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The migration-development nexus emphasizes the economically beneficial relationship between the EU and the Global South of circular migration, diaspora networks, remittances, and skill development of returnees to the Global South ("brain gain"). Refugees and asylum-seekers can be placed within this rubric sociologically through the concept of mixed flows, but the legal autonomy of the 1951 Refugee Convention can be compromised as a result.
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V. Guiraudon, "Before the EU border: Remote control of the 'Huddled Masses'", in K. Groendijk, E. Guild, and P. Minderhoud (eds.), In Search of Europe's Borders, London, Kluwer Law International, 2002, 191-214.
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Neo-refoulement means the package of non-entrée policies (safe third countries, pre-screening, the farming out of border controls to the private sector, extra-territorialization, etc.) that prevents spontaneous and mass flows from reaching borders of countries to claim asylum.
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Supranational intergovernmentalism is the structured communitarian behaviour, which Member States have assimilated in their policy-making as in the case of Frontex that relies entirely on the sovereign assets (border guards, coast guards or navies) of Member States to carry out the policy.
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By the time negotiations were underway for the failed Constitutional Treaty and the successful Treaty of Lisbon, the British had already given up pressing this point and no other Member State objected to enshrining the 1951 Geneva Convention within Community Law.
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The concept of the state of exception and the work of Giorgio Agambem has been questioned since Gregor Noll's pioneering article was published in 2003.
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This approach was reinforced by the simultaneous rediscovery of the work of Hannah Arendt on the fate of the refugee in the mid-twentieth century and the use of the theoretical legacy of Michel Foucault to explain the increasing restrictive management of migratory flows. There are significant differences between Agamben, Arendt, and Foucault.
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The Refugee Studies Centre in Oxford also devoted an entire seminar series, entitled, "Camp Life: Exception, Emergence and Spaces of Forced Migration" (2007), to these new approaches.
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In certain cases, African States (Guinea) employed a cooperative policy to secure more aid from European partners, so long as the aid extended to the population beyond the encampments, 165. But the Kenyans were less cooperative: "We do not consider that Kenya should be the automatic or natural home for asylum-seekers and refugees from Somalia".
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This does not mean that the political and sociological factors comprising the EU's migration regime will mitigate this outcome. As Parsons and Smeeding remind us, the EU's "combination of 'nativist' national identities, established minorities, and quasi-federal government make political solutions particularly difficult to elaborate".
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Although the concept of human security may be a useful rhetorical flourish it may be problematic for asylum and refugee policy.
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