How the east was won: Transnational social forces and the neoliberalisation of Poland's post-communist transition

Global Society

Volumn 22, Issue 4, 2008, Pages 445-468

  Shields, Stuart ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMMUNISM; HEGEMONY; MARKET TRANSITION; NEOLIBERALISM; POLITICAL ECONOMY; POLITICAL REFORM;

CENTRAL EUROPE; EURASIA; EUROPE; POLAND;

EID: 53349127589     PISSN: 13600826     EISSN: 1469798X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13600820802366409     Document Type: Article

References (165)

1. Notable exceptions would include Hugo Radice, "The Role of Foreign Direct Investment in the Transformation of Eastern Europe", in Ha-Joon Chang and Peter Nolan (ed.), The Transformation of the Communist Economies: Against the Mainstream (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp. 282-310
2. Peter Gowan, "Neo-Liberal Theory and Practice for Eastern Europe", New Left Review, No. 213 (1995), pp. 3-60
3. Simon Clarke et al., What About the Workers? Workers and the Transition to Capitalism in Russia (London: Verso, 1993)
4. Jane Hardy and Al Rainnie, Restructuring Krakow: Desperately Seeking Capitalism (London: Mansell, 1996)
5. Adrian Smith and Adam Swain, "Regulating and Institutionalising Capitalisms: The Micro-Foundations of Transformation in Eastern and Central Europe", in John Pickles and Adrian Smith (eds), Theorising Transition: The Political Economy of Post-Communist Transformations (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 25-53 though I would hesitate to describe any of them as IR/IPE.
6. By CEE I mean Poland, Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic. The argument applies here more so than further east where different historical development of the state-society complex, class relations and capitalism preclude direct comparison. For example see Daniel Chirot (ed.) The Origins of Backwardness in Eastern Europe: Economics and Politics from the Middle Ages until the Early Twentieth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989)
7. Ivan Berend, Central and Eastern Europe, 1944-1993: Detour from the Periphery to the Periphery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
8. Specifically on Poland's relation to the historical conditions of global structural change see Stuart Shields, "Historicizing Transition: The Polish Political Economy in a Period of Global Structural Change - Eastern Central Europe's Passive Revolution?", International Politics, Vol. 43, No. 4 (2006), pp. 474-499.
9. Walter L. Adamson, Hegemony and Revolution: A Study of Antonio Gramsci's Political and Cultural Theory (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 186.
10. Adam D. Morton, "Structural Change and Neoliberalism in Mexico: 'Passive Revolution' in the Global Political Economy", Third World Quarterly, Vol. 24, No. 4 (2003), p. 632.
11. On CEE see Dorothee Bohle, "Erweiterung und Vertiefung der EU: Neoliberale Restrukturierung und Transnationales Kapital", PROKLA 128, Vol. 32, No. 3 (2002), pp. 353-379
12. Andreas Bieler, "The Struggle over EU Enlargement: A Historical Materialist Analysis of European Integration", Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 9, No. 4 (2002), pp. 575-597
13. Otto Holman, "Integrating Peripheral Europe: The Different Roads to 'Security and Stability' in Southern and Central Europe", Journal of International Relations and Development, Vol. 7, No. 2 (2004), pp. 208-236
14. Stuart Shields, "The 'Charge of the Right Brigade': Transnational Social Forces and the Neoliberal Configuration of Poland's Transition", New Political Economy, Vol. 8, No. 2 (2003), pp. 225-245
15. Arjan Vliegenthart and Laura Horn, "The Role of the EU in the (Trans) Formation of Corporate Governance Regulation in Central Eastern Europe the Case of the Czech Republic", Competition and Change, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2007), pp. 137-154.
16. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1971), pp. 12-13
17. Craig Murphy, International Organization and Industrial Change: Global Governance since 1850 (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994), p. 31.
18. For very different perspectives on the implications of class analysis and post-communism see inter alia Gil Eyal, Ivan Szelényi and Eleanor Townsley, Making Capitalism without Capitalists: Class Formation and Elite Struggles in Post-Communist Central Europe (London: Verso Books, 1998)
19. Andrew Herod, "Impacts of the Transition on Unions in Eastern Europe", in Berthold Unfried and Marcel van der Linden (eds), Labour and New Social Movements in a Globalizing World, Tagungsberichte 38 (Leipzig: Akademische Verlagsanstalt, 2004), pp. 139-154
20. Jane Hardy, "The Transformation of Post-Communist Economies in a Globalised Economy; The Case of Polandb", Research in Political Economy, Vol. 24 (2007), pp. 131-162
21. Stuart Shields, "Global Restructuring and the Polish State: Transition, Transformation, or Transnationalization?" Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 11, No. 1 (2004), pp. 132-154
22. Michael Burawoy, "Transition without Transformation: Russia's Involutionary Road to Capitalism", East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (2001), pp. 269-290
23. Stephen A. Resnick and Richard D. Wolff, Class Theory and History: Capitalism and Communism in the USSR (New York: Routledge, 2002).
24. In a non-functionalist sense, Sachs' work is the template for transition. Recognising it as such helps to identify the ideational chain within the hegemonic structure. To paraphrase Murphy, Sachs provides the ideological cement for the construction of the neoliberal historic bloc in Poland; see Murphy, op cit., pp. 26-29, for the architectural analogy.
25. Many Europeanists now consider the baton of reform to have been passed from the institutions of the Washington consensus to those of the Brussels consensus. See Milada Anna Vachudova, Europe Undivided: Democracy, Leverage, and Integration after Communism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
26. However, see World Bank, Country Partnership Strategy with the Republic of Poland, Report No. 31702 - PL (Washington:WOrld Bank, 2005)
27. and World Bank, Country Assistance Strategy for the Republic of Poland i, Report No. 24783-Pol (Washington: World Bank, 2002) for clear illustrations of the wide array of input from other non-EU neoliberal institutions. The 2002 Country Assistance Strategy provides a particularly straightforward matrix that includes operations executed by the World Bank, EU, European Investment Bank, European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, IMF and OECD as well as lesser activities associated with the UK Know How Fund, UNDP and Global Environment Facility.
28. Some of the issues related to this are discussed in Stuart Shields, "'How to Make Transition Economies Work': The Global Promotion of Competitiveness and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development", Second World International Studies Conference, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, (23-26 July 2008)
29. and Stuart Shields, "From the Washington Consensus to the Brussels Consensus: Regional Arrangements for the Promotion of Global Competitiveness in Post-Communist Europe", Fourth ECPR Conference, Pisa, 6-8 September 2007
30. see also Paul Cammack, "The Politics of Global Competitiveness", Institute for Global Studies, Manchester Metropolitan University, e-space Open Access Repository Papers in the Politics of Global Competitiveness, No. 1 (2006), available: .
31. Dorothee Bohle and Bela Greskovits, "Capitalism without Compromise: Strong Businesses and Weak Labor in Eastern Europe's New Transnational Industries", Studies in Comparative International Development, Vol. 41, No. 1 (2006), pp. 3-25. As van Apeldoorn notes, the European variant of neoliberalism is embedded "to the extent that it recognizes the limits of laissez-faire, ... and accepts that certain compromises need to be made".
32. Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, "The Struggle over European Order: Transnational Class Agency in the Making of 'Embedded Neoliberalism", in Andreas Bieler and Adam D. Morton (eds), Social Forces in the Making of the New Europe. The Restructuring of European Social Relations in the Global Economy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), p. 82. Mainstream approaches tendto conceptualise theseemergingforms of governance asEuropeanisation, comparing them directly to similar developments during previous enlargements of the EU that provide a clear set of guidelines and lessons for CEE.
33. This is obviously a developing literature but for a number of defining statements see inter alia Wade Jacoby, "Tutors and Pupils: International Organizations, Central European Elites, and Western Models", Governance, Vol. 14, No. 2 (2001), pp. 169-200
34. Antoaneta L. Dimitrova (ed.), Driven to Change: The European Union's Enlargement Viewed from the East (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004)
35. Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier, The Europeanization of Central and Eastern Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2005)
36. Rachel Epstein, "Cultivating Consensus and Creating Conflict: International Institutions and the (De)Politicization of Economic Policy in Postcommunist Europe", Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 39, No. 8 (2006), pp. 1019-1042
37. James Hughes, Gwendolyn Sasse and Claire E. Gordon, Europeanization and Regionalization in the EU's Enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe: The Myth of Conditionality (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004)
38. Frank Schimmelfennig, "Norms, Rhetorical Action, and the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union", International Organization, Vol. 55, No. 1 (2001), pp. 47-80
39. Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier, The Politics of European Union Enlargement: Theoretical Approaches (London: Routledge, 2005).
40. Marc Ellingstad, "The Maquiladora Syndrome: Central European Prospects", Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 49, No. 1 (1997), pp. 7-21
41. Roderick Martin, "Central and Eastern Europe and the International Economy: The Limits to Globalisation", Europe-Asia Studies, Vol. 50, No. 1 (1998), pp. 7-26
42. Iliana Zloch-Christy, Eastern Europe and the World Economy: Challenges of Transition and Globalization (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1998).
43. Jacques Rupnik, "Eastern Europe: The International Context", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 11, No. 2 (2000), p. 115.
44. See the selection of cases used in Vachudova, op cit., or Antoaneta Dimitrova and Geoffrey Pridham, "International Actors and Democracy Promotion in Central and Eastern Europe: The Integration Model and Its Limits", Democratization, Vol. 11, No. 5 (2004), pp. 91-112.
45. Carl-Ulrik Schierup, "The Spectre of Balkanism: Globalisation, Fragmentation and the Enigma of Reconstruction in Post-Communist Society", in Carl-Ulrik Schierup (ed.), Scramble for the Balkans Nationalism, Globalism and the Political Economy of Reconstruction (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 1998), pp. 1-32
46. Nikolai Genov, "Global Trends and Eastern European Societal Transformations", International Social Science Journal, Vol. 52, No. 166 (2000), pp. 539-547.
47. Martin, op. cit., p. 8.
48. Michael Burawoy, "The State and Economic Involution: Russia through a Chinese Lens", World Development, Vol. 24, No. 6 (1996), p. 1106.
49. Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, "Transnational Class Agency and European Governance: The Case of the European Round Table of Industrialists", New Political Economy, Vol. 5, No. 2 (2000), pp. 157-181
50. Andreas Bieler, "European Integration and the Transnational Restructuring of Social Relations: The Emergence of Labour as a Regional Actor?", Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 43, No. 3 (2005), pp. 461-484.
51. The concept of control is a rallying point for a (ruling) class fraction, a comprehensive framework of thought and action that configures the limits of the possible in a given social situation. It is integrated and organised to safeguard the interests of particular classes and connotes a managerial and a power relationship. The concept of control is only successful or hegemonic when the particular concept is translated from a specific interest into a general interest. Therefore hegemony is the extent that a class (fraction) can articulate different visions of the world to ameliorate potential antagonisms. This is the expression of the structural and behavioural power of capital, what Gramsci termed the historical bloc originating from the socio-economic relationships between different fractions of the bourgeoisie and labour. The organisational and institutional framework for this is the state. To be effective, concepts of control are transmitted into domestic and foreign policy at the state level with the state acting as the political platform for the articulation of concepts of control and the general safeguarding of bourgeois hegemony. Concepts of control become hegemonic by expressing the general interest through the incorporation and neutralisation of competing visions.
52. Kanishka Jayasuriya, Reconstituting the Global Liberal Order: Legitimacy and Regulation (London: Routledge, 2005).
53. Robert W. Cox, "Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory", Millennium: Journal of International Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (1981), pp. 126-155.
54. Jayasuriya, op. cit., p. 23.
55. On methodological considerations in the area studies literature, see recent statements by Arista Maria Cirtautas, "The Post-Leninist State: A Conceptual and Empirical Examination", Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Vol. 28, No. 4 (1995), pp. 379-392
56. J. Gans-Morse, "Searching for Transitologists: Contemporary Theories of Post-Communist Transitions and the Myth of a Dominant Paradigm", Post-Soviet Affairs,Vol. 20,Nos. 4 (2004),pp. 320-349
57. VladimerPapava, "OntheTheory of Post-Communist Economic Transition to Market", International Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 32,No. 1-2 (2005), pp. 77-97
58. Steven Saxonberg and Jonas Linde, "Beyond the Transitology-Area Studies Debate", Problems Of Post-Communism, Vol. 50, No. 3 (2003), pp. 3-16.
59. Randall Germain and Michael Kenny, "Engaging Gramsci: International Relations Theory and the New Gramscians", Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 1 (1998), p. 3.
60. Ibid.
61. see also recent work by John M. Hobson, "Is Critical Theory Always for the White West and for Western Imperialism? Beyond Westphilian towards a Post-Racist Critical IR", Review of International Studies, Vol. 33, No. S1 (2007), pp. 91-116
62. and the debate in and between Andreas Bieler, Werner Bonefeld, Peter Burnham and Adam D. Morton, Global Restructuring: State, Capital and Labour (London: Palgrave Macmillan 2006).
63. Gramsci, op. cit., p. 377.
64. Ibid., pp. 57-58.
65. Ibid., p. 161
66. and Mark Rupert, Producing Hegemony: The Politics of Mass Production and American Global Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 80-81.
67. Enrico Augelli and Craig Murphy, America's Quest for Supremacy and the Third World (London: Pinter, 1988), pp. 13-29, pp. 35-41.
68. Ibid., p. 21.
69. Robert W. Cox and Timothy J. Sinclair, Approaches to World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 517-518.
70. Kees van der Pijl, Transnational Classes and International Relations (London: Routledge, 1998), especially chapter 1.
71. Ibid.
72. and also van der Pijl, "Capital and the State System: A Class Act", Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 20, No. 4 (2007), pp. 621-625.
73. This concept is discussed in Charles Gore, "Methodological Nationalism and the Misunderstanding of East Asian Industrialisation", European Journal of Development Research, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1996), pp. 77-122.
74. Otto Holman, "The Enlargement of the European Union Towards Central and Eastern Europe: The Role of Supranational and Transnational Actors", in Andreas Bieler and Adam D. Morton (eds), Social Forces in the Making of the New Europe: The Restructuring of European Social Relations in the Global Economy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), p. 169.
75. Gramsci, op. cit., p. 241.
76. Philip McMichael, "Incorporating Comparison within a World-Historical Perspective: An Alternative Comparative Method", American Sociological Review, Vol. 55, No. 3 (1990), p. 396. I am grateful to Heloise Weber for directing me to towards this reference.
77. Cited in Mark Rupert, "(Re-)Engaging Gramsci: A Response Germain and Kenny", Review of International Studies, Vol. 24, No. 3 (1998), p. 432.
78. Andreas Bieler and Adam D. Morton, "Globalisation, the State and Class Struggle: A 'Critical Economy' Engagement with Open Marxism", British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 5, No. 4 (2003), p. 489.
79. Gramsci, op. cit., pp. 181-182.
80. Holman, "The Enlargement of the European Union", op. cit.
81. Bieler, "The Struggle over EU Enlargement", op. cit.
82. Eyal, et al., Making Capitalism without Capitalists, op. cit.
83. Shields "The 'Charge of the Right Brigade'", op. cit., and Burawoy, "The State and Economic Involution", op. cit.
84. $1 million was accepted from the US Congress in 1987, according to Jane Hardy and Andrzej Zebrowski, "Poland and the New Europe", International Socialism, No. 108 (2005).
85. Jeffrey Sachs, "What Is to Be Done?", The Economist, 13 January 1990. It is surely no accident that Sachs' article so closely follows Mitterrand's 1990 New Year speech, which outlined his alternative pan-European vision of the future.
86. Andrzej W. Tymowski, "Poland's Unwanted Social Revolution", East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 7, No. 2 (1993), pp. 187-188.
87. Jeffrey Sachs, Poland's Jump to the Market Economy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1993), p. 83.
88. Balcerowicz derived the term "shock therapy" from behavioural psychologist Leon Festinger. The austerity of the plan was based on Festinger's notion that human beings adapt faster to radical change rather than to incremental change. See Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957)
89. Leszek Balcerowicz, Socialism, Capitalism, Transformation (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1995), chaps 1 & 15.
90. Balcerowicz, op. cit., p. 233.
91. Jane Hardy, "Bending Workplace Institutions in Transforming Economies: Foreign Investment in Poland", Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 13, No. 1 (2006), p. 136.
92. Sachs proposed that Western governments must provide "leadership and vision, and far more generous financial support" to CEE. However, the fundamental support from theWest was "[incorporating] the East European countries into a common European market", Sachs, "What Is To Be Done?", op. cit., p. 24. There was also some discussion of debt relief and development support. But Sachs was essentially optimistic concerning CEE's future.
93. Ibid.
94. and echoed in Balcerowicz, op. cit., pp. 186-199, where "various roads" of transition are collapsed into a typology of privatisation strategies.
95. Sachs, "What Is To Be Done?", op. cit., p. 24
96. on earlier reforms see also Batara Simatupang, The Polish Economic Crisis: Background, Causes, and Aftermath (London: Routledge, 1994).
97. As Berend notes, the Soviets could not halt the erosion of the system from the mid-1970s, so that state socialism in the FSU had "lost all its previous advantages and modernizing dynamism", Berend, op. cit. p. 78. It was clear that while earlier piecemeal and half-hearted attempts at reform were insufficient, real change was delayed until the late 1980s and early 1990s when discussions in Poland and Hungary concerned an entire systemic change.
98. Andrzej Korbonski, "The Politics of Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe: The Last Thirty Years", Soviet Studies, Vol. 41, No. 1 (1989), pp. 1-19.
99. One rationale for this was that the Stalinist form of economic model was only imposed after 1945 in contrast to the FSU, see Paul R. Gregory, The Political Economy of Stalinism: Evidence from the Soviet Secret Archives (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), whereas in CEE reforms were repeatedly attempted so that CEE had an historical memory of capitalism, the market and an autonomous political reality.
100. Jeffrey Sachs, Understanding 'Shock Therapy' (London: Social Market Foundation, 1994), p. 15, my emphasis.
101. Ibid.
102. Burawoy, "The State and Economic Involution", op. cit., p. 1106.
103. Compare Sachs, Poland's Jump to the Market Economy, op. cit.
104. with World Bank, Transition: The First Ten Years. Analysis and Lessons for Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union (Washington DC: World Bank, 2002).
105. One illustration of the strength of Balcerowicz's international reputation is this radio interview with Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze broadcast in August 2000. The transcript reads: "The invitation for Leszek Balcerowicz to come to Georgia is a sign of things to come. It by no means suggests that we do not trust Georgian experts. However, no-one should be offended when reminded of the importance of professionalism, experience, international reputation and other such factors. Balcerowicz is a well-known figure throughout the world. This is very important for our country, especially for our reputation and influence among international investors". Clearly, Balcerowicz also had his own signifi- cant imprimatur alongside the IFIs. Georgia Daily Digest, online at 〈http://www.eurasianet.org/resource/georgia/ hypermail/200008/0035.html〉. Balcerowicz has been mentioned informally a number of times as a potential head of a significant international organisation.
106. Government of Poland, Memorandum of the Government of Poland on Economic Reform and Medium-Term Policies, 1991-1993, 25 March 1991.
107. One of Balcerowicz's favourite phrases, according toMaciej Kabaj and Tadeusz Kowalik, "Who Is Responsible for Postcommunist Successes in Eastern Europe?", Transition, Vol. 6, Nos. 7-8 (1995), p. 7.
108. Ben Slay, The Polish Economy: Crisis, Reform, and Transition (London: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 113.
109. Zalozenia polityki spoleczno-gospodarczej (Principles of Socio-Economic Development), (Warsaw: Polska Agencja Prasowa, 15 February 1992)
110. and Auxiliary Planning Document, Zalozenia polityki spoleczno-gospodarczej 1992-1994, March 1992.
111. Slay, op. cit., p. 114.
112. Michael Lindemann, "New Government Signals Intention to Slow Down Privatization Process", Associated Press, 6 January 1992.
113. Suchocka, a relatively unknown political figure, was acceptable because of the popular antipathy toward more prominent reformers. To strengthen support for her government, she drew heavily on the first three Solidarity governments and included well-known figures Jacek Kuron and Janusz Onyszkiewicz of the Democratic Union, Bielecki of the Liberal Democratic Congress, Eysymontt of the Polish Economic Programme, and the independent Krzysztof Skubiszewski in the cabinet. For Balcerowicz's ringing endorsement see Balcerowicz, op. cit., p. 300.
114. Gramsci, op. cit., p. 16.
115. Heather Grabbe, "How Does Europeanisation Affect Central Eastern European Governance? Conditionality, Diffusion and Diversity", Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 8, No. 4 (2001), pp. 1017-1018.
116. This situation echoes the treatment of CEE following 1989, when the UK and US governments insisted on a transition process configured through bilateral relations, Shields, "Global Restructuring and the Polish State?", op. cit.
117. See contributions to Andreas Bieler and Adam D. Morton (eds), Social Forces in the Making of the New Europe: The Restructuring of European Social Relations in the Global Political Economy (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001)
118. and Alan W. Cafruny and Magnus Ryner, A Ruined Fortress? Neoliberal Hegemony and Transformation in Europe (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003).
119. The term "depoliticisation" is used to describe a process whereby important functions of economic management deemed vital to the more interventionist post-war era of state management of the economy (monetary policy, trade policy, etc.), are removed from centralised state control and placed in the remit of "objective" institutions, technocrats, or juridical frameworks, thereby insulating policymakers from political pressures and "locking in" key reforms by making the future reversal of reforms unlikely or, often, illegal. It is also worth reiterating the added dimension, given Poland's revolutionary history, which emerges when one considers depoliticisation as a process of the recomposition of the state, the opposite of incorporation as a state management strategy, and a means of dispelling political confrontation from within the ambit of state institutions.
120. Jacques Rupnik, "From Democracy Fatigue to Populist Backlash", Journal of Democracy, Vol. 18, No. 4 (2007), p. 22.
121. Holman, "Integrating Peripheral Europe", op. cit., p. 225.
122. Asbjorn Wahl, "European Labour: The Ideological Legacy of the Social Pact", Monthly Review, Vol. 55, No. 8 (2004), pp. 37-49.
123. This should not be taken to imply that CEE or Poland are acted upon by the EU as an external agent or indeed as the transmission belt of neoliberalisation into the national state arena vis Cox, "Social Forces, States and World Orders", op. cit.
124. For an account of the changes associated with the rearticulation of Polish exports to the EU, see Wendy Carlin, Saul Estrin and Mark Schaffer, "Measuring Progress in Transition and Towards EU Accession: A Comparison of Manufacturing Firms in Poland, Romania and Spain", Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 38, No. 5 (2000), pp. 699-728.
125. Jacoby, op. cit., p. 171.
126. Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier, "Governance by Conditionality: EU Rule Transfer to the Candidate Countries of Central and Eastern Europe", Journal of European Public Policy, Vol. 11, No. 4 (2004), p. 671
127. and Guy Standing, "The Babble of Euphemisms: Re-Embedding Social Protection in 'Transformed' Labour Markets", in Al Rainnie, et al. (eds), Work, Employment, and Transition: Restructuring Livelihoods in Post-Communism (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 35-54.
128. On a second generation of reforms, see Bob Deacon, "Eastern European Welfare States: The Impact of the Politics of Globalization", Journal of European Social Policy, Vol. 10, No. 2 (2000), pp. 146-161.
129. Holman, "Integrating Peripheral Europe", op. cit., p. 225.
130. Attila Agh, The Politics of Central Europe (London: Sage, 1998), pp. 56-57.
131. For an excellent overview see Grabbe, op. cit.
132. European Commission, Agenda 2000 - Commission Opinion on Poland's Application for Membership of the European Union 15th July Doc/97/16 (Brussels: European Commission, 1997), p. 33.
133. See contributions to Dimitrova, op. cit.
134. Jamie Gough, "Changing Scale as Changing Class Relations: Variety and Contradiction in the Politics of Scale", Political Geography, Vol. 23, No. 2 (2004), p. 63.
135. Merje Kuus, "Europe's Eastern Expansion and the Reinscription of Otherness in East-Central Europe", Progress in Human Geography, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2004), p. 473
136. Alison Stenning, "Out There and in Here: Studying Eastern Europe in the West", Area, Vol. 37, No. 4 (2005), p. 381.
137. The resonance with earlier historical manifestations of CEE as the backward part of Europe is clear: "In the Europe of the 1990s Eastern Europe will continue to occupy an ambiguous space between inclusion and exclusion both in economic affairs and in cultural recognition" according to Larry Wolff, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 9
138. also Paul Blokker, "Post-Communist Modernization, Transition Studies, and Diversity in Europe", European Journal of Social Theory, Vol. 8, No. 4 (2005), pp. 503-525.
139. Peter Burnham, "New Labour and the Politics of Depoliticisation", British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 3, No. 2 (2001), p. 128.
140. David Ost, "Illusory Corporatism in Eastern Europe: Neoliberal Tripartism and Postcommunist Class Identities", Politics & Society Vol. 28, No. 4 (2000), pp. 503-530
141. Stephen Crowley, "Explaining Labor Weakness in Post-Communist Europe: Historical Legacies and Comparative Perspective", East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 18, No. 3 (2004), pp. 394-429.
142. Sarah Vickerstaff and John Thirkell, "Instrumental Rationality and European Integration: Transfer or Avoidance of Industrial Relations Institutions in Central and Eastern Europe?" European Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 6, No. 2 (2000), pp. 237-251
143. Guglielmo Meardi, "The Trojan Horse for the Americanization of Europe? Polish Industrial Relations towards the EU", European Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 8, No. 1 (2002), pp. 77-99.
144. Bohle and Greskovits, "Strong Businesses and Weak Labor in Eastern Europe's New Transnational Industries", op. cit.
145. Dorothee Bohle and Bela Greskovits, "The State, Internationalization, and Capitalist Diversity in Eastern Europe", Competition and Change Vol. 11, No. 2 (2007), pp. 89-114.
146. Hardy, "The Transformation of Post-Communist Economies", op. cit. p. 149.
147. Anna Pollert, Transformation at Work in the New Market Economies of Central Eastern Europe (London: Sage, 1999)
148. John Thirkell, Krastyu Petkov and Sarah Vickerstaff, The Transformation of Labour Relations: Restructuring and Privatization in Eastern Europe and Russia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
149. EIRO, Poland: Strikes over 1990 to 2001 Examined Pl0207103fpl (Dublin: EIRO, 2002).
150. An upsurge in strikes in 1999 as a result of disputes in education had a significant impact on the teachers' union, Zwiazek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego (ZNP). The ZNP transformed itself from an official union loyal to the Communist Party, limited to a social role, into a campaigning organisation with rank and file participation, engaged in industrial action, see Hardy and Zebrowski, op. cit.
151. and Stuart Shields, "Double the Shock, with Half the Therapy: Transnational Capital, Class Configuration and the Social Implications of Poland's Ongoing Transition to a Market Economy", Competition & Change, Vol. 11, No. 4, (2007), pp. 153-176.
152. Leszek Balcerowicz, 800 Dni: Szok Kontrolowany (800 Days: Controlled Shock) (Warsaw: BGW, 1992), p. 89.
153. From the Gierek period onwards, there had been repeated crisis consultations, according to Jan Adam, "The Transition to a Market Economy in Poland", Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 18, No. 6 (1994), p. 614. In the early days of the Mazowiecki government, discussions were held withWorld Bank advisors concerning Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOPs) as a legitimate method of privatisation in the Solidarity tradition, though this was decisively rejected by the Balcerowicz team.
154. See Tymowski, op. cit., p. 187.
155. Hardy, op. cit.
156. Bela Greskovits, The Political Economy of Protest and Patience: East European and Latin American Transformations Compared (Budapest: Central European University Press, 1998), p. 17
157. Stephen Crowley and David Ost, Workers after Workers' States: Labor and Politics in Postcommunist Eastern Europe (Lanham, MD; Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001.
158. Alejandro Colás, "The Re-Invention of Populism: Islamist Responses to Capitalist Development in the Contemporary Maghreb", Historical Materialism, Vol. 12, No. 4 (2004), p. 242.
159. Noémi Lendvai, "TheWeakest Link? EU Accession: Dialoguing EU and Post-Communist Social Policy", Journal of European Social Policy, Vol. 14, No. 3 (2004), pp. 319-333.
160. Cas Mudde, "In the Name of the Peasantry, the Proletariat, and the People: Populisms in Eastern Europe", East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 14, No. 2 (2001), p. 37.
161. Bogusia Puchalska, "Polish Democracy in Transition?" Political Studies, Vol. 53, No. 4 (2005), p. 817.
162. Andrew Janos, "From Eastern Empire toWestern Hegemony: East Central Europe under Two International Regimes", East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 15, No. 2 (2001), pp. 221-249.
163. David Ost, The Defeat of Solidarity: Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), pp. 187, 229.
164. Aleksander Smolar, "Poland: Radicals in Power", Eurozine, 〈www.eurozine.com〉, (2006), p. 11.
165. Ibid., p. 11.