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For discussions of NATO enlargement, see Karl Kaiser, "Reforming NATO," Foreign Policy, No. 103 (Summer 1996), pp. 128-143; Michael E. Brown, "Minimalist NATO: A Wise Alliance Knows When to Retrench," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 78, No. 3 (May/June 1999), pp. 204-218; "The Debate over NATO Expansion: A Critique of the Clinton Administration's Responses to Key Questions," Arms Control Today, Vol. 27, No. 7 (September 1997), pp. 3-10; Michael Mandelbaum, The Dawn of Peace in Europe (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1996); Ashton B. Carter and William J. Perry, Preventive Defense: A New Security Strategy for America (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1999); Zbigniew Brzezinski, "A Plan for Europe," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 1 (January/February 1995), pp. 26-42; Kenneth W. Thompson, ed., NATO Expansion (Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1998); Piotr Dutkiewicz and Robert J. Jackson, eds., NATO Looks East (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998); Anton A. Bebler, ed., The Challenge of NATO Enlargement (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1999); and Ted Galen Carpenter and Barbara Conry, NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality (Washington, D.C.: CATO Institute, 1998).
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Bebler, The Challenge of NATO Enlargement, pp. 95-98. See also Christopher L. Ball, "Nattering NATO Negativism? Reasons Why Expansion May Be a Good Thing," Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (January 1998), p. 60. For criticism of the democratization argument, see U.S. Congress, "The Debate on NATO Enlargement," p. 84; Michael Mandelbaum, "Preserving the New Peace: The Case against NATO Expansion," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 3 (May/June 1995), pp. 9-13; Stanley Kober, "James Madison vs. Madeleine Albright: The Debate over Collective Security," in Carpenter and Conry, NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality; Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: W.W. Norton, 2000), p. 348; and Brown, "Minimalist NATO."
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Bebler, The Challenge of NATO Enlargement, pp. 95-98. See also Christopher L. Ball, "Nattering NATO Negativism? Reasons Why Expansion May Be a Good Thing," Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (January 1998), p. 60. For criticism of the democratization argument, see U.S. Congress, "The Debate on NATO Enlargement," p. 84; Michael Mandelbaum, "Preserving the New Peace: The Case against NATO Expansion," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 3 (May/June 1995), pp. 9-13; Stanley Kober, "James Madison vs. Madeleine Albright: The Debate over Collective Security," in Carpenter and Conry, NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality; Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: W.W. Norton, 2000), p. 348; and Brown, "Minimalist NATO."
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Bebler, The Challenge of NATO Enlargement, pp. 95-98. See also Christopher L. Ball, "Nattering NATO Negativism? Reasons Why Expansion May Be a Good Thing," Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (January 1998), p. 60. For criticism of the democratization argument, see U.S. Congress, "The Debate on NATO Enlargement," p. 84; Michael Mandelbaum, "Preserving the New Peace: The Case against NATO Expansion," Foreign Affairs, Vol. 74, No. 3 (May/June 1995), pp. 9-13; Stanley Kober, "James Madison vs. Madeleine Albright: The Debate over Collective Security," in Carpenter and Conry, NATO Enlargement: Illusions and Reality; Jack Snyder, From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict (New York: W.W. Norton, 2000), p. 348; and Brown, "Minimalist NATO."
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Brown1
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38
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Shaping euro-Atlantic policies: A grand strategy for a new era
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Summer
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Volker Ruhe, "Shaping Euro-Atlantic Policies: A Grand Strategy for a New Era," Survival, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Summer 1993), pp. 129-137; and Yost, NATO Transformed, pp. 110, 131.
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Volker Ruhe, "Shaping Euro-Atlantic Policies: A Grand Strategy for a New Era," Survival, Vol. 35, No. 2 (Summer 1993), pp. 129-137; and Yost, NATO Transformed, pp. 110, 131.
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Vaclav Havel, "NATO's Quality of Life," New York Times, May 13, 1997, p. A21.
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The democratic peace literature is enormous. Important empirical works include Russett and Oneal, Triangulating on Peace; David L. Rousseau, Christopher Gelpi, Dan Reiter, and Paul K. Huth, "Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-1988," American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (September 1996), pp. 512-533; and John M. Owen IV, Liberal Peace, Liberal War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997).
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Russett1
Oneal2
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42
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Assessing the dyadic nature of the democratic peace, 1918-1988
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September
-
The democratic peace literature is enormous. Important empirical works include Russett and Oneal, Triangulating on Peace; David L. Rousseau, Christopher Gelpi, Dan Reiter, and Paul K. Huth, "Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-1988," American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (September 1996), pp. 512-533; and John M. Owen IV, Liberal Peace, Liberal War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997).
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American Political Science Review
, vol.90
, Issue.3
, pp. 512-533
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Gelpi, C.2
Reiter, D.3
Huth, P.K.4
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43
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-
The democratic peace literature is enormous. Important empirical works include Russett and Oneal, Triangulating on Peace; David L. Rousseau, Christopher Gelpi, Dan Reiter, and Paul K. Huth, "Assessing the Dyadic Nature of the Democratic Peace, 1918-1988," American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (September 1996), pp. 512-533; and John M. Owen IV, Liberal Peace, Liberal War (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997).
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Owen J.M. IV1
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44
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September
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James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Tressa E. Tabares, "The Political Determinants of International Trade: The Major Powers, 1907-1990," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 3 (September 1998), pp. 649-661; R.J. Rummel, Power Kills (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1997); Amartya Kumar Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999); and Russett and Oneal, Triangulating Peace.
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James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Tressa E. Tabares, "The Political Determinants of International Trade: The Major Powers, 1907-1990," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 3 (September 1998), pp. 649-661; R.J. Rummel, Power Kills (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1997); Amartya Kumar Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999); and Russett and Oneal, Triangulating Peace.
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James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Tressa E. Tabares, "The Political Determinants of International Trade: The Major Powers, 1907-1990," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 3 (September 1998), pp. 649-661; R.J. Rummel, Power Kills (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1997); Amartya Kumar Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999); and Russett and Oneal, Triangulating Peace.
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Sen, A.K.1
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James D. Morrow, Randolph M. Siverson, and Tressa E. Tabares, "The Political Determinants of International Trade: The Major Powers, 1907-1990," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 3 (September 1998), pp. 649-661; R.J. Rummel, Power Kills (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1997); Amartya Kumar Sen, Development as Freedom (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999); and Russett and Oneal, Triangulating Peace.
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Triangulating Peace
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Russett1
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48
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Russian belligerence has been against nations that have not applied for NATO membership (i.e., in Bosnia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Chechnya, Kosovo, and Ukraine)
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Russian belligerence has been against nations that have not applied for NATO membership (i.e., in Bosnia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Chechnya, Kosovo, and Ukraine).
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49
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Winter
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Russians generally have accepted the basic democratic norms of free elections and expression. Paula J. Dobriansky, "Russian Foreign Policy: Promise or Peril?" Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 136-137; and Michael McFaul, "Getting Russia Right," Foreign Policy, No. 117 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 58-71. See also Robert Legvold, "The Three Russias: Decline, Revolution, and Reconstruction," in Robert Pastor, ed., A Century's Journey: How the Great Powers Shape the World (New York: Basic Books, 1999), pp. 139-190.
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Russians generally have accepted the basic democratic norms of free elections and expression. Paula J. Dobriansky, "Russian Foreign Policy: Promise or Peril?" Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 136-137; and Michael McFaul, "Getting Russia Right," Foreign Policy, No. 117 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 58-71. See also Robert Legvold, "The Three Russias: Decline, Revolution, and Reconstruction," in Robert Pastor, ed., A Century's Journey: How the Great Powers Shape the World (New York: Basic Books, 1999), pp. 139-190.
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Russians generally have accepted the basic democratic norms of free elections and expression. Paula J. Dobriansky, "Russian Foreign Policy: Promise or Peril?" Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 136-137; and Michael McFaul, "Getting Russia Right," Foreign Policy, No. 117 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 58-71. See also Robert Legvold, "The Three Russias: Decline, Revolution, and Reconstruction," in Robert Pastor, ed., A Century's Journey: How the Great Powers Shape the World (New York: Basic Books, 1999), pp. 139-190.
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See, for example, Anatol Lieven, "Nightmare in the Caucasus," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 145-159; Gail W. Lapidus, "Contested Sovereignty: The Tragedy of Chechnya," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer 1998), pp. 5-49; and Michael Wines, "Putin Cuts Forces by 600,000, Promising Military Overhaul," New York Times, November 10, 2000, p. A14.
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Washington Quarterly
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, Issue.1
, pp. 145-159
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Summer
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See, for example, Anatol Lieven, "Nightmare in the Caucasus," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 145-159; Gail W. Lapidus, "Contested Sovereignty: The Tragedy of Chechnya," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer 1998), pp. 5-49; and Michael Wines, "Putin Cuts Forces by 600,000, Promising Military Overhaul," New York Times, November 10, 2000, p. A14.
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International Security
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, Issue.1
, pp. 5-49
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Lapidus, G.W.1
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Putin cuts forces by 600,000, promising military overhaul
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November 10
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See, for example, Anatol Lieven, "Nightmare in the Caucasus," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Winter 2000), pp. 145-159; Gail W. Lapidus, "Contested Sovereignty: The Tragedy of Chechnya," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Summer 1998), pp. 5-49; and Michael Wines, "Putin Cuts Forces by 600,000, Promising Military Overhaul," New York Times, November 10, 2000, p. A14.
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(2000)
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Wines, M.1
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February 5
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George F. Kennan, "A Fateful Error," New York Times, February 5, 1997, p. A19; and John Lewis Gaddis, "History, Grand Strategy, and NATO Enlargement," Survival, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Spring 1998), p. 145 (emphasis in original). See also Bruce Russett and Allan C. Stam, "Courting Disaster: An Expanded NATO vs. Russia and China," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 361-382.
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New York Times
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Spring (emphasis in original)
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George F. Kennan, "A Fateful Error," New York Times, February 5, 1997, p. A19; and John Lewis Gaddis, "History, Grand Strategy, and NATO Enlargement," Survival, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Spring 1998), p. 145 (emphasis in original). See also Bruce Russett and Allan C. Stam, "Courting Disaster: An Expanded NATO vs. Russia and China," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 361-382.
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Survival
, vol.40
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George F. Kennan, "A Fateful Error," New York Times, February 5, 1997, p. A19; and John Lewis Gaddis, "History, Grand Strategy, and NATO Enlargement," Survival, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Spring 1998), p. 145 (emphasis in original). See also Bruce Russett and Allan C. Stam, "Courting Disaster: An Expanded NATO vs. Russia and China," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 361-382.
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Political Science Quarterly
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, Issue.3
, pp. 361-382
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Stam, A.C.2
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January 22
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For concerns about Russian reactions, see Thomas L. Friedman, "The Grand Bargain," New York Times, January 22, 1999, p. 25; and Doug Clarke, "Russia May Suspend CFE Cuts If NATO Expands," OMRI Daily Digest, April 4, 1995.
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New York Times
, pp. 25
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April 4
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For concerns about Russian reactions, see Thomas L. Friedman, "The Grand Bargain," New York Times, January 22, 1999, p. 25; and Doug Clarke, "Russia May Suspend CFE Cuts If NATO Expands," OMRI Daily Digest, April 4, 1995.
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OMRI Daily Digest
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Clarke, D.1
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March
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Celeste A. Wallander, "Wary of the West: Russian Security Policy at the Millennium," Arms Control Today, Vol. 30, No. 3 (March 2000), pp. 7-12; Drozdiak, "Nine Nations United in Bid to Join NATO," p. A16; and International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1999-2000 (London: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 107-108. See also Paul Kubicek, "Russian Foreign Policy and the West," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 114, No. 4 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 547-568. Regarding the issue of an alliance bordering Russia, NATO already borders Russia along the Poland-Kaliningrad frontier.
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Arms Control Today
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, Issue.3
, pp. 7-12
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Celeste A. Wallander, "Wary of the West: Russian Security Policy at the Millennium," Arms Control Today, Vol. 30, No. 3 (March 2000), pp. 7-12; Drozdiak, "Nine Nations United in Bid to Join NATO," p. A16; and International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1999-2000 (London: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 107-108. See also Paul Kubicek, "Russian Foreign Policy and the West," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 114, No. 4 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 547-568. Regarding the issue of an alliance bordering Russia, NATO already borders Russia along the Poland-Kaliningrad frontier.
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Drozdiak1
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London: Oxford University Press
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Celeste A. Wallander, "Wary of the West: Russian Security Policy at the Millennium," Arms Control Today, Vol. 30, No. 3 (March 2000), pp. 7-12; Drozdiak, "Nine Nations United in Bid to Join NATO," p. A16; and International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1999-2000 (London: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 107-108. See also Paul Kubicek, "Russian Foreign Policy and the West," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 114, No. 4 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 547-568. Regarding the issue of an alliance bordering Russia, NATO already borders Russia along the Poland-Kaliningrad frontier.
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The Military Balance, 1999-2000
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Winter
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Celeste A. Wallander, "Wary of the West: Russian Security Policy at the Millennium," Arms Control Today, Vol. 30, No. 3 (March 2000), pp. 7-12; Drozdiak, "Nine Nations United in Bid to Join NATO," p. A16; and International Institute for Strategic Studies, The Military Balance, 1999-2000 (London: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 107-108. See also Paul Kubicek, "Russian Foreign Policy and the West," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 114, No. 4 (Winter 1999-2000), pp. 547-568. Regarding the issue of an alliance bordering Russia, NATO already borders Russia along the Poland-Kaliningrad frontier.
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Political Science Quarterly
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, pp. 547-568
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For crises through 1994, see Michael Brecher and Jonathan Wilkenfeld, A Study of Crisis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997).
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Wilkenfeld, J.2
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Putting on their sunday best: Romania, Hungary, and the puzzle of peace
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Ronald H. Linden, "Putting on Their Sunday Best: Romania, Hungary, and the Puzzle of Peace," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 121-145, especially p. 141; and Michael Shafir and Dan Ionescu, "Radical Political Change in Romania," in The OMRI Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union: 1996 - Forging Ahead, Falling Behind (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1997), pp. 160-161.
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Ronald H. Linden, "Putting on Their Sunday Best: Romania, Hungary, and the Puzzle of Peace," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 121-145, especially p. 141; and Michael Shafir and Dan Ionescu, "Radical Political Change in Romania," in The OMRI Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union: 1996 - Forging Ahead, Falling Behind (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1997), pp. 160-161.
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(1997)
The OMRI Annual Survey of Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union: 1996 - Forging Ahead, Falling Behind
, pp. 160-161
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Ionescu, D.2
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Ronald R. Krebs argued that NATO membership actually exacerbated conflict between these two states. Krebs, "Perverse Institutionalism: NATO and the Greco-Turkish Conflict," International Organization, Vol. 53, No. 2 (Spring 1999), pp. 343-377.
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(1999)
International Organization
, vol.53
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, pp. 343-377
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Summer
-
Charles L. Glaser, "Why NATO Is Still Best," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Summer 1993), pp. 26-33; John J. Mearsheimer, "The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. 26-37; and Robert J. Art, "Creating a Disaster: NATO's Open Door Policy," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 383-403. For supporting quantitative evidence, see Edward D. Mansfield and Jon C. Pevehouse, "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict," International Organization, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Autumn 2000), pp. 794-796.
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International Security
, vol.18
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, pp. 26-33
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Glaser, C.L.1
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Winter
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Charles L. Glaser, "Why NATO Is Still Best," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Summer 1993), pp. 26-33; John J. Mearsheimer, "The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. 26-37; and Robert J. Art, "Creating a Disaster: NATO's Open Door Policy," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 383-403. For supporting quantitative evidence, see Edward D. Mansfield and Jon C. Pevehouse, "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict," International Organization, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Autumn 2000), pp. 794-796.
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International Security
, vol.19
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, pp. 26-37
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Fall
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Charles L. Glaser, "Why NATO Is Still Best," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Summer 1993), pp. 26-33; John J. Mearsheimer, "The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. 26-37; and Robert J. Art, "Creating a Disaster: NATO's Open Door Policy," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 383-403. For supporting quantitative evidence, see Edward D. Mansfield and Jon C. Pevehouse, "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict," International Organization, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Autumn 2000), pp. 794-796.
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(1998)
Political Science Quarterly
, vol.113
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, pp. 383-403
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Art, R.J.1
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Autumn
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Charles L. Glaser, "Why NATO Is Still Best," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Summer 1993), pp. 26-33; John J. Mearsheimer, "The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security, Vol. 19, No. 3 (Winter 1994/95), pp. 26-37; and Robert J. Art, "Creating a Disaster: NATO's Open Door Policy," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 113, No. 3 (Fall 1998), pp. 383-403. For supporting quantitative evidence, see Edward D. Mansfield and Jon C. Pevehouse, "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict," International Organization, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Autumn 2000), pp. 794-796.
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(2000)
International Organization
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, pp. 794-796
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December 3
-
The PfP, created in 1994 to develop intermilitary cooperation with several Eurasian states, already attempts to do this in several former communist states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. On the contributions of PfP members in Bosnia, see Art Pin, "NATO Program for Ex-Foes Has Early Payoff," Los Angeles Times, December 3, 1995, p. A1. Hungary's location gives NATO the needed proximity to conduct ground and air operations against Yugoslavia, the region's only serious threat. Hungary contributed to the 1999 air campaign against Serbia, as NATO aircraft flew missions from Hungarian bases, and Hungarian territory would probably have been a launching point for a ground assault. Susan Milligan, "Hungarians' Plan: Dump Milosevic, Boston Globe, June 4, 1999, p. A21; and Michael J. Jordan, "NATO Enlists a Reluctant Hungary into Kosovo War," Christian Science Monitor, June 2, 1999, p. 5. Even one observer who found that the new NATO members made important (though limited) contributions during the Kosovo operation argued against further enlargement. Ryan C. Hendrickson, "NATO's Visegrad Allies: The First Test in Kosovo," Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 25-38, especially p. 35.
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June 4
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The PfP, created in 1994 to develop intermilitary cooperation with several Eurasian states, already attempts to do this in several former communist states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. On the contributions of PfP members in Bosnia, see Art Pin, "NATO Program for Ex-Foes Has Early Payoff," Los Angeles Times, December 3, 1995, p. A1. Hungary's location gives NATO the needed proximity to conduct ground and air operations against Yugoslavia, the region's only serious threat. Hungary contributed to the 1999 air campaign against Serbia, as NATO aircraft flew missions from Hungarian bases, and Hungarian territory would probably have been a launching point for a ground assault. Susan Milligan, "Hungarians' Plan: Dump Milosevic, Boston Globe, June 4, 1999, p. A21; and Michael J. Jordan, "NATO Enlists a Reluctant Hungary into Kosovo War," Christian Science Monitor, June 2, 1999, p. 5. Even one observer who found that the new NATO members made important (though limited) contributions during the Kosovo operation argued against further enlargement. Ryan C. Hendrickson, "NATO's Visegrad Allies: The First Test in Kosovo," Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 25-38, especially p. 35.
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The PfP, created in 1994 to develop intermilitary cooperation with several Eurasian states, already attempts to do this in several former communist states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. On the contributions of PfP members in Bosnia, see Art Pin, "NATO Program for Ex-Foes Has Early Payoff," Los Angeles Times, December 3, 1995, p. A1. Hungary's location gives NATO the needed proximity to conduct ground and air operations against Yugoslavia, the region's only serious threat. Hungary contributed to the 1999 air campaign against Serbia, as NATO aircraft flew missions from Hungarian bases, and Hungarian territory would probably have been a launching point for a ground assault. Susan Milligan, "Hungarians' Plan: Dump Milosevic, Boston Globe, June 4, 1999, p. A21; and Michael J. Jordan, "NATO Enlists a Reluctant Hungary into Kosovo War," Christian Science Monitor, June 2, 1999, p. 5. Even one observer who found that the new NATO members made important (though limited) contributions during the Kosovo operation argued against further enlargement. Ryan C. Hendrickson, "NATO's Visegrad Allies: The First Test in Kosovo," Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 25-38, especially p. 35.
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The PfP, created in 1994 to develop intermilitary cooperation with several Eurasian states, already attempts to do this in several former communist states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. On the contributions of PfP members in Bosnia, see Art Pin, "NATO Program for Ex-Foes Has Early Payoff," Los Angeles Times, December 3, 1995, p. A1. Hungary's location gives NATO the needed proximity to conduct ground and air operations against Yugoslavia, the region's only serious threat. Hungary contributed to the 1999 air campaign against Serbia, as NATO aircraft flew missions from Hungarian bases, and Hungarian territory would probably have been a launching point for a ground assault. Susan Milligan, "Hungarians' Plan: Dump Milosevic, Boston Globe, June 4, 1999, p. A21; and Michael J. Jordan, "NATO Enlists a Reluctant Hungary into Kosovo War," Christian Science Monitor, June 2, 1999, p. 5. Even one observer who found that the new NATO members made important (though limited) contributions during the Kosovo operation argued against further enlargement. Ryan C. Hendrickson, "NATO's Visegrad Allies: The First Test in Kosovo," Journal of Slavic Military Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 25-38, especially p. 35.
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Another argument might be that alliances spread democracy by preventing democratic members from being attacked or threatened; see Daniel N. Nelson, "Post-Communist Insecurity," Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 47, No. 5 (September/October 2000), pp. 31-37; Jacques Rupnik, "Eastern Europe: The International Context," Journal of Democracy, Vol. 11, No. 2 (April 2000), pp. 121-123. The empirical evidence shows, however, that neither war nor international threats undermine democracy. Dan Reiter, "Does Peace Nurture Democracy?" Journal of Politics, Vol. 63 (forthcoming). Democracies tend to win wars with or without allies, raising confidence that even unallied democracies can defend themselves. Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam III, "Democracy, War Initiation, and Victory," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 2 (June 1998), pp. 377-389.
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Another argument might be that alliances spread democracy by preventing democratic members from being attacked or threatened; see Daniel N. Nelson, "Post-Communist Insecurity," Problems of Post-Communism, Vol. 47, No. 5 (September/October 2000), pp. 31-37; Jacques Rupnik, "Eastern Europe: The International Context," Journal of Democracy, Vol. 11, No. 2 (April 2000), pp. 121-123. The empirical evidence shows, however, that neither war nor international threats undermine democracy. Dan Reiter, "Does Peace Nurture Democracy?" Journal of Politics, Vol. 63 (forthcoming). Democracies tend to win wars with or without allies, raising confidence that even unallied democracies can defend themselves. Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam III, "Democracy, War Initiation, and Victory," American Political Science Review, Vol. 92, No. 2 (June 1998), pp. 377-389.
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A hypothetical lesser sanction would be exclusion from certain functions or bodies. No such sanction has ever been imposed, though some states have voluntarily withdrawn from NATO's military command. This kind of lesser sanction would carry significantly less weight because the Article 5 commitment would remain intact, and because new NATO members would likely have little interest in participating in NATO activities beyond the defense of their own borders. Also, expulsion of a state from NATO's military command would reduce NATO's ability to encourage civilian control of the military in that state.
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The North Atlantic Treaty can be found in Henderson, The Birth of NATO, pp. 119-124. The OAS charter is available at http://www.oas.org/. On the Mercosur treaty, see Calvin Sims, "Chile Will Enter a Big South American Free-Trade Bloc," New York Times, June 26, 1996, p. D2.
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New York Times
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The North Atlantic Treaty can be found in Henderson, The Birth of NATO, pp. 119-124. The OAS charter is available at http://www.oas.org/. On the Mercosur treaty, see Calvin Sims, "Chile Will Enter a Big South American Free-Trade Bloc," New York Times, June 26, 1996, p. D2. On the EU, see Articles 6 and 7 of the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, available at http://www.europa.eu.int/ eur-lex/en/treaties/dat/eu_cons_treaty_en.pdf.
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Both France and Italy pushed for the inclusion of Romania and Slovenia in the first round of expansion in Eastern Europe. Goldgeier, Not Whether but When, pp. 120-121; Karl-Heinz Kamp, "NATO Entrapped: Debating the Next Enlargement Round," Survival, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Autumn 1998), pp. 170-186; and Jonathan Peterson and Norman Kempster, "NATO Formally Invites Three Nations to Join Fold," Los Angeles Times, July 9, 1997, p. A1. Turkey favors Bulgarian and Romanian NATO membership. Ali L. Karaosmanoglu, "The Limits of International Influence for Democratization," in Metin Heper and Ahmet Evin, eds., Politics in the Third Turkish Republic (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994), pp. 214-215.
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Both France and Italy pushed for the inclusion of Romania and Slovenia in the first round of expansion in Eastern Europe. Goldgeier, Not Whether but When, pp. 120-121; Karl-Heinz Kamp, "NATO Entrapped: Debating the Next Enlargement Round," Survival, Vol. 40, No. 3 (Autumn 1998), pp. 170-186; and Jonathan Peterson and Norman Kempster, "NATO Formally Invites Three Nations to Join Fold," Los Angeles Times, July 9, 1997, p. A1. Turkey favors Bulgarian and Romanian NATO membership. Ali L. Karaosmanoglu, "The Limits of International Influence for Democratization," in Metin Heper and Ahmet Evin, eds., Politics in the Third Turkish Republic (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994), pp. 214-215.
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In 1990 each had zero autocracy and at least eight democracy scores from the Polity data set
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In Prague, interviews with Pavel Telicka, first deputy minister and state secretary for European Affairs; and Brigita Chrastilova, director of law and legislature for the office of the president. In Hungary, interview with Oscar Nikowitz, senior NATO adviser to the minister of foreign affairs. All interviews with the author, in Budapest, May 2000
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In Prague, interviews with Pavel Telicka, first deputy minister and state secretary for European Affairs; and Brigita Chrastilova, director of law and legislature for the office of the president. In Hungary, interview with Oscar Nikowitz, senior NATO adviser to the minister of foreign affairs. All interviews with the author, in Budapest, May 2000.
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Lombardi, "An Overview of Civil-Military Relations in Central and Eastern Europe," pp. 28-29. For other views on the PfP, see Dana Priest, "U.S. Military Builds Alliances across Europe: Effort to Expand Influence and Security Called Risky," Washington Post, December 14, 1998, p. A1; Daniel N. Nelson, "Civil Armies, Civil Societies, and NATO's Enlargement," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Fall 1998), pp. 137-159; and John Ibbitson, "Reshaping Warsaw Pact Armies: Canadian Military School Teaching English to Former Communist Officers," Gazette (Montreal), June 6, 1997, p. A10.
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Lombardi, "An Overview of Civil-Military Relations in Central and Eastern Europe," pp. 28-29. For other views on the PfP, see Dana Priest, "U.S. Military Builds Alliances across Europe: Effort to Expand Influence and Security Called Risky," Washington Post, December 14, 1998, p. A1; Daniel N. Nelson, "Civil Armies, Civil Societies, and NATO's Enlargement," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Fall 1998), pp. 137-159; and John Ibbitson, "Reshaping Warsaw Pact Armies: Canadian Military School Teaching English to Former Communist Officers," Gazette (Montreal), June 6, 1997, p. A10.
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See also Jeffrey Simon, "Central European Civil-Military Relations and NATO Expansion," Strategic Forum, No. 22 (March 1995); Dale R. Herspring, "Civil-Military Relations in Post-Communist Poland: Problems in the Transition to a Democratic Polity," Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 89-94; Janusz Onyszkiewicz, "Poland's Road to Civilian Control," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Civil-Military Relations and Democracy (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), pp. 99-109; and Coughlan, "Democratization and the Military in Poland."
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See also Jeffrey Simon, "Central European Civil-Military Relations and NATO Expansion," Strategic Forum, No. 22 (March 1995); Dale R. Herspring, "Civil-Military Relations in Post-Communist Poland: Problems in the Transition to a Democratic Polity," Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 89-94; Janusz Onyszkiewicz, "Poland's Road to Civilian Control," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Civil-Military Relations and Democracy (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), pp. 99-109; and Coughlan, "Democratization and the Military in Poland."
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Civil-Military Relations and Democracy
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See also Jeffrey Simon, "Central European Civil-Military Relations and NATO Expansion," Strategic Forum, No. 22 (March 1995); Dale R. Herspring, "Civil-Military Relations in Post-Communist Poland: Problems in the Transition to a Democratic Polity," Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 2000), pp. 89-94; Janusz Onyszkiewicz, "Poland's Road to Civilian Control," in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner, eds., Civil-Military Relations and Democracy (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), pp. 99-109; and Coughlan, "Democratization and the Military in Poland."
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Quoted in Jerzy J. Wiatr, "Military Politics and Society in Poland during the Democratic Transition," in Anton A. Bebler, ed., Civil-Military Relations in Post-Communist States: Central and Eastern Europe in Transition (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1997), p. 84. Elizabeth Coughlan also remarked that "there is no evidence that the military has contested the principle of civilian control [in Poland]." Coughlan, "Democratization and the Military in Poland," especially p. 133.
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Woehrel, Kim, and Ek, "NATO Applicant States," p. 28; Virginia Marsh, "The End of the Beginning," Financial Times, November 19, 1996, p. 21; Jane Perlez, "Man in the News: Romania's Anti-Communist Revolutionary," New York Times, November 19, 2000, p. A3; Christine Spolar, "New Leader Vows Results for Romania," Washington Post, November 18, 1996, p. A16; and Shafir and Ionescu, "Radical Political Change in Romania."
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