W. E. B. Du Bois, German social thought, and the racial divide in American progressivism, 1892-1909

Journal of American History

Volumn 88, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 925-949

  Schäfer, Axel R ^a  

^a KEELE UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33749868303     PISSN: 00218723     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/2700393     Document Type: Review

References (181)

1. The two seminal monographs on the transatlantic exchange of ideas in the Progressive Era discuss neither W. E. B. Du Bois nor the race issue; see Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, Mass., 1998);
2. and James T. Kloppenberg, Uncertain Victory: Social Democracy and Progressivism in European and American Thought, 1870-1920 (New York, 1986).
3. See, for example, David Levering Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919 (New York, 1993), 75-78, 142-44, 149, 285;
4. and Shamoon Zamir, Dark Voices: W. E. B. Du Bois and American Thought, 1888-1903 (Chicago, 1995), 18, 45.
5. Arnold Rampersad claims that "in Berlin, away from the philosophic liberalism of William James and Harvard, Du Bois was susceptible once again to his almost instinctive attraction to arbitrary power, force of will, and conspicuous elitism": Arnold Rampersad, The Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois (New York, 1990), 45;
6. see also Arnold Rampersad, The Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois (ibid., 63.
7. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 144;
8. see also Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, ibid., 275-77.
9. Though Lewis notes that Du Bois's essay "The Conservation of Races" (1897), which drew upon the racial thought of Johann Gottfried Herder, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Friedrich Schleiermacher, and Heinrich von Treitschke, "apotheosized the concept of racial 'twoness,'" he also points out that the text prefigured the cultural transnationalism of William James, John Dewey, Randolph Bourne, and Horace Kallen. W. E. B. Du Bois, "The Conservation of Races" (1897), in The Oxford W. E. B. Du Bois Reader, ed. Eric J. Sundquist (New York, 1996), 38-47. Likewise, Lewis argues that many of Du Bois's early works contain both an accommodationist dimension and a subversive subtext;
10. see, for example, W. E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia, 1899);
11. and Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 171-74, 189, 206-10.
12. For a good discussion of the influence of Hegel on Du Bois, see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, ibid., 139-40.
13. Michael J. Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice (Cambridge, Eng., 1982), 150.
14. This article elaborates on themes developed in Axel R. Schäfer, American Progressives and German Social Reform: Social Ethics, Moral Control, and the Regulatory State in a Transatlantic Context (Stuttgart, 2000).
15. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Autobiography of W. E. B. Du Bois: A Soliloquy on Viewing My Life from the Last Decade of Its First Century (New York, 1968), 159, 157, 168, 169;
16. Francis L. Broderick, W. E. B. Du Bois: Negro Leader in a Time of Crisis (Sranford, 1959), 26;
17. Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 31.
18. Du Bois, Autobiography, 169.
19. Dorothy Ross, "Socialism and American Liberalism: Academic Social Thought in the 1880s," Perspectives in American History, 11 (1977-1978), 9.
20. For an incisive discussion of this issue, see Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, 34-41.
21. Jürgen Herbst, The German Historical School in American Scholarship: A Study in the Transfer of Culture (Ithaca, 1965), 8-10, 16.
22. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, 4.
23. Frederic C. Howe, Socialized Germany (New York, 1915), 7.
24. Du Bois, Autobiography, 160;
25. see also Du Bois, Autobiography, ibid., 171, 156.
26. Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 47.
27. Du Bois, Autobiography, 162, 159-60.
28. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 132.
29. Du Bois, Autobiography, 174-75.
30. In his recollections of his trip to eastern Europe, Du Bois mistakes Slovakia for Slovenia. See also Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 140-41.
31. Du Bois, Autobiography, 183-84. Du Bois had very few contacts with white American students in Berlin;
32. see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 132.
33. For examples of the professional shunning Du Bois was subjected to, see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, ibid., 368, 379. One of the few exceptions was Katherine Bernent Davis, a student of Thorstein Veblen's, who lauded Du Bois's training, use of statistical and historical materials, and scientific objectivity;
34. see Ellen Fitzpatrick, Endless Crusade: Women Social Scientists and Progressive Reform (New York, 1990), 52-57.
35. The survey questionnaires, replies, and Henry W. Farnam's notes can be found in folder 3239, box 248, Farnam Family Papers, series II (Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn.). For Gustav Schmoller's assessment of Du Bois, see Gustav Schmoller to W. E. B. Du Bois, March 5, 1894, in The Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois, ed. Herbert Aptheker (3 vols., Amherst, 1973-1978), I, 28.
36. Du Bois, Autobiography, 228.
37. Kloppenberg, Uncertain Victory, 298.
38. On the intellectual challenges of the period, which included the repudiation of orthodox liberalism, the dissolution of both moral and economic absolutes, the notion that truth was a social product, and the rejection of totalizing theories, see Dorothy Ross, Modernist Impulses in the Human Sciences (Baltimore, 1994);
39. Peter Conn, The Divided Mind: Ideology and Imagination in America, 1898-1917 (Cambridge, Mass., 1983);
40. Mary O. Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1895-1905 (Lexington, 1975);
41. Sidney Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State: A Study of Conflict in American Thought, 1865-1901 (Ann Arbor, 1956);
42. H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of European Social Thought, 1890-1930 (New York, 1958);
43. Morton White, Social Thought in America: The Revolt against Formalism (New York, 1949);
44. and Melvyn Stokes, "Progressivism, Poststructuralism, and the Writing of American History," in Religious and Secular Reform in America: Ideas, Beliefs, and Social Change, ed. David K. Adams and Cornelis A. van Minnen (Edinburgh, 1999), 205-29.
45. Good discussions of the philosophical foundations of liberalism in the United States can be found in Henry F. May, The Enlightenment in America (New York, 1976);
46. and Peter F. Gay, The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (2 vols., New York, 1977).
47. Henry C. Adams, "The Outlook of a Political Economist," typescript, 1900, p. 9, Address File, box 25, Henry C. Adams Papers (Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor).
48. Henry W. Farnam, "Summary," typescript, 1906, folder 3239, box 248, Farnam Family Papers, series II;
49. Francis L. Broderick, "German Influence on the Scholarship of W. E. B. Du Bois," Phylon, 19 (Winter 1958), 371. The economist Luigi Cossa even spoke of the creation of a German-American school of economics;
50. see Luigi Cossa, An Introduction to the Study of Political Economy (New York, 1893), 477.
51. Gustav Schmoller, "Die sociale Frage und der preußische Staat" (The social question and the Prussian state) (1874), in Zur Social- und Gewerbepolitik der Gegenwart. Reden und Aufsätze (On contemporary social and trade policy: Speeches and essays), by Gustav Schmoller (Leipzig, 1890), 55-56 (translation by Axel R. Schäfer).
52. Classic works of the historical school of economics include Karl Knies, Die politische Ökonomie vom geschichtlichen Standpuncte (Political economy from a historical perspective) (Braunschweig, 1853);
53. Wilhelm Roscher, Ansichten der Volkswirthschaft aus dem geschichtlichen Standpunkte (Seeing economics from a historical perspective) (Leipzig, 1861);
54. and Bruno Hildebrand, Die Nationalökonomie der Gegenwart und Zukunft und andere gesammelte Schriften (The national economy of the present and future and other collected works) (Jena, 1922). Karl Knies is generally considered the most influential teacher of Schmoller;
55. see Harald Winkel, "Gustav von Schmoller (1838-1917)," in Klassiker des ökonomischen Denkens (Classics of economic thought), vol. IV: Von Karl Marx bis John Maynard Keynes (from Karl Marx to John Maynard Keynes), ed. Joachim Starbatty (Munich, 1989), 106.
56. The impact of Schmoller's ethical emphasis on American social scientists is illustrated by the fact that his 1881 essay "Gerechtigkeit in der Volkswirtschaftslehre" was translated into English: Gustav Schmoller, "The Idea of Justice in Political Economy," Annals of the Academy of Political and Social Science, 4 (March 1894), 697-737.
57. For the ideas of the historical school of economics, see Thorstein Veblen, "Gustav Schmoller's Economics" (1901), in The Place of Science in Modern Civilization and Other Essays, by Thorstein Veblen (New York, 1932), 259, 264-65;
58. Herbst, German Historical School in American Scholarship, 132-39;
59. and Fine, Laissez Faire and the General-Welfare State, 198-200.
60. Many of these ideas later came to fruition in the writings of the sociologists Max Weber and Werner Sombart. For good general discussions of historicism, see Friedrich Meinecke, Die Entstehung des Historismus (The genesis of historicism) (Munich, 1946);
61. and Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969).
62. Good discussions of the romantic and idealist origins of historicism can be found in Leonard Krieger, The German Idea of Freedom: History of a Political Tradition (Boston, 1957);
63. Ralph Bowen, German Theories of the Corporative State (New York, 1947);
64. Theodore Ziolkowski, German Romanticism and Its Institutions (Princeton, 1988);
65. Tetsushi Harada, Politische Ökonomie des Idealismus und der Romantik: Korporatismus von Fichte, Müller, und Hegel (The political economy of idealism and romanticism: The corporatism of Fichte, Müller, and Hegel) (Berlin, 1989);
66. and Klaus Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton, 1966).
67. Meinecke, Entstehung des Historismus, 337-39;
68. Herbst, Gennan Historical School in American Scholarship, 143;
69. Ringer, Decline of the German Mandarins, 99-102.
70. For discussions of the impact of the historical school on American academia, see Herbst, German Historical School in American Scholarship, 150-52;
71. Jack C. Myles, "German Historicism and American Economics: A Study of the Influence of the German Historical School on American Economic Thought" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1956);
72. Joseph Dorfman, "The Role of the German Historical School in American Economic Thought," American Economic Review, 45 (May 1955), 17-28;
73. Nicholas W. Balabkins, Not by Theory Alone . . . : The Economics of Gustav von Schmoller and Its Legacy to America (Berlin, 1988);
74. and Henry W. Farnam, "Deutsch-amerikanische Beziehungen in der Volkswirtschaftslehre" (German-American relations in economics), in Die Entwicklung der deutschen Volkswirtschaftslehre im neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Gustav Schmoller zur siebenzigsten Wiederkehr seines Geburtstages, 24. Juni 1908 (The development of German economics in the nineteenth century: To Gustav Schmoller on his seventieth birthday, June 24, 1908), ed. Henry W. Farnam (2 vols., Leipzig, 1908), I, chapter 18.
75. Du Bois, Autobiography, 160;
76. W. E. B. Du Bois to the Educational Committee of the Honorable Trustees of the John F. Slater Fund, March 10, 1893, in Correspondence of W. E. B. Du Bois, ed. Aptheker, I, 23. Both Francis Broderick and Elliot M. Rudwick argue that Du Bois's experience of studying in Germany primarily led to an assimilation of scientific research methods;
77. see Broderick, W. E. B. Du Boss, 39;
78. and Elliot M. Rudwick, W. E. B. Du Bois: Propagandist of the Negro Protest (New York, 1968), 27. Thomas Boston also concludes that the main legacy of German historicism could be found in Du Bois's emphasis on unbiased research and scientific methods of inquiry;
79. see Thomas Boston, "W. E. B. Du Bois and the Historical School of Economics," American Economic Review, 81 (May 1991), 303-6.
80. Du Bois, Autobiography, 162;
81. Herbst, German Historical School in American Scholarship, 56. Joseph P. De Marco maintains that Du Bois's philosophical and social views easily led to an ethical analysis of historical and social realities;
82. see Joseph P. De Marco, The Social Thought of W. E. B. Du Bois (Lanham, 1983), 13.
83. W. E. B. Du Bois, ed., The Atlanta University Publications (4 vols., New York, 1968-1969);
84. Du Bois, "Conservation of Races";
85. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Strivings of the Negro People," Atlantic Monthly, 80 (Aug. 1897), 194-98.
86. For an insightful analysis of the racial subtext of "Strivings of the Negro People," see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 198-200.
87. Du Bois's Atlanta University studies were part of the social survey tradition that was held in high esteem among progressives; see Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 55-56.
88. For a useful book on the survey tradition, see Maurine W. Greenwald and Margo Anderson, eds., Pittsburgh Surveyed: Social Science and Social Reform in the Early Twentieth Century (Pittsburgh, 1996).
89. Joseph Schumpeter, Economic Doctrine and Method: An Historical Sketch (New York, 1954), 177.
90. Schmoller, "Idea of Justice in Political Economy," 708-9, 715.
91. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (Philadelphia, 1899).
92. Rampersad calls the book not only a strong statistical and empirical work but a "study in the art of cultural suasion through social science": Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 51.
93. Schmoller, "Idea of Justice in Political Economy," 736.
94. Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 67.
95. Du Bois quoted in Nancy Muller Milligan, "W. E. B. Du Bois's American Pragmatism," Journal of American Culture, 8 (Summer 1985), 34.
96. Du Bois was taken by the mandarin culture of German higher education, which reinforced his belief in a class of free black leaders as torchbearers of black liberation. Du Bois's educational ideas and his concept of the "talented tenth" are spelled out in W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago, 1903).
97. Gustav Schmoller, Grundfragen des Rechts und der Volkswirtschaft (Fundamental issues in law and economics) (Jena, 1875), 93 (translation by Schäfer).
98. Schmoller, "Idea of Justice in Political Economy," 719;
99. see also Schmoller, "Idea of Justice in Political Economy," ibid., 724-25;
100. Ringer, Decline of the German Mandarins, 147;
101. Herbst, German Historical School in American Scholarship, 143-48.
102. See, for example, Albion W. Small, "The Significance of Sociology for Ethics," Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago, 4 (1903), 113-49;
103. Simon Nelson Patten, The New Basis of Civilization (New York, 1907);
104. and John Dewey and James Tufts, Ethics (New York, 1908). The ideas of the German-trained sociologist George Herbert Mead, which later came to be called "symbolic interactionism," can be considered the sociological foundation for this conception of ethics;
105. see Robert M. Crunden, Ministers of Reform: The Progressives' Achievement in American Civilization, 1889-1920 (New York, 1982), 25-38.
106. W. E. B. Du Bois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil (New York, 1920), 144, 158-59. "The disinherited darker peoples must either share in the future industrial democracy or overturn the world. Of course, the foundation of such a system must be a high, ethical ideal. We must really envisage the wants of humanity. We must want the wants of all men.
107. We must get rid of the fascination for exclusiveness": W. E. B. Du Bois, Darkwater: Voices from within the Veil (ibid., 102.
108. See also Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 392-93.
109. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 281-82.
110. Eileen L. McDonagh, "The 'Welfare Rights State' and the 'Civil Rights State': Policy Paradox and State Building in the Progressive Era," Studies in American Political Development, 7 (Fall 1993), 252;
111. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings, 53-54, 143.
112. Schäfer, American Progressives and German Social Reform, 105-8, 113-24, 169-79.
113. Edward A. Ross provided a template for this approach in Edward A. Ross, Sin and Society: An Analysis of Latter-Day Iniquity (Boston, 1907). Ross argues that sin had completely changed its meaning in modern industrial society. It was no longer individual, but social. In the same way liberty and rights could be seen as having changed their meanings from being vested in individuals to being socially constructed.
114. For examples of progressive perceptions of the three-class voting system, see Richard T. Ely, "Administration of the City of Betlin," Nation, March 23, 1882, pp. 245-46;
115. Jeremiah W. Jenks, "Proportional Representation and Municipal Reform," Proceedings of the Second National Conference for Good City Government and the First Annual Meeting of the National Municipal League (1894-1895), 129-35.
116. See Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830-1900 (New Haven, 1995). In a recent biography of Louis D. Brandeis, Philippa Strum contrasts Brandeis with John Dewey and argues that the former's embrace of economic and civil rights took him beyond progressivism;
117. see Philippa Strum, Brandeis: Beyond Progressivism (Lawrence, 1993).
118. On maternalism, see Kriste Lindenmeyer, "A Right to Childhood": The U.S. Children's Bureau and Child Welfare, 1912-46 (Urbana, 1997);
119. and Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge, Mass., 1994).
120. Dewey and Tufts, Ethics, 440, 474.
121. Louis D. Brandeis and Josephine Goldmark, Women in Industry: Decision of the United States Supreme Court in Curt Muller vs. State of Oregon Upholding the Constitutionality of the Oregon Ten Hour Law for Women and Brief for the State of Oregon (New York, 1908);
122. see also Josephine Goldmark, Fatigue and Efficiency: A Study in Industry (New York, 1912).
123. This suggests that Du Bois used the term "social equilibrium" less to assert racial exclusivism, as Daniel Levering Lewis has argued, than to tie the race issue to the emerging social ethics discourse of progressivism; see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 173-74;
124. Du Bois, "Conservation of Races," 47.
125. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 119. Civil rights and the black ballot were never far from Du Boiss mind;
126. see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, ibid., 201, 280.
127. The debate about the social construction of rights and whether justice is a matter of guaranteeing the natural rights of the autonomous subject or of pursuing culturally conditioned ideas of the social good continues in modern political thought; see, for example, John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Oxford, 1972);
128. Sandel, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice;
129. and John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York, 1993).
130. For examples of the critique of the rights discourse in current legal thought, see Martha Minow, Making All the Difference: Inclusion, Exclusion, and American Law (Ithaca, 1990);
131. Cass R. Sunstein, After the Rights Revolution: Reconceiving the Regulatory State (Cambridge, Mass., 1990);
132. and Cornel West, Keeping Faith: Philosophy and Race in America (New York, 1993), 235-47.
133. Veblen, Place of Science in Modern Civilization, 273.
134. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 51, 276-77;
135. Zamir, Dark Voices, 52-53.
136. John S. Haller, Outcasts from Evolution: Scientific Attitudes of Racial Inferiority, 1859-1900 (Urbana, 1971), 210;
137. quoted in James B. McKee, Sociology and the Race Problem: The Failure of a Perspective (Urbana, 1993), 22.
138. See especially Edward A. Ross, The Old World in the New: The Significance of Past and Present Immigration to the American People (New York, 1913).
139. Ross was a vocal advocate of regulation, social reform, and labor legislation but also an outspoken racist. Under the editorship of the German-trained sociologist Albion Small, the American Journal of Sociology made extensive use of the rhetoric of savagery vs. civilization and of advanced vs. backward races. The main scholarly debate was about the ability of African Americans to adapt and develop, not about their equality; see McKee, Sociology and the Race Problem, 29.
140. McKee, Sociology and the Race Problem, 30, 32-33, 50-51, 58-59, 61-62, esp. 51.
141. The term "Linnaean web" was coined by Oscar Handlin; see Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W E. B. Du Bois, 59.
142. Ray Stannard Baker, Following the Color Line: American Negro Citizenship in the Progressive Era (1908; New York, 1964), 304;
143. David W. Southern, The Malignant Heritage: Yankee Progressives and the Negro Question, 1901-1914 (Chicago, 1968), 39;
144. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 363-65.
145. A concise history of the relationship between progressivism and race is still missing. For excellent studies of race and reform in the Progressive Era, see Elizabeth Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors: Race and the Limits of Reform in the American Settlement House Movement, 1890-1945 (Chapel Hill, 1993);
146. Ronald C. White Jr., Liberty and Justice for All: Racial Reform and the Social Gospel (1877-1925) (San Francisco, 1990);
147. and Ralph E. Luker, The Social Gospel in Black and White: American Racial Reform, 1885-1912 (Chapel Hill, 1991).
148. Useful also are the chapters dealing with the Progressive Era in Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (Dallas, 1963).
149. See also McDonagh, "'Welfare Rights State' and the 'Civil Rights State,'" 225-71.
150. Du Bois, Souls of Black Folk, 5.
151. Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 6, 10-11, 13, 23.
152. John Daniels, In Freedom's Birthplace: A Study of the Boston Negroes (1914; New York, 1968), 400-401,
153. quoted in Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 20-22;
154. Jane Addams, "Social Control," Crisis, 1 (Jan. 1911), 22-23,
155. discussed in Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 14;
156. Frances Kellor, "The Criminal Negro: A Sociological Study," Arena, 25 (Jan.-May 1901), 59-68, 190-97, 308-16, 419-28, 510-20,
157. quoted in Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 17-18.
158. McKee, Sociology and the Race Problem, 7-8, 13.
159. Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 1, 3, 24, 29-31, 39-44. Mary Ovington modeled her approach on Du Bois's principles of investigation and research, concluding that blacks were self-sufficient and have a low crime rate, good household skills, and strong religious values;
160. see Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, ibid., 42-44.
161. Du Bois, Philadelphia Negro, 387,
162. quoted in Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 204;
163. see also Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, ibid., 210.
164. For further examples, see Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 223, 378.
165. David Noble, The Progressive Mind, 1890-1917 (Chicago, 1970), 111;
166. Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 60, 18. In studying cranial capacity, Du Bois has recourse to racial "science";
167. see W. E. B. Du Bois, The Health and Physique of the Negro American (Atlanta, 1906);
168. and Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 59. Likewise, in his essays "The Conservation of Races" and "Strivings of the Negro People," Du Bois declares his belief in racial theory and acknowledges the spiritual and psychic differences between races;
169. see Du Bois, "Conservation of Races," 38-47;
170. Du Bois, "Strivings of the Negro People," 194-98.
171. Du Bois, Darkwater, 73.
172. For an instructive book on how this trans-racial vision could be achieved, see David A. Hollinger, Post-Ethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism (New York, 1995), esp. 1-17, 79-116;
173. see also James T. Kloppenberg, The Virtues of Liberalism (New York, 1998).
174. Lewis, W. E. B. Du Bois, 275-76;
175. Du Bois quoted in Rampersad, Art and Imagination of W. E. B. Du Bois, 35.
176. Du Bois, Autobiography, 233;
177. see also Lasch-Quinn, Black Neighbors, 46.
178. On Du Bois's growing frustration with the white labor movement, see Du Bois, Darkwater, 48, 92-93, 115.
179. For an interesting discussion of this issue see the juxtaposition of Herbert Croly and Walter Weyl in Christopher Lasch, The True and Only Heaven: Progress and Its Critics (New York, 1991), 340-44;
180. see also Schäfer, American Progressives and German Social Reform, 129-42, 179-88, 209-22.
181. Du Bois, Darkwater, 56-58, 65, 71, 156-57. This also reflects Du Bois's deepening interest in Africa and his earlier discovery of Franz Boas's anthropology.