A continent of immigrants: Postcolonial shifts in the Western Hemisphere

HAHR - Hispanic American Historical Review

Volumn 86, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 1-28

  Moya, José C ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 64949100401     PISSN: 00182168     EISSN: 15271900     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/00182168-86-1-1     Document Type: Review

References (35)

1. Some 450,000 Spaniards are estimated to have come to the Indies before the seventeenth century; Peter Boyd-Bowman, "Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the Indies until 1600," Hispanic American Historical Review 56, no. 4 (1976): 580-604
2. Estimates of the African slave trade range between 9 and 11 million, with 40% of these going to Brazil, 22% to the British colonies (three-fourths of them to the West Indies), 17% to the French West Indies, 17% to Spanish America (more than half of them to Cuba), and 4% to the Dutch colonies; calculated from figures in Herbert S. Klein, The Atlantic Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1999), 210-11
3. Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2000)
4. Michael W. Flinn stressed the unprecedented nature of the European vital revolution in his aptly titled chapter 6, "Breaking Out of the System [of the Ancien Régime]," in The European Demographic System, 1500-1820 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1981)
5. See also the synthesis by Michael Anderson, Population Change in North-Western Europe, 1750-1850 (London: Macmillan, 1988)
6. See José C. Moya, Cousins and Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 1850-1930 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1998), chap. 1, for the connection between transatlantic migration and the wider process of modernization
7. Aristide Zolberg, "The Exit Revolution," in Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation, ed. Nancy L. Green and Francois Weil (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, forthcoming). Probably the first attempt to lift the restrictions on emigration characteristic of ancien régime Europe appeared in the new French constitution of September 1791. The first "natural and civil right" it guaranteed - listed before the rights of freedom of speech and of assembly - was the freedom "to move about, remain, and depart." That right to depart spread to the rest of Europe, mainly from the north and west to the south and east, as the nineteenth century matured: Britain (1820s); Sweden, the German states, Belgium, the Netherlands, and the Swiss Confederation (1840s); Spain and Portugal (1850s); and Russia (1890s). John Torpey, "Leaving: A Comparative View," in Green and Weil, Citizenship and Those Who Leave
8. Moya, Cousins and Strangers, 20
9. Mervyn Matthews, The Passport Society: Controlling Movement in Russia and USSR (Boulder: Westview, 1993), 10-11
10. Roy Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1997)
11. Pomeranz, The Great Divergence
12. Richard Von Glahn, Fountain of Fortune: Money and Monetary Policy in China, 1000-1700 (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1996)
13. For a contrary view that dates Europe's economic and technological advantage to 1500 and even before, see David S. Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some Are So Rich and Some So Poor (New York: Norton, 1998)
14. John H. Coatsworth and Alan M. Taylor, eds., Latin America and the World Economy since 1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies, 1998), 26
15. For the contradictions of these "archaic" and "modern" features of Cuban capitalism, see Dale Tomich, "World Slavery and Caribbean Capitalism: The Cuban Sugar Industry, 1760-1868," Theory and Society 20, no. 3 (1991): 297-319
16. David R. Murray, Odious Commerce: Britain, Spain, and the Abolition of the Cuban Slave Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1980), 244
17. Defining the Cuban urban population as those living in cities of over 10,000 inhabitants, using 1792 data from Richard Morse, "Trends and Patterns of Latin American Urbanization, 1750-1920," Comparative Studies in Society and History 16, no. 4 (1974): 439, produces a figure of 30%
18. Calculated from data in Adna Weber, The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Macmillan, 1899), 136, 143-45
19. Kenneth Pomeranz and Steven Topik, The World That Trade Created: Society, Culture, and the World Economy, 1400-the Present (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1999), 215, argue that industrial production may indeed have originated in Latin American sugar mills
20. Antonio Meucci, who had arrived in Cuba from Florence in 1835 to work as a theater stage technician, lost his 1886 legal demand against the wealthier Bell. But the U.S. secretary of state felt that "there exists sufficient proof to give priority to Meucci in the invention of the telephone," and the U.S. government initiated a case for fraud against Bell's patent; G. E. Schiaro, Antonio Meucci: Inventor of the Telephone (New York: Vigo, 1959)
21. Homer Hoyt, "The Growth of Cities from 1800 to 1960," Land Economics 39, no. 2 (1963): 167-73
22. Based on my computations of data from U.S. censuses; Richard Boyer and Keith Davies, Urbanization in 19th-Century Latin America: Statistics and Sources (Los Angeles: UCLA, Latin American Center, 1973)
23. Franklin W. Knight and Peggy K. Liss, eds., Atlantic Port Cities: Economy, Culture, and Society in the Atlantic World, 1650-1850 (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1991), 263
24. Stephen Webre, "Water and Society in a Spanish American City: Santiago de Guatemala, 1555-1773," Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 1, (1990): 59
25. Martin Minchon, The People of Quito, 1690-1810: Change and Unrest in the Underclass (Boulder: Westview, 1994), 135
26. This argument informs Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra's award-winning How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 2002). Its apparent iconoclasm reveals the pervasiveness of the blinders
27. Romana Falcón, Las rasgaduras de la descolonización españoles y mexicanos a mediados del siglo XIX (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 1996)
28. Benjamin Kedar, "Expulsion as an Issue in World History," Journal of World History 7, no. 2 (1996): 165-80
29. Jews were probably even more widespread. However, unlike the Lebanese (who originated from a single, and small, region), Jews emigrated not from their original, and by the nineteenth century symbolic, "homeland," but from a large number of countries spread throughout Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Arab world. They formed thus not one diaspora, but many. Probably Hindu Sindhis are the only other group that can match the Lebanese in terms of their geographical dispersion. See Claude Markovits, The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)
30. Lois J. Roberts, The Lebanese in Ecuador: A History of Emerging Leadership (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2000)
31. Moya, Cousins and Strangers, 187, 481
32. Eugene Sofer, From Pale to Pampa: A Social History of Jews in Buenos Aires (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982), 128
33. José C. Moya, "The Positive Side of Stereotypes: Jewish Anarchists in Early-Twentieth-Century Buenos Aires," Jewish History 18 (2004): 19-48
34. José C. Moya, "Immigrants and Associations: A Global and Historical Perspective," Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies (forthcoming)
35. Carlos A. Forment, Democracy in Latin America, 1760-1900 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2003)