World history in a nation-state: The transnational disposition in historical writing in the United States

Journal of American History

Volumn 95, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 1038-1052

  Gräser, Marcus ^a  

^a GOETHE UNIVERSITY   (Germany)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 63149101093     PISSN: 00218723     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/27694559     Document Type: Review

References (140)

1. Karl Dietrich Erdmann, Die Ökumene der Historiker: Geschichte der Internationalen Historikerkongresse und des Comité International des Sciences Historiques (The ecumenism of historians: A history of the International Congresses of Historical Sciences and of the International Committee of Historical Sciences) (Göttingen, 1987);
2. Lutz Raphael, Geschichtswissenschaft im Zeitalter der Extreme: Theorien, Methoden, Tendenzen von 1900 bis zur Gegenwart (Historical writing in the age of extremes: Theories, methods, trends since 1900) (Munich, 2003), 268-71.
3. On national styles, see Christoph Conrad and Sebastian Conrad, "Wie vergleicht man Historiographien?" (How to compare historiographies?), in Die Nation schreiben: Geschichtswissenschaft im internationalen Vergleich (Writing the nation: History writing in international comparison), ed. Christoph Conrad and Sebastian Conrad (Göttingen, 2002), 22.
4. On transnationalization in European historical writing, compare Michael Werner and Bénédicte Zimmermann, "Vergleich, Transfer, Verflechtung: Der Ansatz der Histoire croisée und die Herausforderung des Transnationalen" (Comparison, transfer, interdependence: The idea of histoire croisée and the challenge of transnationalism), Geschichte und Gesellschaft (Göttingen), 28 (no. 4, 2002), 607-36;
5. and Kiran Klaus Patel, "Überlegungen zu einer transnationalen Geschichte" (Considerations on transnational history), Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft (Berlin), 52 (no. 7, 2004), 626-45.
6. Historical writing in some places has rejected transnationalism and reveals-"refined" and pluralized-the "return to national narratives," according to Stefan Berger, "A Return to the National Paradigm? National History Writing in Germany, Italy, France, and Britain from 1945 to the Present," Journal of Modern History, 77 (Sept. 2005), 675.
7. Dominic Sachsenmaier, "Global History, Globally," introductory remarks at the "Global History, Globally" conference, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Feb. 2008 (in Marcus Gräsers possession), 4.
8. This essay defines "American historical writing" as a practice of historians at universities, colleges, and external research institutions in the United States of America irrespective of their ancestry or nationality. "American history" means the history of the United States of America.
9. Oswald Spengler, Der Untergang des Abendlandes: Umrisse einer Morphologie der Weltgeschichte (The decline of the West: Perspectives of world history) (2 vols., Vienna, 1918-1922);
10. Hans Freyer, Weltgeschichte Europas (A world history of Europe) (Stuttgart, 1954);
11. Otto Zierer, Neue Weltgeschichte (A new world history) (3 vols., Stuttgart, 1966);
12. William H. McNeill, A World History (New York, 1967);
13. William H. McNeill, The Rise of the West: A History of the Human Community (Chicago, 1963);
14. William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (Garden City, 1976);
15. William H. McNeill and J. R. McNeill, The Human Web: A Bird's-Eye View of World History (New York, 2003).
16. See also William H. McNeill, "The Changing Shape of World History," History and Theory 34 (May 1995), 8-26.
17. William H. McNeill, Arnold J. Toynbee: A Life (New York, 1989);
18. Michael Geyer and Charles Bright, "World History in a Global Age" American Historical Review, 100 (Oct. 1995), 1034-60, esp. 1041.
19. On globalization from the perspective of historical writing, see Jürgen Osterhammel and Niels P. Petersson, Globalization: A Short History (Princeton, 2005).
20. Benedict Stuchtey and Eckhardt Fuchs, "Problems of Writing World History: Western and Non-Western Experiences, 1800-2000," in Writing World History 1800-2000, ed. Benedict Stuchtey and Eckhardt Fuchs (Oxford, 2002), 32-34.
21. Charles Bright and Michael Geyer, "Where in the World Is America? The History of the United States in the Global Age," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Thomas Bender (Berkeley, 2002), 67.
22. On American debates over world history, see Sven Beckert, "Das Reich der Baumwolle: Eine globale Geschichte" (The empire of cotton: A global history), in Das Kaiserreich transnational: Deutschland in der Welt 1871-1914 (The transnational empire: Germany in the world, 1871-1914), ed. Sebastian Conrad and Jürgen Osterhammel (Göttingen, 2004), 287-90;
23. and Marcus Gräser, "'Globalizing America' und 'Provincializing Europe.' World History als Feld der amerikanischen Geschichtswissenschaft" ("Globalizing America" and "provincializing Europe": World history as a field of American history writing), in Globalgeschichte (Global history), ed. Margarete Grandner, Dietmar Rothermund, and Wolfgang Schwentker (Vienna, 2005), 183-96.
24. Sebastian Conrad and Shalini Randeria, "Geteilte Geschichten - Europa in einer postkolonialen Welt" (Shared histories-Europe in a postcolonial world), in Jenseits des Eurozentrismus: Postkoloniale Perspektiven in den Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften (Beyond Eurocentrism: Postcolonial perspectives in history writing and cultural studies), ed. Sebastian Conrad and Shalini Randeria (Frankfurt am Main, 2002), 9-49;
25. Beckert, "Reich der Baumwolle," esp. 301, 298. See also Sven Beckert, "Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the Worldwide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War," American Historical Review, 109 (Dec. 2004), 1405-38;
26. and Sven Beckert, "From Tuskegee to Togo: The Problem of Freedom in the Empire of Cotton," Journal of American History, 92 (Sept. 2005), 398-426.
27. Robert B. Townsend, "Survey Shows Sizeable Increases in History Majors and Bachelor's Degrees: Latest Data Points to Wide Differences in Undergraduate Class Sizes and Course Offerings," Perspectives, 42 (April 2004), 17-23.
28. On precise uses of the term "world history," see C. A. Bayly et al., "AHR Conversation: On Transnational History," American Historical Review. 111 (Dec. 2006), 1441.
29. For the transition from "Western Civilization" to "world history," see Peter N. Stearns, Western Civilization in World History (New York, 2003).
30. On political correctness, see Peter N. Stearns and Noralee Frankel, eds., Globalizing American History: The AHA Guide to Re-imagining the U.S. Survey Course (Washington, 2007).
31. The Organization of American Historians/New York University Project on Internationalizing the Study of American History, Thomas Bender, director, La Pietra Report: A Report to the Profession (New York, 2000), esp. 5, 6.
32. Participants in the La Pietra discussions are now among the first to try to make good on the promise of "rethinking American history in a global age." See Thomas Bender, A Nation among Nations: America's Place in World History (New York, 2006);
33. and Ian Tyrrell, Transnational Nation: United States History in Global Perspective since 1789 (New York, 2007).
34. As early as 1984 American and European historians met to discuss the view of American history from abroad. See the special issue "The View from Abroad: The Bellagio Conference on American History," Reviews in American History 14 (Dec. 1986), vii-ix, 487-686.
35. Thomas Bender, "Introduction: Historians, the Nation, and the Plenitude of Narratives," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Bender, 1-21.
36. On the consequences of transnationalization in the field of American studies, see Nicole Waller, "Refigurations of American Studies: On Transnationalizing the United States," Amerikastudien/American Studies (Heidelberg), 50 (no. 1/2, 2005), 231-47.
37. For the proposition "that the goal of transcending national history compels us paradoxically to revitalize it," see John Higham, Hanging Together: Unity and Diversity in American Culture (New Haven, 2001), 242.
38. On the distinction between transnational, international, and world history, see Kiran Klaus Patel, "Jenseits der Nation: Amerikanische Geschichte in der Erweiterung" (Beyond the nation: The enlargement of American history), in Deutschland und die USA in der internationalen Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts: Festschrift für Detlef Junker (Germany and the USA in international history in the twentieth century: A festschrift for Detlef Junker), ed. Manfred Berg and Philipp Gassen (Stuttgart, 2004), 44-45.
39. On the ways that transnational history and world history may overlap in practice, see Arif Dirlik, "Performing the World: Reality and Representation in the Making of World Histor(ies)," Bulletin of the German Historical Institute, 37 (Fall 2005), 21.
40. On "transnational" as a term for history that "is not necessarily global in scope, examining instead particular regions . .. connected by particular networks," see Sven Beckert, "AHR Conversation," 1446.
41. For the argument that the transnationalization of American history does not represent a method but a research perspective and that most often its method is comparison or analysis of transfers or a combination of both, see Patel, "Überlegungen zu einer transnationalen Geschichte," 628.
42. See also Beckert, "AHR Conversation," 1454.
43. Axel R. Schäfer, American Progressives and German Social Reform, 1875-1920: Social Ethics, Moral Control, and the Regulatory State in a Transatlantic Context (Stuttgart, 2000).
44. See also Axel R. Schäfer, "W. E. B. Du Bois, German Social Thought, and the Racial Divide in American Progressivism, 1892-1909," Journal of American History, 88 (Dec. 2001), 925-49.
45. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1998);
46. Daniel T. Rodgers, "An Age of Social Politics," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Bender, 250-73.
47. Adam McKeown, Chinese Migrant Networks and Cultural Change: Peru, Chicago, Hawaii, 1900-1936 (Chicago, 2001), esp. 25.
48. For more examples of transnational history, see Kiran Klaus Patel, "Transadantische Perspektiven transnationaler Geschichte" (Transatlantic perspectives of transnational history) Geschichte und Gesellschaft (Göttingen), 29 (no. 4, 2003), 635-38.
49. Isabel Hofmeyr, "AHR Conversation," 1444.
50. Bright and Geyer, "Where in the World Is America?," 66. For an early interpretation of the United States as a "federation of cultures," see Randolph S. Bourne, "Trans-National America," in War and the Intellectuals: Collected Essays, 1915-1919, by Randolph S. Bourne (Indianapolis, 1999), 115, 117, 121.
51. See also David Thelen, "The Nation and Beyond: Transnational Perspectives on United States History," Journal of American History, 86 (Dec. 1999), 967.
52. Peter Novick, That Noble Dream: The "Objectivity Question"and the American Historical Profession (Cambridge, Eng., 1988), 470.
53. On the importance of German-speaking emigrants for American historical writing, see Hartmut Lehmann and James J. Sheehan, eds., An Interrupted Past: German-Speaking Refugee Historians in the United States after 1933 (Washington, 1991).
54. Consider the sections used for book reviews in the American Historical Review. Since 1961-1962 there have been sections devoted to historical literature on the Americas, Europe, Asia, and Africa.
55. Robert B. Townsend, "What's in a Label? Changing Patterns of Faculty Specialization since 1975," Perspectives, 45 (Jan. 2007), 7-10;
56. Barbara Weinstein, "How Much Have We Decentered the Historical Profession?," ibid. (March 2007), 3-6;
57. Thomas Bender, Philip M. Katz, and Colin Palmer, The Education of Historians for the Twenty-first Century (Urbana, 2004), 11.
58. Lynn Hunt, "Is European History Passé?," Perspectives, 40 (Nov. 2002), 5-7;
59. Novick, That Noble Dream, 465;
60. Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, 2000);
61. Dipesh Chakrabarty, "Europa provinzialisieren: Postkolonialität und die Kritik der Geschichte" (Provincializing Europe: Postcoloniality and the ctitique of history), in Jenseits des Eurozentrismus, ed. Conrad and Randeria, 304.
62. On the "conversation" between Karl Marx and Martin Heidegger as related to Dipesh Chakrabarty's argument, see Chakrabarty, Provincializing Europe, 18.
63. Thomas Bender, "Wholes and Parts: The Need for Synthesis in American History," Journal of American History, 73 (June 1986), 120-36;
64. Thomas Bender, "'Venturesome and Cautious': American History in the 1990s," ibid., 81 (Dec. 1994), 992-1003.
65. See also Thomas Bender, "Wholes and Parts: Continuing the Conversation," ibid., 74 (June 1987), 123-30.
66. An important critique of Thomas Bender's call for synthesis is Eric H. Monkkonen, "The Dangers of Synthesis," American Historical Review, 91 (Dec. 1986), 1146-57.
67. Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte (History of German society) (5 vols., Munich, 1987-2008);
68. Fernand Braudel, Frankreich (France) (3 vols., Stuttgart, 1989-1990). Fernand Braudel's uncompleted work tries to illuminate the nation from a transnational perspective inasmuch as "the borders of history of international relations" should be crossed.
69. Ibid., I, 23.
70. On the fragmentation of American historical writing and its crisis since circa 1980, see Novick, That Noble Dream, 521, 578-84.
71. Robert Gregg, "Making the World Safe for American History," in After the Imperial Turn: Thinking with and through the Nation, ed. Antoinette Burton (Durham, 2003), 182.
72. On the debate about the existence and nature of an American "empire," see Charles S. Maier, Among Empires: American Ascendancy and Its Predecessors (Cambridge, Mass., 2006).
73. Bright and Geyer, "Where in the World Is America?," 63;
74. Louis A. Pérez Jr., "We Are the World: Internationalizing the National, Nationalizing the International," Journal of American History, 89 (Sept. 2002), 564.
75. See Bender, Nation among Nations, esp. 298, 7.
76. For a different assessment of Western historical writing and the global influence of capitalism, see Hayden White, "Die Verwestlichung der Weltgeschichte" (The westernization of world history), in Westliches Geschichtsdenken: Eine interkulturelle Debatte (Historical thought in the West: An intercultural debate), ed. Jörn Rüsen (Göttingen, 1999), 185.
77. Gräser, "'Globalizing America' and 'Provincializing Europe.'" On recent historical-political decisions of Congress, see Bruce Craig, "Capitol Commentary," Organization of American Historians: Newsletter, 33 (April 2005), 7, 14;
78. and Bruce Craig, "Some Parting Thoughts on Capitol Hill," Perspectives, 45 (Jan. 2007), 26-27.
79. Joanne Meyerowitz, "History and September 11: An Introduction," Journal of American History 89 (Sept. 2002), 414.
80. Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword (New York, 1996) ;
81. Martin E. Marty, Pilgrims in Their Own Land: 500 Years of Religion in America (New York, 1985), 63.
82. The method of comparison has been prominent in recent American historical writing. See C. Vann Woodward, ed., The Comparative Approach to American History (New York, 1968);
83. and the second edition: C. Vann Woodward, ed., The Comparative Approach to American History (New York, 1997), esp. xi-xiii.
84. On the significance of comparative views in the debates on transnational perspectives in American historical writing, see Michael Kammen, In the Past Lane: Historical Perspectives on American Culture (New York, 1997), 169-98;
85. and Ian Tyrrell, "Beyond the View from Euro-America: Environment, Settler Societies, and the Internationalization of American History," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Bender, 168-91.
86. Dorothy Ross, "Grand Narrative in American Historical Writing: From Romance to Uncertainty," American Historical Review, 100 (June 1995), 653.
87. See also Dorothy Ross, "Historical Consciousness in Nineteenth-Century America," ibid., 89 (Oct. 1984), 915.
88. "Nineteenth century American historiography was characterized by such devoutness in broad swaths, which was completely unknown to an enlightened historical writing in Europe," according to Gabriele Lingelbach, KUo macht Karriere: Die Institutionalisierung der Geschichtswissenschaft in Frankreich und den USA in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Clio's career: The institutionalization of historical writing in France and in the USA in the late nineteenth century) (Göttingen, 2003), 87.
89. For an interpretation of American historical writing that discusses "transnational moments and possibilities" but does not view them as forming a disposition, see Ian Tyrrell, "Making Nations/Making States: American Historians in the Context of Empire," Journal of American History, 83 (Dec. 1999), 1015-44, esp. 1015-18.
90. Gilbert Allardyce, "The Rise and Fall of the Western Civilization Course," American Historical Review, 87 (June 1982), 695-725;
91. Mark M. Krug, "The Teaching of Universal History," in New Perspectives in World History, ed. Shirley H. Engle (Washington, 1964), esp. 547.
92. Allardyce, "Rise and Fall of the Western Civilization Course," 706;
93. James Harvey Robinson, The Ordeal of Civilization: A Sketch of the Development and World-Wide Diffusion of Our Present-Day Institutions and Ideas (New York, 1926), 4-5.
94. On the conception of Western civilization, see Roxann Prazniak, "Is World History Possible? An Inquiry," in History after the Three Worlds: Post-Eurocentric Historiographies, ed. Arif Dirlik, Vinay Bahl, and Peter Gran (Lanham, 2000), 224. Raphael, Geschichtswissenschaft im Zeitalter der Extreme, 211.
95. On the debate about "civilization" in Herbert Baxter Adams's seminar at the John Hopkins University in Baltimore in 1889, see Higham, Hanging Together, 243. In 1881 the trustees of Cornell University questioned "whether it would be reasonable to establish an endowed chair exclusively for American history"-although they did so.
96. See Lingelbach, KUo macht Karriere, 241.
97. Axel Jansen, Individuelle Bewährung im Krieg: Amerikaner in Europa 1914-1917 (Individual volunteers in the war: Americans in Europe, 1914-1917) (Frankfurt am Main, 2003), 233.
98. Charles A. Beard and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (4 vols., New York, 1927-1942).
99. The Beards' construction of an "American civilization" did not involve an imperial "mission" for the American nation. At times they used "civilization" ironically, referring to it as a "cabbalistic symbol" and "household word." Ibid., IV, v, 10-12.
100. On the significance of the history of civilization for American historical writing, see Friedrich Jaeger, Amerikanischer Liberalismus und zivile Gesellschaft: Perspektiven sozialer Reform zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts (American liberalism and civil society: Perspectives on social reform in the early twentieth century) (Göttingen, 2001), 81-107.
101. James Harvey Robinson, "The Newer Ways of Historians," American Historical Review, 35 (Jan. 1930), 247.
102. Richard Hofstadter, The Progressive Historians: Turner, Beard Partington (New York, 1968);
103. James Harvey Robinson, The New History: Essays Illustrating the Modern Historical Outlook (New York, 1912), 1-25.
104. On the international discussion, see Luise Schorn-Schütte, "Karl Lamprecht und die internationale Geschichtswissenschaft an der Jahrhundertwende" (Karl Lamprecht and international historical writing at the turn of the century), Archiv für Kulturgeschichte (Cologne), 67 (no. 2, 1985), 417-64.
105. John Higham, History: Professional Scholarship in America (Baltimore, 1990), 111-13;
106. John Franklin Jameson, "The Future Uses of History," in John Franklin Jameson and the Development of Humanistic Scholarship in America, vol. I: Selected Essays, ed. Morey D. Rothberg and Jacqueline Goggin (Athens, Ga., 1993), 309, 312.
107. For "cosmopolitan" tendencies in academia before World War I, see Erdmann, Ökumene der Historiker, 13-17.
108. See also Adelheid von Saldern, "'North Atlantic Civilization': Konzeptioneller Aufbruch zu einem neuen Verhältnis zwischen den USA und Europa in den 1920er Jahren" ("North Atlantic Civilization": Conceptualizing a new relationship between the USA and Europe in the 1920s), in Unterwegs in Europa: Beiträge zu einer vergleichenden Sozial- und Kulturgeschichte (On the way in Europe: Essays in comparative social and cultural history), ed. Christina Benninghaus, et al. (Frankfurt am Main, 2008), 271-99.
109. Friedrich Jaeger and Jörn Rüsen, Geschichte des Historismus: Eine Einführung (History of historicism: An introduction) (Munich, 1992), 92-95.
110. On the (limited) influence of German historians on American historical writing, see Matthias Waechter, "Die 'Progressive Historians' und die Modernisierung der amerikanischen Geschichtswissenschaft" (Progressive historians and the modernization of American historical writing), in Geschichtsdiskurs (Discourses of history), vol. IV: Krisenbewusstsein, Katastrophenerfahrungen, und Innovationen, 1880-1945 (Consciousness of crisis, sense of catastrophe, and innovations, 1880-1945), ed. Wolfgang Küttler, Jörn Rüsen, and Ernst Schulin (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), 126;
111. and Lingelbach, Klio macht Karriere, 9-10, 505-8, 673-74.
112. On misconceptions of the American reception of the work of Leopold von Ranke, see Novick, That Noble Dream, 28ff;
113. and Friedrich Jaeger, "New History: Historismuskritik und Sozialgeschichte in den USA zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts" (New history: Criticism of historicism and American social history in the early twentieth century), in Historismus in den Kulturwissenschaften: Geschichtskonzepte, historische Einschätzungen, Grundlagenprobleme (Historicism in the cultural sciences: Concepts of history, historical assessments, basic issues), ed. Otto Gerhard Oexle and Jörn Rüsen (Cologne, 1996), 347. To explain the sudden victory of the new history, Friedrich Jaeger correctly pointed to the "lack of an institutionalized and theoretical-methodological historicism" in the United States. (Historicism is an epoch in German historiography and, more generally, a mode of historical thought with roots in the philosophy of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, in romantic ideas of "individuality" and "tradition," and in Johann Gottfried von Herder's conception of development [Entwicklung].) The weakness of historicism in American historical writing permitted a universal definition of culture only.
114. Ibid American historians criticized the counterposing of (German) culture and (Western) civilization popular among German historians at this time.
115. See the discussion of Oswald Spengler, Ernst Robert Cunius, and the early Thomas Mann in Beard and Beard, Rise of American Civilization, IV, 53-60. The relinquishment of such a stark distinction in American historical writing facilitated the transnational tendency in historical writing whereas the fixation on one exclusive term for culture (versus civilization) in the German case impeded that tendency.
116. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of History," in History Frontier, and Section: Three Essays, by Frederick Jackson Turner (Albuquerque, 1993), 50.
117. On the "Teutonic-germ theory of the origins of democracy," see Novick, That Noble Dream, 87-88.
118. By dismissing Herben Baxter Adams's interpretation of the Germanic-Anglo-Saxon origins of American democracy and instead emphasizing its genuine American "place," Frederick Jackson Turner nationalized American historical writing and brought U.S. national history to a path resembling that of European historical writing. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," in History Frontier, and Section, by Turner, 66. On Turner's view on the transnational disposition, see Tyrrell, "Making Nations/Making States," 1032. Turner, "Significance of History," 50.
119. W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Color Line Belts the World," in W. E. B. Du Bois: A Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York, 1995), 42;
120. Jonathan Zimmerman, "'Each "Race" Could Have Its Heroes Sung': Ethnicity and the History Wars in the 1920s," Journal of American History 87 (June 2000), 92-111;
121. Robin D. G. Kelley, "How the West Was One: The African Diaspora and the Re-Mapping of U.S. History," in Rethinking American History in a Global Age, ed. Bender, 123-47;
122. Novick, That Noble Dream, 469-521;
123. John Higham, "Multiculturalism and Universalism: A History and Critique," American Quarterly, 45 (June 1993), 195-219.
124. The fragmentation and the willingness to recognize American developments as "local phases of world problems" have also sensitized American historians to the transnational moments of sociopolitical movements such as the women's and labor movements. See Mary Beard, Woman as Force in History: A Study in Tradition andRealities (New York, 1946), 100-105.
125. Ernst Schulin, "German and American Historiography in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century," in Interrupted Past, ed. Lehmann and Sheehan, 8; Conrad and Conrad, "Wie vergleicht man Historiographien," 20.
126. See also Raphael, Geschichtswissenschaft im Zeitalter der Extreme, 49.
127. For a different conclusion on the federal state and historical study, see Tyrrell, "Making Nations/Making States," 1023. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge, Eng., 1982);
128. Alan Dawley, Struggles for Justice: Social Responsibility and the Liberal State (Cambridge, Mass., 1991);
129. Morton Keller, Regulating a New Society: Public Policy and Social Change in America, 1900-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1994).
130. See the example of the privately supported Department of Historical Research of the Carnegie Institution in Higham, History 22-25.
131. William M. Sloane, "History and Democracy," American Historical Review, 1 (Oct. 1895), 1-23, esp. 22, 4, 14.
132. William M. Sloane's own analysis of the transnational in American history resembled conventional political and diplomatic history. See William M. Sloane, "The World Aspects of the Louisiana Purchase," ibid., 9 (April 1904), 507-21.
133. For more on Sloane, see Ross, "Grand Narrative in American Historical Writing," 654-55. Another reason for the orientation to the demands of market and audience may be that the American Historical Association never abandoned a relationship with nonprofessional historians and devoted attention to public history-historians' work at museums and memorials. On the influence of "private patrons" on historians' attitudes, salaries, and lesson plans as exemplified at the University of Michigan and the University of Chicago, see Novick, That Noble Dream, esp. 53, 198, 197.
134. Robinson, New History, 132-53.
135. Higham, History 232.
136. Many dissertations written in the years before World War I prioritize local and regional historical topics and do not display "a historical emphasis on the nation" according to Lingelbach, Klio macht Karriere, 477.
137. The interest in local case studies continues-although "compromises" with a transnational perspective are possible. See the advocacy of the formula "Read Globally, Write Locally" in Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom, "Eurocentrism and Its Discontents," Perspectives, 39 (Jan. 2001), 26.
138. It has been argued that the influence of U.S.-based historians on international historiography fosters hierarchy and produces inequalities of knowledge, as scholars may ignore works not written in English, whereas scholars outside the English-speaking world must read English-language works. See Sachsenmaier, "Global History, Globally," 5.
139. How much strength is jeopardized by state intrusion into academic affairs "in rhe age of homeland security" remains open. The delay or denial of visas to non-U.S. citizens invited or hired by American universities may make "one-time 'transnational scholars' now feel like foreigners or aliens who have no rights, even to an explanation for why they have been or are being excluded." See Barbara Weinstein, "The AHA and Academic Freedom in the Age of Homeland Security, Revisited," Perspectives, 45 (Dec. 2007), 4.
140. Jürgen Kocka, Geschichte und Aufklärung: Aufsätze (History and enlightenment: Essays) (Göttingen, 1989), 140-59, 193-97.