and Revolution," New Left Review 144 (March-April 1984): 96-113, here 104.
7. T. M. Addiscott, Nitrate, Agriculture and the Environment (Cambridge, Mass., 2005), 51.
8. Drescher, "Whose Abolition? Popular Pressure and the Ending of the British Slave Trade," Past & Present 143, no. 1 (1994): 136-166.
9. Stewart, Chinese Bondage in Peru: A History of the Chinese Coolie in Peru, 1849-1874 (Durham, N.C., 1951), 74.
10. Meagher, The Coolie Trade: The Traffic in Chinese Laborers to Latin America, 1847-1874 (Philadelphia, 2008), 222 n. 142.
11. For ship numbers, see Walton Look Lai, "Chinese Indentured Labor: Migrations to the British West Indies in the Nineteenth Century," Amerasia 15, no. 2 (1989): 117-138, here 120.
12. See Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell, Hobson-Jobson: A Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-Indian Words and Phrases, and of Kindred Terms, Etymological, Historical, Geographical and Discursive, new ed., ed. William Crooke (London, 1903), 250.
13. Mario E. Del Rio, La inmigración y su desarrollo en el Perú (Lima, 1929), 38.
14. On Peruvian abolition, see Carlos Aguirre, Agentes de su propia libertad: Los esclavos de Lima y la desintegración de la esclavitud, 1821-1854 (Lima, 1993).
15. Sergio González Miranda, Hombres y mujeres de la Pampa: Tarapacá en el ciclo de expansión del salitre, 2nd ed. (Santiago, 2002), 141-151;
16. Michael Monteón, "The Enganche in the Chilean Nitrate Sector, 1880-1930," Latin American Perspectives 6, no. 3 (1979): 66-79;
17. Roberto Hernández-Cornejo, El salitre: Resúmen histórico desde su descubrimiento y explotación (Valparaíso, 1930), 138-166.
18. See, for example, Rory Miller and Robert Greenhill, "The Fertilizer Commodity Chains: Guano and Nitrate, 1840-1930," in Steven Topik, Carlos Marichal, and Zephyr Frank, eds., From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building of the World Economy, 1500-2000 (Durham, N.C., 2006), 228-270.
19. Geographer David Harvey refers to "time-space compression" in The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford, 1989), 284-307.
20. On the relation between new modes of transportation and the guano trade, see Kenneth Pomeranz and Steven Topik, The World That Trade Created: Society, Culture, and the World Economy, 1400 to the Present (New York, 1999), 127.
21. J. K. Syers, "Managing Soils for Long-Term Productivity," Philosophical Transactions: Biological Sciences 352, no. 1356 (1997): 1011-1021, here 1012.
22. Moon-Ho Jung, "Outlawing 'Coolies': Race, Nation, and Empire in the Age of Emancipation," American Quarterly 57, no. 3 (2005): 677-701, here 698.
23. Gunther Peck, Reinventing Free Labor: Padrones and Immigrant Workers in the North American West, 1880-1930 (Cambridge, 2000), 2.
24. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism," Past & Present 38, no. 1 (1967): 56-97.
25. On Britain's agricultural transition away from frequent fallowing toward more intensive forms of cultivation that involved legume rotation and field grass husbandry, see Robert Allen, "Agriculture during the Industrial Revolution," in Roderick Floud and Donald McCloskey, eds., The Economic History of Britain since 1700, 2nd ed. (New York, 1994), vol. 1: 1700-1860, 96-122, here 114;
26. Phyllis Deane, The First Industrial Revolution, 2nd ed. (New York, 1979), 39.
27. For accounts of a similar transition in the American South, see Julius Rubin, "The Limits of Agricultural Progress in the Nineteenth-Century South," Agricultural History 49, no. 2 (1975): 362-373, here 363.
28. For more on the development of industrial processes on Caribbean sugar plantations and in silver mines in the Americas, which predated Europe's Industrial Revolution, see Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York, 1985);
29. Peter Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain: Indian Labor in Potosí, 1545-1650 (Albuquerque, 1984).
30. On the use of Chinese debt peons as a solution to Peruvian labor shortages in the 1840s, see Michael J. Gonzales, "Chinese Plantation Workers and Social Conflict in Peru," in James Gerber and Lei Guang, eds., Agriculture and Rural Connections in the Pacific, 1500-1900 (Burlington, Vt., 2006), 105-144, here 110.
31. Scott, Slave Emancipation in Cuba: The Transition to Free Labor, 1860-1899 (Pittsburgh, 2000), 29.
32. Richard White, " 'Are You an Environmentalist or Do You Work for a Living?' Work and Nature," in William Cronon, ed., Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature (New York, 1996), 171-185, here 172
33. For similar claims, see John C. Berg, ed., Teamsters and Turtles? U.S. Progressive Political Movements in the 21st Century (Lanham, Md., 2002).
34. Richard White, The Organic Machine: The Remaking of the Columbia River (New York, 1995), 3-29.
35. Chad Montrie, Making a Living: Work and Environment in the United States (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2008), 7;
36. Thomas G. Andrews, Killing for Coal: America's Deadliest Labor War (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 125.
37. Lissa K. Wadewitz, The Nature of Borders: Salmon, Boundaries, and Bandits on the Salish Sea (Seattle, 2012);
38. Thomas Miller Klubock, "The Nature of the Frontier: Forests and Peasant Uprisings in Southern Chile," Social History 36, no. 2 (2011): 121-142;
39. Lawrence M. Lipin, Workers and the Wild: Conservation, Consumerism, and Labor in Oregon, 1910-30 (Urbana, Ill., 2007);
40. Gunther Peck, "The Nature of Labor: Fault Lines and Common Ground in Environmental and Labor History," Environmental History 11, no. 2 (2006): 212-238;
41. John Soluri, Banana Cultures: Agriculture, Consumption, and Environmental Change in Honduras and the United States (Austin, Tex., 2005);
42. Kathryn Morse, The Nature of Gold: An Environmental History of the Klondike Gold Rush (Seattle, 2003);
43. Karl Jacoby, Crimes against Nature: Squatters, Poachers, Thieves, and the Hidden History of American Conservation (Berkeley, Calif., 2001).
44. For an earlier example of productive connections between labor history and environmental history, see Mart A. Stewart, "What Nature Suffers to Groe": Life, Labor, and Landscape on the Georgia Coast, 1680-1920 (Athens, Ga., 1996).
45. See, for example, Don Mitchell, The Lie of the Land: Migrant Workers and the California Landscape (Minneapolis, 1996);
46. David Harvey, Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference (Cambridge, Mass., 1996).
47. Thomas Bender, ed., Rethinking American History in a Global Age (Berkeley, Calif., 2002);
48. Micol Seigel, "Beyond Compare: Comparative Method after the Transnational Turn," Radical History Review 91 (Winter 2005): 62-90, here 63.
49. On the persistence of the historical profession's nation-centered focus, see José C. Moya, "A Continent of Immigrants: Postcolonial Shifts in the Western Hemisphere," Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 1 (2006): 1-28.
50. Also valuable in this vein are the chapters in Antoinette Burton, ed., After the Imperial Turn: Thinking with and through the Nation (Durham, N.C., 2003). For an overview of the possible pitfalls and unacknowledged hierarchies characteristic of transnational history, see David Kazanjian and María Josefina Saldana-Portillo, "Introduction: The Traffic in History," Social Text 92, vol. 25, no. 3 (2007): 1-7.
51. Pete Daniel, The Shadow of Slavery: Peonage in the South, 1901-1969 (Urbana, Ill., 1972).
52. Important exceptions to this tendency include Sven Beckert, "Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War," American Historical Review 109, no. 5 (December 2004): 1405-1438;
53. Matthew Pratt Guterl, "After Slavery: Asian Labor, the American South, and the Age of Emancipation," Journal of World History 14, no. 2 (2003): 209-241.
54. Elizabeth Dore, "Debt Peonage in Granada, Nicaragua, 1870-1930: Labor in a Noncapitalist Transition," Hispanic American Historical Review 83, no. 3 (August 2003): 521-559;
55. Mark Moberg, "Crown Colony as Banana Republic: The United Fruit Company in British Honduras, 1900-1920," Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 2 (1996): 357-381;
56. Alan Knight, "Mexican Peonage: What Was It and Why Was It?," Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 1 (1986): 41-74;
57. David McCreery, "Debt Servitude in Rural Guatemala, 1876-1936," Hispanic American Historical Review 63, no. 4 (1983): 753-759;
58. Friedrich Katz, "Labor Conditions on Haciendas in Porfirian Mexico: Some Trends and Tendencies," Hispanic American Historical Review 54, no. 1 (1974): 1-47, here 15-23.
59. For comparative approaches, see Tom Brass, "Unfree Labour and Capitalist Restructuring in the Agrarian Sector: Peru and India," Journal of Peasant Studies 14, no. 1 (1986): 50-77;
60. Brass, "The Latin American Enganche System: Some Revisionist Reinterpretations Revisited," Slavery and Abolition 11, no. 1 (1990): 74-103.
61. Calls for a "transnationalizing" of labor history include Michael P. Hanagan, "An Agenda for Transnational Labor History," International Review of Social History 49, no. 3 (2004): 455-474;
62. Beverly J. Silver, The Forces of Labor: Workers' Movements and Globalization since 1870 (Cambridge, 2003);
63. Marcel van der Linden, "Transnationalizing American Labor History," Journal of American History 86, no. 3 (1999): 1078-1092.
64. David Brion Davis, "Looking at Slavery from Broader Perspectives," American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 452-466, here 454 n. 13.
65. For more on human alterations of the nitrogen cycle, see James N. Galloway and Ellis B. Cowling, "Reactive Nitrogen and the World: 200 Years of Change," Ambio 31, no. 2 (2002): 64-71;
66. D. S. Jenkinson, "The Impact of Humans on the Nitrogen Cycle, with Focus on Temperate Arable Agriculture," Plant and Soil 228, no. 1 (2001): 3-15;
67. Peter M. Vitousek et al., "Human Alteration of the Global Nitrogen Cycle: Sources and Consequences," Ecological Applications 7, no. 3 (1997): 737-750.
68. An elegant treatment of the role of clover in world history can be found in Thorkild Kjærgaard, "A Plant That Changed the World: The Rise and Fall of Clover, 1000-2000," Landscape Research 28, no. 1 (2003): 41-49.
69. On the role of phosphorus fertilizer in world food production, see Dana Cordell, Jan-Olof Drangert, and Stuart White, "The Story of Phosphorus: Global Food Security and Food for Thought," Global Environmental Change 19, no. 2 (2009): 292-305.
70. Lucius Iunius Moderatus Columella, as quoted in Naomi F. Miller and Kathryn L. Gleason, "Fertilizer in the Identification and Analysis of Cultivated Soil," in Miller and Gleason, eds., The Archaeology of Garden and Field (Philadelphia, 1994), 38;
71. Qinding shoushi tongkao, as quoted in Yong Xue, " 'Treasure Nightsoil as If It Were Gold': Economic and Ecological Links between Urban and Rural Areas in Late Imperial Jiangnan," Late Imperial China 26, no. 1 (2005): 41-71, here 60
72. Roland Oliver, "The East African Interior," in J. D. Fage and Roland Oliver, eds., The Cambridge History of Africa, 8 vols. (New York, 1975-1986), 3: 621-669, here 640.
73. For more examples, see Eugene Mather and John Fraser Hart, "The Geography of Manure," Land Economics 32, no. 1 (1956): 25-38.
74. Kimberly B. Flint-Hamilton, "Legumes in Ancient Greece and Rome: Food, Medicine, or Poison?," Hesperia 68, no. 3 (1999): 371-385, here 373.
75. See Hui-Lin Li, "The Domestication of Plants in China: Ecogeographical Considerations," in David N. Keightley, ed., The Origins of Chinese Civilization (Berkeley, Calif., 1983), 21-63, here 30.
76. On this point, see G. P. H. Chorley, "The Agricultural Revolution in Northern Europe, 1750-1880: Nitrogen, Legumes, and Crop Productivity," Economic History Review 34, no. 1 (1981): 71-93, here 71.
77. Gordon R. Willey, "Foreword," in Margaret A. Towle, The Ethnobotany of Pre-Columbian Peru (Chicago, 1961), ix.
78. Richard A. Wines, Fertilizer in America: From Waste Recycling to Resource Exploitation (Philadelphia, 1985), 3
79. On the transition from so-called "closed systems" to open ones in European and U.S. history, see Susan Strasser, Waste and Want: A Social History of Trash (New York, 1999), 14-15;
80. F. M. L. Thompson, "The Second Agricultural Revolution, 1815-1880," Economic History Review 21, no. 1 (1968): 62-77, here 64;
81. Arthur G. Peterson, "Agriculture in the United States, 1839 and 1939," Journal of Farm Economics 22, no. 1 (1940): 98-110.
82. Karl Marx, Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Political Economy, trans. Martin Nicolaus (London, 1973), 527.
83. Marx, Capital, 3 vols. (1867-1894; repr., New York, 1981), 3: 949.
84. For more on the centrality of the metabolic metaphor in Marx's writing, see Fernando Coronil, The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela (Chicago, 1997), 26-27;
85. John Bellamy Foster, "Marx's Theory of Metabolic Rift: Classical Foundations for Environmental Sociology," American Journal of Sociology 105, no. 2 (1999): 366-405;
86. Jason W. Moore, "Environmental Crises and the Metabolic Rift in World-Historical Perspective," Organization & Environment 13, no. 2 (2000): 123-157.
87. Victor Hugo, as quoted in Sabine Barles and Laurence Lestel, "The Nitrogen Question: Urbanization, Industrialization, and River Quality in Paris," Journal of Urban History 33, no. 5 (2007): 794-812, here 799.
88. W. W. Carpenter, "Sanitary and Economical Use of Night-Soil in Paris," The California Agriculturalist, July 1, 1874, 157.
89. For more on European evaluations of urban nutrient reuse, see Erland Marald, "Everything Circulates: Agricultural Chemistry and Recycling Theories in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century," Environment and History 8, no. 1 (2002): 65-84.
90. Examples of the metabolic metaphor in urban history include Maria Kaïka, City of Flows: Modernity, Nature, and the City (New York, 2005);
91. Matthew Gandy, Concrete and Clay: Reworking Nature in New York City (Cambridge, Mass., 2002);
92. Joel A. Tarr, "The Metabolism of the Industrial City: The Case of Pittsburgh," Journal of Urban History 28, no. 5 (2002): 511-545;
93. J. R. McNeill, Something New under the Sun: An Environmental History of the Twentieth Century (New York, 2000), 269-295;
94. William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1991).
95. Steven Stoll, Larding the Lean Earth: Soil and Society in Nineteenth Century America (New York, 2002), 49.
96. Justus von Liebig, Organic Chemistry in Its Applications to Agriculture and Physiology, in Liebig, Liebig's Complete Works on Chemistry, ed. Lyon Playfair (Philadelphia, 1852), 63.
97. Cohen, Notes from the Ground: Science, Soil and Society in the American Countryside (New Haven, Conn., 2009), x.
98. See Justus von Liebig, Familiar Letters: In Its Relations to Physiology, Dietetics, Agriculture, Commerce, and Political Economy, 3rd ed. (London, 1851), 473.
99. For more on agricultural innovations before the rise of formal soil chemistry, see Wallace E. Huffman and Robert E. Evenson, Science for Agriculture: A Long-Term Perspective (Ames, Iowa, 1993), 15.
100. See, for example, "Notice of Liebig's Organic Chemistry, Applied to Agriculture," The Cultivator 8 (May 1841): 73-75.
101. On the guano birds and their relationship to the Humboldt Current, see the essays in D. Pauly and I. Tsukayama, eds., The Peruvian Anchoveta and Its Upwelling Ecosystem: Three Decades of Change (Callao, Peru, 1987).
102. For a discussion of the relationship between guano bird productivity and El Nino events, see Brian Fagan, Floods, Famines, and Emperors: El Nino and the Fate of Civilizations (New York, 1999), chap. 2.
103. Among the most comprehensive scientific works on guano is G. Evelyn Hutchinson, The Biogeochemistry of Vertebrate Excretion (New York, 1950).
104. Garcilaso Inca de la Vega, First Part of the Royal Commentaries of the Yncas, trans. Clements R. Markham, 2 vols. (1609; repr., New York, 1963), 2: 11.
105. For other examples of early European interest in guano, see Amédée François Frézier, A Voyage to the South-Sea, and along the Coasts of Chile and Peru, in the Years 1712, 1713, and 1714 (London, 1717);
106. Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa, A Voyage to South America, trans. John Adams (1807; repr., Boston, 1978).
107. Arthur P. Whitaker, "Alexander von Humboldt and Spanish America," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 104, no. 3 (1960): 317-322, here 321;
108. "Guano-A Celebrated Manure Used in South America," American Farmer 6 (December 1824): 316-317.
109. Jean Baptiste Boussingault, Rural Economy, in Its Relation with Chemistry, Physics, and Meteorology;
110. Chemistry Applied to Agriculture, trans. George Law (New York, 1850), 255.
111. Lord John Russell, as quoted in Meagher, The Coolie Trade, 39.
112. On the disparity between the British government's attitude toward African slavery in the Atlantic Washworld and forms of debt peonage in the Pacific world, see Lawrence Phillips, "British Slavery after Abolition: The Pacific Trade," Race & Class 41, no. 3 (2000): 13-27.
113. "The Asiatic Slave Trade," New York Daily Times, July 22, 1853, 4.
114. Carlos Contreras and Marcos Cueto, Historia del Perú contemporáneo: Desde las luchas por la Independencia hasta el presente, 2nd ed. (Lima, 2000), 127-136
115. Michael J. Gonzales, Plantation Agriculture and Social Control in Northern Peru, 1875-1933 (Austin, Tex., 1985), esp. chap. 5
116. Jonathan V. Levin, The Export Economies: Their Pattern of Development in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, Mass., 1960), 85-90, 130-132.
117. The most comprehensive study of Chinese coolie laborers on Peruvian cotton and sugar plantations is Humberto Rodríguez Pastor, Hijos del Celeste Imperio en el Perú (1850-1900): Migración, agricultura, mentalidad y explotación (Lima, 1990).
118. Evelyn Hu-DeHart, "Latin America in Asia-Pacific Perspective," in Rhacel S. Parrenas and Lok C. D. Siu, eds., Asian Diasporas: New Formations, New Conceptions (Stanford, Calif., 2007), 58 n. 3.
119. Nicolás de Piérola, Informe sobre el estado del carguío de huano en las Islas de Chincha, y sobre el cumplimiento del contrato celebrado con D. Domingo Eli ́as (Lima, 1853), 4;
120. Antonio Raimondi, Informes y polémicas sobre el guano y el salitre (Perú 1854-1877) (Lima, 2003), 64.
121. For a detailed discussion of wage rates on the Chinchas, see W. M. Mathew, "A Primitive Export Sector: Guano Production in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Peru," Journal of Latin American Studies 9, no. 1 (1977): 35-57, here 47-48.
122. Fitz-Roy Cole, as quoted in Stewart, Chinese Bondage in Peru, 97.
123. Among the most comprehensive sources on guano island labor is Cecilia Méndez G., Los trabajadores guaneros del Perú, 1840-1879 (Lima, 1987).
124. George W. Peck, Melbourne, and the Chincha Islands: With Sketches of Lima, and a Voyage round the World (New York, 1854), 211.
125. Peter Blanchard, "The 'Transitional Man' in Nineteenth-Century Latin America: The Case of Domingo Elias of Peru," Bulletin of Latin American Research 15, no. 2 (1996): 157-176;
126. Mathew, "A Primitive Export Sector," 49.
127. See Samuel Stueland, "The Otis Steam Excavator," Technology and Culture 35, no. 3 (1994): 571-574, here 572, 574.
128. On this point, see Josh DeWind, Peasants Become Miners: The Evolution of Industrial Mining Systems in Peru (New York, 1987), esp. chap. 1.
129. George Washington Peck, as quoted in Robert Cushman Murphy, Bird Islands of Peru: The Record of a Sojourn on the West Coast (New York, 1925), 112.
130. Captain Congdon, as quoted in Debow's Review 16 (January 1854): 100.
131. William R. Grace, as quoted in C. Alexander G. de Secada, "Arms, Guano, and Shipping: The W. R. Grace Interests in Peru, 1865-1885," Business History Review 59, no. 4 (1985): 597-621, here 608.
132. On the coolie trade from Macao, see Stewart, Chinese Bondage in Peru, 17.
133. Quote from "The Chincha Islands," Nautical Magazine and Naval Chronicle, April 1856, 182.
134. See Juan de Arona, La inmigración en el Perú: Monografía históricocri ́tica (Lima, 1891), 86-88.
135. Maude, Slavers in Paradise: The Peruvian Slave Trade in Polynesia, 1862-1864 (Stanford, Calif., 1981), 136.
136. "Letter from the Chincha Islands," as quoted in Meagher, The Coolie Trade, 227.
137. For numbers of workers on the Chinchas, see Levin, The Export Economies, 88;
138. Meagher, The Coolie Trade, 224;
139. Stewart, Chinese Bondage in Peru, 96
140. On the contracts granted to Eliás and Rodríguez, see Evelyn Hu-Dehart, "Coolies, Shopkeepers, Pioneers: The Chinese of Mexico and Peru (1849-1930)," Amerasia 15, no. 2 (1989): 91-116, here 103.
141. See Ayumi Takenaka, "The Japanese in Peru: History of Immigration, Settlement, and Racialization," Latin American Perspectives 31, no. 3 (2004): 77-98, here 87;
142. Bernard Wong, "A Comparative Study of the Assimilation of the Chinese in New York City and Lima, Peru," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20, no. 3 (1978): 335-358.
143. The text of the treaty appears in Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Coleccion de los tratados del Perú (Lima, 1876), 159-165.
144. After the expiration of their indenture contracts, many Chinese migrants who came to Peru's coastal plantations and guano mines settled in Lima, where they established a thriving Chinatown known as the Barrio Chino.
145. See, for example, Isabelle Lausent-Herrera, "The Chinatown in Peru and the Changing Peruvian Chinese Community(ies)," Journal of Chinese Overseas 7, no. 1 (2011): 69-113.
146. Basil Lubbock, Coolie Ships and Oil Sailers (Glasgow, 1935), 33.
147. Meagher, The Coolie Trade, 191.
148. These calculations are based on data from Shane J. Hunt, Price and Quantum Estimates of Peruvian Exports, 1830-1962 (Princeton, N.J., 1973), 57-59;
149. Antonio Raimondi, "Islas, islotes y rocas del Perú," Boletín de la Sociedad Geográfica de Lima 7 (1897): 278-289;
150. Heraclio Bonilla, Guano y burguesia en el Perú (Lima, 1974);
151. Paul Gootenberg, Imagining Development: Economic Ideas in Peru's "Fictitious Prosperity" of Guano, 1840-1880 (Berkeley, Calif., 1993), 2.
152. See Larry Schweikart and Lynne Pierson Doti, "From Hard Money to Branch Banking: California Banking in the Gold-Rush Economy," in James J. Rawls and Richard J. Orsi, eds., A Golden State: Mining and Economic Development in Gold Rush California (Berkeley, Calif., 1999), 209-232, here 212.
153. James Higgins, Lima: A Cultural History (New York, 2005), 113.
154. W. M. Mathew, The House of Gibbs and the Peruvian Guano Monopoly (London, 1981).
155. Texts of the actual contracts appear in P. Emilio Dancuart, ed., Anales de la hacienda pública de Perú: Historia y legislación fiscal de la república, 24 vols. (Lima, 1902-1926), 5: 23-25.
156. On Dreyfus Brothers & Co., see Levin, The Export Economies, 98-99.
157. For more on how Peru serviced its foreign debt with guano profits, allowing it to sustain its credit rating despite domestic political upheavals, see Catalina Vizcarra, "Guano, Credible Commitments, and Sovereign Debt Repayment in Nineteenth-Century Peru," Journal of Economic History 69, no. 2 (2009): 358-387;
158. Peter F. Klaren, "The Sugar Industry in Peru," Revista de Indias 65, no. 233 (2005): 33-48, here 36-37.
159. "Plan for Reducing the Price of Guano Twenty-Five Per Cent," Journal of Agriculture 2 (July 1846): 386.
160. Chandos Wren Hoskyns, Talpa; or, The Chronicles of a Clay Farm, 2nd ed. (Buffalo, N.Y., 1854), 90;
161. William Wallace Fyfe, Agricultural Science Applied in Practice (London, 1859), 129.
162. On guano and hop cultivation in Britain, see Celia Cordle, "The Guano Voyages," Rural History 18, no. 1 (2007): 119-133.
163. The guano-tasting suggestion can be found in Thompson, "The Second Agricultural Revolution," 70.
164. For an overview of the British demand for guano, see W. M. Mathew, "Peru and the British Guano Market, 1840-1870," Economic History Review 23, no. 1 (1970): 112-128.
165. Wilhelm Ruprecht, "The Historical Development of the Consumption of Sweeteners-A Learning Approach," Journal of Evolutionary Economics 15, no. 3 (2005): 247-272, here 254.
166. Hugo Thiel, as quoted in Thomas Wieland, "Scientific Theory and Agricultural Practice: Plant Breeding in Germany from the Late 19th to the Early 20th Century," Journal of the History of Biology 39, no. 2 (2006): 309-343, here 314.
167. See Mataji Miyamoto, Yotaro Sakudo, and Yasukichi Yasuba, "Economic Development in Preindustrial Japan, 1859-1894," Journal of Economic History 25, no. 4 (1965): 541-564, here 562;
168. Bruce F. Johnston, "Agricultural Productivity and Economic Development in Japan," Journal of Political Economy 59, no. 6 (1951): 498-513, here 506.
169. See also Nagahisa Kuroda, "Report on a Trip to Marcus Island with Notes on the Birds," Pacific Science 8, no. 1 (1954): 84-93.
170. Merijn T. Knibbe, "Feed, Fertilizer, and Agricultural Productivity in the Netherlands, 1880-1930," Agricultural History 74, no. 1 (2000): 39-57, here 46.
171. Quote from Weymouth T. Jordan, "The Peruvian Guano Gospel in the Old South," Agricultural History 24, no. 4 (1950): 211-221, here 219.
172. For other examples, see A. MacDonald, "Results from Guano Manure," Farmers' Register: A Monthly Publication 9, no. 12 (1841): 735-736;
173. Solon Robinson, "How to Use Guano," Southern Cultivator 9, no. 5 (1851): 70-71, here 70.
174. Wines, Fertilizer in America, 39;
175. Chester McArthur Destler, "David Dickson's 'System of Farming' and the Agricultural Revolution in the Deep South, 1850-1885," Agricultural History 31, no. 3 (1957): 30-39, here 32;
176. Wayne D. Rasmussen, "The Impact of Technological Change on American Agriculture, 1862-1962," Journal of Economic History 22, no. 4 (1962): 578-591, here 580
177. John Solomon Otto, Southern Agriculture during the Civil War Era, 1860-1880 (Westport, Conn., 1994), 84.
178. Arnold, History of the Tobacco Industry in Virginia from 1860 to 1894 (Baltimore, 1897), 24 n. 1
179. For accounts of guano use on the Tidewater tobacco plantations along the Chesapeake Bay, see Solon Robinson, Guano: A Treatise of Practical Information for Farmers (New York, 1853), 13;
180. William L. Bradley, Bradley's Manual on Growing and Curing Tobacco (Boston, 1864), 18-19.
181. Jordan, "The Peruvian Guano Gospel in the Old South," 216.
182. For guano prices, see also Rosser H. Taylor, "The Sale and Application of Commercial Fertilizers in the South Atlantic States to 1900," Agricultural History 21, no. 1 (1947): 46-52, here 47, 50.
183. On the role of guano in the agricultural practices of the antebellum South, see Eugene D. Genovese, The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South, 2nd ed. (Middletown, Conn., 1989), 92-94.
184. James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1897, 10 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1896-1899), 5: 83.
185. On the legal history of the guano islands claimed by U.S. citizens, see Christina Duffy Burnett, "The Edges of Empire and the Limits of Sovereignty: American Guano Islands," American Quarterly 57, no. 3 (2005): 779-803.
186. For more on the Guano Islands Act and U.S. imperialism, see Jimmy M. Skaggs, The Great Guano Rush: Entrepreneurs and American Overseas Expansion (New York, 1994).
187. Benjamin L. Turner, Emmanuel Frossard, and Darren S. Baldwin, eds., Organic Phosphorus in the Environment (Cambridge, Mass., 2005), 51.
188. For an account of this uprising and its aftermath, see Jennifer C. James, " 'Buried in Guano': Race, Labor, and Sustainability," American Literary History 24, no. 1 (2012): 115-142;
189. John Cashman, " 'Slaves under Our Flag': The Navassa Island Riot of 1889," Maryland Historian 24, no. 2 (1993): 1-21.
190. See Julio H. Iglesias, José Santos Ossa: Perfiles de un conquistador, biografi ́a (Santiago, 1945).
191. See Gregory T. Cushman, " 'The Most Valuable Birds in the World': International Conservation Science and the Revival of Peru's Guano Industry, 1909-1965," Environmental History 10, no. 3 (2005): 477-509.
192. "Immense Nitre Deposits," Saturday Evening Post, November 24, 1877, 3.
193. "Nitrate of Soda," Southern Cultivator 35 (September 1877): 348.
194. M. G. Ellzey, "Nitrogen and Phosphates," American Farmer (Baltimore) 3 (September 1, 1884):
195. A. F. Gustafson, Soils and Soil Management (New York, 1941), 322.
196. A concise summary of the war can be found in V. G. Kiernan, "Foreign Interests in the War of the Pacific," Hispanic American Historical Review 35, no. 1 (1955): 14-36.
197. For a Bolivian interpretation of events, see Roberto Querejazu Calvo, Guano, salitre, sangre: Historia de la Guerra del Pacífico (La Paz, 1979).
198. For a Peruvian perspective, see Heraclio Bonilla, Un siglo a la deriva: Ensayos sobre el Perú, Bolivia y la guerra (Lima, 1980).
199. Michael Monteón, "John T. North, the Nitrate King, and Chile's Lost Future," Latin American Perspectives 30, no. 6 (2003): 69-90.
200. Quote from Harold Blakemore, British Nitrates and Chilean Politics, 1886-1896: Balmaceda and North (London, 1974), 68.
201. William Edmundson, The Nitrate King: A Biography of "Colonel" John Thomas North (New York, 2011), 4.
202. See, for example, Maurice Zeitlin, The Civil Wars in Chile (or the Bourgeois Revolutions That Never Were) (Princeton, N.J., 1984).
203. See Thomas F. O'Brien, " 'Rich beyond the Dreams of Avarice': The Guggenheims in Chile," Business History Review 63, no. 1 (1989): 122-159.
204. Arvin R. Mosier, J. Keith Syers, and John R. Freney, eds., Agriculture and the Nitrogen Cycle: Assessing the Impacts of Fertilizer Use on Food Production and the Environment (Washington, D.C., 2004), 234;
205. Eugenio Garcés Feliú, Las ciudades del salitre: Un estudio de las oficinas salitreras en la regi ́on de Antofagasta (Santiago, 1988).
206. For more on the Shanks process, see Oscar Bermúdez Miral, Historia del salitre desde sus orígenes hasta la Guerra del Pacífico (Santiago, 1963), 272-276.
207. On the atmospheric origins of the sodium nitrate deposits in the Atacama Desert of Chile and the Mojave Desert of California, see J. K. Böhlke, G. E. Ericksen, and K. Revesz, "Stable Isotope Evidence for an Atmospheric Origin of Desert Nitrate Deposits in Northern Chile and Southern California, U.S.A.," Chemical Geology 136, nos. 1-2 (1997): 135-152.
208. González Miranda, Hombres y mujeres de la Pampa, 16;
209. William Howard Russell, A Visit to Chile and the Nitrate Fields of Tarapaca, etc. (London, 1890), 176-177;
210. Simon Collier and William F. Sater, A History of Chile, 1808-2002, 2nd ed. (New York, 2004), 164.
211. Lessie Jo Frazier, Salt in the Sand: Memory, Violence, and the Nation-State in Chile, 1890 to the Present (Durham, N.C., 2007), 117-157;
212. Eduardo Devés, Los que van a morir te saludan: Historia de una masacre-Escuela Santa María de Iquique, 1907 (Santiago, 1998);
213. José Bengoa, "Presentación," in Crisóstomo Pizarro, La huelga obrera en Chile (Santiago, 1986), 5.
214. For a more general summary of workers' movements in the salitre zones, see Julio Pinto Vallejos, Trabajos y rebeldías en la pampa salitrera: El ciclo del salitre y la reconfiguración de las identidades populares (1850-1900) (Santiago, 1998).
215. Quote from Fiona Ortiz, "Chile's Ghost Towns Done Up for Tourists; Areas around Nitrate Mines Restored," Washington Post, November 22, 2005, A27.
216. Knight, "Debt Bondage in Latin America," in Léonie J. Archer, ed., Slavery and Other Forms of Unfree Labour (New York, 1988), 102-117, here 103.
217. See also Arnold J. Bauer, "Rural Workers in Spanish America: Problems of Peonage and Oppression," Hispanic American Historical Review 59, no. 1 (1979): 34-63.
218. Marie Robinson Wright, The Republic of Chile: The Growth, Resources, and Industrial Conditions of a Great Nation (Philadelphia, 1904), 270.
219. See John Lawrence Rector, The History of Chile (Westport, Conn., 2003), 125.
220. William A. Reid, Nitrate Fields of Chile, 4th ed. (Baltimore, 1935), 13-15, emphasis in the original.
221. Sir William Crookes, as quoted in Galloway and Cowling, "Reactive Nitrogen and the World," 64.
222. Wright, The Republic of Chile, 282.
223. Steven B. Webb, "Agricultural Protection in Wilhelminian Germany: Forging an Empire with Pork and Rye," Journal of Economic History 42, no. 2 (1982): 309-326, here 314-315;
224. Charles W. Bergquist, Labor in Latin America: Comparative Essay on Chile, Argentina, Venezuela and Colombia (Stanford, Calif., 1986), 25.
225. Sugar beet cultivation consumed the lion's share of Europe's nitrate imports. In 1901-1902, German farmers supplied 22 percent of the world's sugar output. On nitrates and sugar beet production, see J. R. Brown, "Nitrate Crises, Combinations, and the Chilean Government in the Nitrate Age," Hispanic American Historical Review 43, no. 2 (1963): 230-246, here 231.
226. For more on these vessels, see Basil Lubbock, The Nitrate Clippers (Glasgow, 1932).
227. Clarence F. Jones, "Chilean Commerce," Economic Geography 3, no. 2 (1927): 139-166, here 158;
228. Gordon T. Stewart, Jute and Empire: The Calcutta Jute Wallahs and the Landscapes of Empire (Manchester, 1998), 94.
229. For details on female workers in the jute industry during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Samita Sen, Women and Labour in Late Colonial India: The Bengal Jute Industry (New York, 1999).
230. Charles Dudley Warner, Our Italy (New York, 1891), 119.
231. Rahno Mabel MacCurdy, The History of the California Fruit Growers Exchange (Los Angeles, 1925), 5;
232. California State Board of Horticulture, Culture of the Citrus in California (Sacramento, Calif., 1900), 54.
233. Ludwig Salvator, Los Angeles in the Sunny Seventies: A Flower from the Golden Land, trans. Marguerite Eyer Wilbur (Los Angeles, 1929), 156.
234. Clifford M. Zierer, "The Citrus Fruit Industry of the Los Angeles Basin," Economic Geography 10, no. 1 (1934): 53-73, here 54.
235. California State Board of Horticulture, The Culture of the Citrus in California, 138.
236. Sidney B. Haskell, "Fertilizer Use in the United States," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 117, no. 1 (1925): 265-270, here 265-266.
237. Quote from Zierer, "The Citrus Fruit Industry of the Los Angeles Basin," 68.
238. On nitrogen deficiencies in citriculture, see Edward A. Ackerman, "Influences of Climate on the Cultivation of Citrus Fruits," Geographical Review 28, no. 2 (1938): 289-302, here 298.
239. "Mines and Mining," Los Angeles Times, May, 28 1902, 11.
240. Carey McWilliams, Factories in the Field: The Story of Migratory Farm Labor in California (Berkeley, Calif., 1999), 9.
241. For a comprehensive account of the Bracero Program, see Deborah Cohen, Braceros: Migrant Citizens and Transnational Subjects in the Postwar United States and Mexico (Chapel Hill, N.C., 2011).
242. The classic study of the program remains Ernesto Galarza, Merchants of Labor: The Mexican Bracero Story (Santa Barbara, Calif., 1964).
243. Lee G. Williams, as quoted in Linda C. Majka and Theo J. Majka, Farm Workers, Agribusiness, and the State (Philadelphia, 1982), 136.
244. see Gilbert G. González, Labor and Community: Mexican Citrus Worker Villages in a Southern California County, 1900-1950 (Urbana, Ill., 1994).
245. For an analysis of the Southern California citrus industry as a paradigmatic example of managerial corporate capitalism, see H. Vincent Moses, "G. Harold Powell and the Corporate Consolidation of the Modern Citrus Enterprise, 1904-1922," Business History Review 69, no. 2 (1995): 119-155.
246. Harry A. Curtis and Charles M. Pepper, "Our Nitrogen Problem," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 112, no. 1 (1924): 173-183, here 173.
247. E. L. Baum and S. L. Clement, "The Changing Structure of the Fertilizer Industry in the United States," Journal of Farm Economics 40, no. 5 (1958): 1186-1198, here 1189. My estimate of the scope of the global nitrate trade draws upon data from Alejandro Soto Cárdenas, Influencia Británica en el salitre: Orígen, naturaleza y decadencia (Santiago, 1998), 75; J. R. Partington and L. H. Parker, The Nitrogen Industry (London, 1922), 25; Guillermo Yunge, Estadística minera de Chile en 1906 i 1907, 3 vols. (Santiago, 1909), 3: 308-324; and Carmen Cariola Sutter and Osvaldo Sunkel, La historia ecónomica de Chile, 1830 y 1930: Dos ensayos y una bibliografi ́a (Madrid, 1982), 126-127. I have also used statistics from Ministerio de Hacienda de Chile, Memoria de la delegación fiscal de salitreras (Santiago, 1893, 1897, 1902).
248. Fritz Haber, as quoted in Vaclav Smil, "Detonator of the Population Explosion," Nature 400, no. 6743 (1999): 415.
249. Quote from Vaclav Smil, Feeding the World: A Challenge for the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, Mass., 2000), 50.
250. See Daniel Charles, Master Mind: The Rise and Fall of Fritz Haber, the Nobel Laureate Who Launched the Age of Chemical Warfare (New York, 2005).
251. For more on the relationship between the development of explosives and the demand for Chilean nitrates, see Stephen R. Brown, A Most Damnable Invention: Dynamite, Nitrates, and the Making of the Modern World (New York, 2005), especially chap. 2.
252. Norman E. Borlaug, as quoted in Nina V. Federoff and Nancy Marie Brown, Mendel in the Kitchen: A Scientist's View of Genetically Modified Foods (Washington, D.C., 2004), 64.
253. Murray H. Milford and E. C. A. Runge, "Beachell and Borlaug: Two Giants of the American Society of Agronomy's First Century," Agronomy Journal 99, no. 3 (2007): 595-598.
254. Quote from Norman E. Borlaug, "The Green Revolution: For Bread and Peace," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 27, no. 6 (1971): 6-48, here 9.
255. Statistics are from Antony Trewavas, "Malthus Foiled Again and Again," Nature 418, no. 6898 (2002): 668-670, here 668;
256. Mosier, Syers, and Freney, "Nitrogen Fertilizer," 3.
257. On the discourse of Green Revolution "miracles," see Lakshman Yapa, "What Are Improved Seeds? An Epistemology of the Green Revolution," Economic Geography 69, no. 3 (1993): 254-273.
258. For more on this point, see Cynthia Hewitt de Alcántara, La modernización de la agricultura mexicana, 1940-1970 (Mexico City, 1979);
259. Eric B. Ross, The Malthus Factor: Poverty, Politics and Population in Capitalist Development (New York, 1998);
260. Vandana Shiva, The Violence of the Green Revolution: Third World Agriculture, Ecology, and Politics (Penang, 1991).
261. Robert W. Howarth and Roxanne Marino, "Nitrogen as the Limiting Nutrient for Eutrophication in Coastal Marine Ecosystems: Evolving Views over Three Decades," Limnology and Oceanography 51, no. 1 (2006): 364-376.
262. See, for example, Pedro A. Sánchez, "Tripling Crop Yields in Tropical Africa," Nature Geoscience 3, no. 5 (2010): 299-300.
263. Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (New York, 1942), 83.
264. Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space, trans. Donald Nicholson-Smith (Malden, Mass., 1991), 329.
265. For a detailed account of the commodification of wheat in nineteenth-century Chicago's hinterland, see Cronon, Nature's Metropolis, 97-147.
266. See Douglas Cazaux Sackman, Orange Empire: California and the Fruits of Eden (Berkeley, Calif., 2005)
267. Ian Tyrrell, True Gardens of the Gods: Californian-Australian Environmental Reform, 1860-1930 (Berkeley, Calif., 1999);
268. David Vaught, Cultivating California: Growers, Specialty Crops, and Labor, 1875-1920 (Baltimore, 1999)
269. Steven Stoll, The Fruits of Natural Advantage: Making the Industrial Countryside in California (Berkeley, Calif., 1998);
270. Donald J. Pisani, From the Family Farm to Agribusiness: The Irrigation Crusade in California and the West, 1850-1931 (Berkeley, Calif., 1984);
271. Lawrence J. Jelinek, Harvest Empire: A History of California Agriculture (San Francisco, 1982).
272. This phrase comes from Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez, "Introduction," in J. R. McNeill, ed., Environmental History in the Pacific World (Burlington, Vt., 2001), ii-xii, here ix.
273. Recent attempts to rectify this omission include Matt K. Matsuda, Pacific Worlds: A History of Seas, Peoples, and Cultures (New York, 2012);
274. David A. Chang, "Borderlands in a World at Sea: Concow Indians, Native Hawaiians, and South Chinese in Indigenous, Global, and National Spaces," Journal of American History 98, no. 2 (2011): 384-403;
275. David Igler, "On Coral Reefs, Volcanoes, Gods, and Patriotic Geology: Or, James Dwight Dana Assembles the Pacific Basin," Pacific Historical Review 79, no. 1 (2010): 23-49;
276. Bruce Cumings, Dominion from Sea to Sea: Pacific Ascendancy and American Power (New Haven, Conn., 2009);
277. Ricardo Padrón, "A Sea of Denial: The Early Modern Spanish Invention of the Pacific Rim," Hispanic Review 77, no. 1 (2009): 1-27;
278. Amy Ku'uleialoha Stillman, "Pacific-ing Asian Pacific American History," Journal of Asian American Studies 7, no. 3 (2004): 241-270;
279. Greg Dening, Beach Crossings: Voyaging across Times, Cultures and Self (Philadelphia, 2004);
280. Dennis O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez, "Cycles of Silver: Global Economic Unity through the Mid-Eighteenth Century," Journal of World History 13, no. 2 (2002): 391-427;
281. Paul W. Blank and Fred Spier, eds., Defining the Pacific: Opportunities and Constraints (Burlington, Vt., 2002).
282. Quote from Matt K. Matsuda, "The Pacific," American Historical Review 111, no. 3 (June 2006): 758-780, here 759.
283. See Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, trans. Siân Reynolds, 2 vols. (New York, 1972-1973).
284. For a selection of the finest writings on the Indian Ocean and the maritime history of India, see Ashin Das Gupta, The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant, 1500-1800: Collected Essays of Ashin Das Gupta, comp. Uma Das Gupta (New York, 2001);
285. K. N. Chaudhuri, Asia before Europe: Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (New York, 1990).
286. For illustrations of the wide-ranging scholarship on the Atlantic world, see Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston, 2000);
287. Joseph Roach, Cities of the Dead: Circum-Atlantic Performance (New York, 1996);
288. John Thornton, Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400-1680 (New York, 1992);
289. Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic History (New York, 1990
290. See, for example, Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1998).
291. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass., 1993
292. Lee, "The 'Yellow Peril' and Asian Exclusion in the Americas," Pacific Historical Review 76, no. 4 (2007): 537-562, here 550.
293. For examples, see Laurence J. C. Ma and Carolyn Cartier, eds., The Chinese Diaspora: Space, Place, Mobility, and Identity (Lanham, Md., 2003);
294. Christopher Fung, "Some Thoughts on the State of Chinese Diaspora Studies," China Review International 9, no. 1 (2003): 17-22;
295. Adam McKeown, Chinese Migrant Networks and Cultural Change: Peru, Chicago, Hawaii, 1900-1936 (Chicago, 2001
296. On unfree labor regimes in other parts of the Pacific world, see Bill Willmott, "Chinese Contract Labour in the Pacific Islands during the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Pacific Studies 27, no. 2 (2004): 161-176;
297. Ralph Shlomowitz, "Melanesian Labor and the Development of the Queensland Sugar Industry, 1863-1906," in Paul Uselding, ed., Research in Economic History, vol. 7 (Greenwich, Conn., 1982), 327-361;
298. David Northrup, Indentured Labor in the Age of Imperialism, 1834-1922 (New York, 1995), 73;
299. Edward Dallam Melillo, "Strangers on Familiar Soil: Chile and the Making of California, 1848-1930" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2006).
300. Orville L. Freeman, "Perspectives and Prospects," Agricultural History 66, no. 2 (1992): 3-11, here 8.
301. Norman Borlaug, "Feeding a World of 10 Billion People: The Miracle Ahead," In Vitro Cellular & Developmental Biology-Plant 38, no. 2 (2002): 221-228.
302. Chris Bramall, "Origins of the Agricultural 'Miracle': Some Evidence from Sichuan," China Quarterly 143 (September 1995): 731-755;
303. István Harcsa, Imre Kovách, and Iván Szelényi, "The Hungarian Agricultural 'Miracle' and the Limits of Socialist Reforms," in Iván Szelényi, ed., Privatizing the Land: Rural Political Economy in Post-Communist Societies (London, 1998), 21-42;
304. Ken Mufuka, "The Weak Link in Zimbabwe's Agricultural Miracle, 1980-1990: A Case Study of Masvingo Province Resettlement Projects," Development Southern Africa 8, no. 3 (1991): 293-304;
305. Thomas Sikor, "Vietnam's Agricultural Miracle: A Preliminary Analysis of Its Causes," Vietnam's Socio-Economic Development 6, no. 9 (1996): 40-56;
306. Richard K. Reed, "Making Paraguay's Agricultural 'Miracle' Work," Grassroots Development 9, no. 2 (1985): 17-23.
307. T. R. Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (London, 1798);
308. Paul R. Ehrlich, The Population Bomb (New York, 1968).
309. For more detailed discussion of the early warning signs that something was amiss with the Green Revolution's reputedly miraculous transformation of Mexican agriculture, see Angus Wright, "Innocents Abroad: American Agricultural Research in Mexico," in Wes Jackson, Wendell Berry, and Bruce Colman, eds., Meeting the Expectations of the Land: Essays in Sustainable Agriculture and Stewardship (San Francisco, 1984), 135-151.
310. For a historical perspective on the failures of Green Revolution "miracle rice" in the Gambia, see Judith A. Carney, "The Bitter Harvest of Gambian Rice Policies," Globalizations 5, no. 2 (2008): 129-142.
311. A similar contention, albeit for Java, appears in Richard W. Franke, "Miracle Seeds and Shattered Dreams in Java," in Jeanne Guillemin, ed., Anthropological Realities: Readings in the Science of Culture (New Brunswick, N.J., 1981), 357-365.
312. Paul J. Crutzen and Eugene F. Stoermer, "The 'Anthropocene,' " IGBP Newsletter 41 (May 2000): 17-18;
313. Dipesh Chakrabarty, "The Climate of History: Four Theses," Critical Inquiry 35, no. 2 (2009): 197-222, here 206.
314. For more on how acknowledgment of the Anthropocene affects the writing of history, see Mike Davis, "Who Will Build the Ark?," New Left Review 61 (January-February 2010): 29-46.
315. J. R. McNeill, "Observations on the Nature and Culture of Environmental History," History and Theory 42, no. 4 (2003): 5-43, here 41.
316. McNeill's clarion call echoes the appeal made in Stanley W. Trimble and Pierre Crosson, "Land Use: U.S. Soil Erosion Rates-Myth and Reality," Science 289, no.5477 (2000): 248-250.