Citizenship versus patriotism in twentieth-century England

Historical Journal

Volumn 48, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 151-178

  Stapleton, Julia ^a  

^a DURHAM UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CITIZENSHIP; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; NATIONALISM; TWENTIETH CENTURY;

EASTERN HEMISPHERE; ENGLAND; EURASIA; EUROPE; UNITED KINGDOM; WESTERN EUROPE; WORLD;

EID: 19644367759     PISSN: 0018246X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X0400425X     Document Type: Article

References (177)

1. K. Kumar, The making of English national identity (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 200, 202, 233.
2. For example, for Idealist thinkers in this vein, see D. Boucher, 'British Idealism, the state, and international relations', Journal of the History of Ideas, 55 (1994), pp. 671-94.
3. On Bosanquet and the Charity Organization Society, see S. Collini, 'Hobhouse, Bosanquet and the state: philosophical idealism and political argument in England, 1880-1918', Past and Present, 72 (1976), pp. 86-111.
4. On Mackenzie and the Civic Education League, see his offer to write a book on citizenship for the Home University Library at the request of the League in letters to Gilbert Murray, 17 Dec. 1919 and 15 Jan. 1924, Bodleian Library, Oxford, MSS Murray, 406/167 and 407/1. On the Civic Education League, an organization which became an arm of Le Play House and the Institute of Sociology, see D. F. T. Evans, 'Le Play House and the regional survey movement in British sociology, 1920-1955' (M.Phil. thesis, City of Birmingham Polytechnic, 1986).
5. G. K. Chesterton asked the cosmopolitan 'who professes to love humanity and hate local preference ... : "How can you love humanity and hate anything so human?"': 'The patriotic idea', in L. Oldershaw, ed., England: a nation: being the papers of the Patriots' Club (London, 1904), p. 10.
6. On the background of this non-existent club, see M. Ward, Gilbert Keith Chesterton (London, 1944), p. 248.
7. H. Law, 'The Case of Ireland', in Oldershaw, ed., England, pp. 130-58;
8. on the sympathy of patriots such as Chesterton and - earlier - James Froude for the Boers, see S. Weaver, 'The pro-Boers: war, empire, and the uses of nostalgia in turn-of-the-century England', in G. K. Behlmer and F. M. Levanthal, eds., Singular continuities: tradition, nostalgia, and identity in modern British culture (Stanford, CA, 2000), pp. 43-57.
9. J. C. D. Clark, Our shadowed present: moderism postmodernism and history (London, 2003), pp. 61-2, 88, 96. Clark both underestimates the strength of patriotism in England, Britain, and the United Kingdom and its basis in nationality. He claims that certain 'group' identities prevailed over the nation in all three contexts, rooted in 'allegiance, shared history, liberty, law, superior civilization and the polity's place within a scenario of the historical development of Christendom': p. 93. This is undeniable but such bonds were arguably constitutive of, rather than alternatives to, the various senses of nationhood here.
10. J. H. Grainger, Patriotisms: Britain, 1900-1940 (London, 1986), p. 64. I draw upon but seek to extend this fine book in the present article.
11. Letter to the editor, signed by Alfred Bower, lord mayor, and nine other officers of the Society, The English Race, Journal of the Royal Society of St George, 38 (Aug. 1926), p. 6. In the early 1880s, dismayed by the lack of English national consciousness and also ignorance of the role which England had played in the building of empire, Ruff initiated the practice of wearing a rose on St George's Day.
12. For opposing views, see for example, T. Kusher and K. Lunn, Traditions of intolerance: historical perspectives on fascism and race discourse in Britain (Manchester, 1989).
13. Anti-Semitism, in particular, was certainly present in political thought, even on the Left: see, for example, V. Geoghegan, 'Edward Carpenter's England revisited', History of Political Thought, 24 (2003), pp. 509-27.
14. But evidence of the exclusivity of English self-projection in political thought and action is not uniform: an ardent patriot who vociferously opposed anti-alien hysteria in Edwardian Britain is Winston Churchill. His campaign against the Aliens Bill in 1904 won him the support of Nathan Laski - father of Harold Laski - and the seat of North-West Manchester for the Liberal party: see I. Kramnick and B. Sheerman, Harold Laski: a life on the Left (London, 1993), pp. 20-5.
15. For the view that English traits often became synonymous with Britishness after 1900, especially as the Protestantism on which British identity had traded heavily in previous centuries diminished in force, see J. K. Walton, 'Britishness', in C. Wrigley, ed., A companion to early twentieth-centuiy Britain (Oxford, 2002), pp. 520, 529.
16. P. Mandler, '"Race" and "Nation" in mid-Victorian thought', in S. Collini, R. Whatmore, and B. Young, eds., History, religion and culture: British intellectual history, 1750-1950 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 230;
17. and idem, 'The consciousness of modernity? Liberalism and the English "national character", 1870-1940', in B. Rieger and M. Daunton, eds., Meanings of modernity: Britain from the late-Victorian era to World War II (Oxford, 2001), pp. 119-44.
18. See T. Lang, 'Lord Acton and the insanity of nationalism', Journal of the History of Ideas, 63 (2003), pp. 129-49.
19. See E. F. Biagini, Citizenship and community: liberals, radicals and collective identities in the British Isles, 1865-1931 (Cambridge, 1996).
20. Mandler, 'The consciousness of modernity?', p. 121.
21. R. N. Soffer, 'History and religion: J. R. Seeley and the burden of the past', in R. W. Davis and R. J. Helmstadter, eds., Religion and irreligion in Victorian society: essays in honour of R. K. Webb (London, 1992), p. 142.
22. See J. Stapleton, 'James Fitzjames Stephen: liberalism, patriotism, and English liberty', Victorian Studies, 41 (1998), pp. 243-65.
23. See A. V. Dicey, Lectures on the relation between law and public opinion in England during the nineteenth century (1905; London, 1940), p. 463.
24. Kumar, The making of English national identity, pp. 206-7.
25. A. V. Dicey, 'A common citizenship for the English race', Contemporary Review, 71 (1897), pp. 457-76, at pp 465, 469.
26. Paul Rich has wrongly characterized Dicey's conception of Anglo-Saxon unity in terms of 'blood' in Race and empire in British politics (Cambridge, 1986), p. 13.
27. On the increasing pessimism of Bryce and Dicey - two followers of Mazzini in the 1860s - towards nationalism following the upsurge of 'racial feeling' within, see Rich, Race and empire in British politics, pp. 23-4;
28. on their political disillusion more widely, see C. Harvie, The lights of liberalism: university liberals and the challenge of democracy, 1860-1885 (London, 1976).
29. R. Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes, I: Hopes betrayed, 1883-1920 (London, 1983), p 91;
30. see also Gilbert Murray's reaction to Mafeking night in 'National ideals: conscious and unconscious' (1900), reprinted in Essays and addresses (London, 1921).
31. L. T. Hobhouse, Democracy and reaction (London, 1904), p. 17;
32. 'The principle of citizenship', from Morals in evolution (London, 1906), reprinted in J. Meadowcroft, ed., L. T. Hobhouse: Liberalism and other writings (Cambridge, 1994), p. 148.
33. Hobhouse, 'Irish nationalism and liberal principle' (1912), in Meadowcroft, ed., L. T. Hobhouse, p. 168.
34. See F. Coetzee, For party or country: nationalism and the dilemmas of popular conservatism in Edwardian England (New York, 1990);
35. E. Riedi, 'Women, gender, and the promotion of empire: the Victoria League, 1901-1914', Historical Journal, 45 (2002), pp. 569-99.
36. (Henry) Spencer Wilkinson became Chichele Professor of Military History at Oxford in 1909. He co-authored a book with Charles Dilke entitled National defence (London, 1892).
37. P. Ward, Red flog and Union Jack: Englishness, patriotism and the British Left, 1881-1924 (Woodbridge, 1990).
38. Grainger, Patriotisms, p. 39. This was a key theme of Arthur Bryant, who, as will be seen, attempted to sustain the momentum of Edwardian patriotism after the First World War. See, for example, his weekly column, 'Our notebook' (which he inherited from Chesterton in 1936) in the Illustrated London News (hereafter ILN), 13 Dec. 1947, p. 650.
39. See, for example, his weekly column, 'Our notebook' (which he inherited from Chesterton in 1936) in the Illustrated London News (hereafter ILN), 13 Dec. 1947, p. 650.
40. S. Heathorn, For home, county, and race: constructing gender, class, and Englishness in the elementary school, 1880-1914 (Toronto, 2000), pp. 20-1, 34, 207-9.
41. Grainger, Patriotisms, pp. 27-42;
42. see also G. K. Chesterton, 'A defence of patriotism', in The Defendant (London, 1901). On Boutwood, see n. 38 below.
43. On this alternative model of the citizen in the women's suffrage movement - not least its basis in reason - see L. E. Nym Mayhall, The militant suffrage movement: citizenship and resistance in Britain, 186o-1930 (New York, 2003), pp. 7-8.
44. G. Gerson, 'Liberalism, welfare and the crowd in J. A. Hobson', History of European Ideas, 30 (2004), pp. 197-215.
45. J. Bryce, The hindrances to good citizenship (New Haven, CT, 1909), p. 41.
46. R. Romani, National character and public spirit in Britain and France, 1750-1914 (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 325-6.
47. J. R. Gibbons has written that 'the citizenship aspect of idealism, which placed priority upon the voluntary participation at a possible plurality of levels in the organization of the state, excludes all but the weakest forms of nationalism'. He emphasizes the contrast with the 'exclusive' nationalist path which Idealism took in other countries, for example in Germany through Fichte and in Italy through Gentile: see 'Liberalism, nationalism, and the English Idealists', History of European Ideas, 15 (1992), pp. 491-7, at pp. 493, 496.
48. On the contrast between Henry Jones and T. H. Marshall - a mid-twentieth-century sociologist who also emphasized the potential of citizenship to transcend the divisions of social class - see E. Low, 'Class and the conceptualization of citizenship in twentieth-century Britain', History of Political Thought, 21 (2000), pp. 114-31. Marshall is considered briefly later in this article.
49. F. M. Turner, The Greek heritage in Victorian Britain (New Haven, CT, 1981), pp. 358-65.
50. T. H. Green, Lectures on the principles of political obligation (1886; London, 1931), pp. 130-1.
51. Contrast Green's suspicion of nationhood, particularly when turned outwards, with the response of perhaps his only Conservative disciple, Arthur Boutwood, a civil servant. Writing against the backdrop of the South African war, Boutwood championed the virtues of patriotism and national sentiment as integral to good citizenship; citizens should not denounce their country before its enemies, even on the few occasions when 'national policy' was mistaken. Boutwood denied that (British) national policy was ever immoral: see H. Egerton (Boutwood's pen-name), Patriotism: an essay towards a constructive theory of politics (London, 1905), pp. 291-2.
52. On Boutwood, see E. H. H. Green, Ideologies of conservatism: conservative political ideas in the twentieth century (Oxford, 2001), ch. 2.
53. James Bryce, Studies in contemporary biography (London, 1903), pp. 97-8.
54. See Green's speeches of 1878 and 1879 in Peter P. Nicholson, ed., The collected works of T. H. Green (5 vols., Bristol, 1997), v: Miscellaneous writings, speeches and letters, pp. 262-3, 267-8, 313-15, and 352, see also in the same volume Green's interesting undergraduate essay, 'The principle of honour; its history and value in ancient and modern times', pp. 6-8. This piece discusses the decline of the collective sense of national honour in large, heterogeneous states, resurfacing only in times of war. It was a positive development as far as Green was concerned. Crucial to the process was the establishment of the higher laws of 'justice' and equality of personal rights. In other words common citizenship has supplanted exclusive 'common feeling' and lack of any 'regard for man as such' upon which - Green believed - national honour thrives to the detriment of society.
55. C. Tyler, 'T. H. Green, advanced liberalism and the reform question, 1865-1876', History of European Ideas, 29 (2003), pp. 437-58.
56. B. Bosanquet, The philosophical theory of the state (1899; London, 1920), pp. 270, lix
57. The importance of democracy to Bosanquet's theory of the General Will - often denied by his critics - and his acceptance of dissent but within a wider context of appreciation of the state has been well emphasized by Peter P. Nicholson, The political philosophy of the British Idealists (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 211-21.
58. Bosanquet, The philosophical theory of the state, p. 307;
59. he referred to nations as 'sovereign communities' in his essay 'The function of the state in promoting the unity of mankind', in Social and international ideals: being studies in patriotism (London, 1917), p. 296.
60. Idem., 'The teaching of patriotism' (1911), in Social and international ideals, p. 5;
61. see also his 'Patriotism in the perfect state', in E. M. Sidgwick, ed., The international crisis in its ethical and psychological significance (London, 1915), pp. 132-54.
62. I have expanded on this in 'Third generation idealism: religion and nationality in the political thought of Ernest Barker', in T. Battin, ed., A passion for politics: essays in honour of Graham Maddox (Melbourne, forthcoming).
63. E. Barker, 'Christianity and nationality' (1927), in Church, state and study (London, 1930), pp. 135, 137, 143.
64. E. Barker, National character: and the factors in its formation (1928; London, 1927), pp. 15-16.
65. Ibid., pp. 7-8.
66. E. Barker, 'The contact of colours and civilisations', Contemporary Review (Nov. 1930), pp. 578-87, at p. 585. On the optimism of the British Idealists more generally towards the British empire, and their 'ethical or sentimental' conception of it, see Boucher, 'British Idealism, the state, and international relations', p. 682.
67. see Boucher, 'British Idealism, the state, and international relations', p. 682.
68. E. Barker, The political thought of Plato and Aristotle (London, 1906), pp. 299-300. The Naturalization Act of 1870 modified the notion of 'indelible' allegiance by recognizing the naturalization of British subjects elsewhere; but it left unaltered the principle of allegiance as the basis of citizenship.
69. In 1914, it was given statutory definition in the 'common code' enshrined in the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, thereby binding together the empire in the face of the common enemy, see A. Dummett and A. Nichol, Subjects, citizens, aliens and others: nationality and immigration law (London, 1990) pp. 88, 124-5.
70. Barker mentioned the Naturalization Act of 1870 as modifying the principle of allegiance established in Calvin's case (1608) but failed to acknowledge its considerable loosening of the principle in the case of married women: Political thought of Plato and Aristotle, p. 299 n. 2.
71. On this provision of the Act - which was reinforced in the 1914 British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act - and the protest of feminist organizations in the empire during the interwar period, see M. Page Baldwin, 'Subject to empire: married women and the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act', Journal of British Studies, 40 (2001), pp. 522-56.
72. E. Barker, 'The problem of an order of Europe', in S. E. Hooper, ed., The deeper causes of the war (London, 1940), p. 152;
73. R.B. Haldane, 'The higher nationality' (1913), in Selected addresses and essays (London, 1928).
74. On the failure of the concept of citizenship more generally to escape the 'particularistic' formulations of nationhood - even when framed in the most universalistic, republican terms - see A. Vincent, Nationalism and particularity (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 83-5.
75. Bosanquet, 'The teaching of patriotism', pp. 18-19 (my italics).
76. C. Noel, 'Patriotism and the Christian faith', in Oldershaw, ed., England, quoted in Grainger, Patriotisms, p. 105.
77. Grainger, Patriotisms, p. 105;
78. see also Vincent's fascinating discussion of the relationship between religion and patriotism in Nationalism and particularity, pp. 127-33. Dismissing patriotism for its dependence upon a religious duty of self-sacrifice that redounds solely to the advantage of the state, Vincent fails to take account of the sense in Chesterton and others of 'love of country' as a vital medium between individuals and universals regardless of the state. Nations and states are often out of sync, even when there is as near a congruence as possible between their boundaries.
79. G. K. Chesterton, Heretics (1908; London, 1905), p. 47.
80. Grainger, Patriotisms, p. 107. In 1915, Chesterton attacked Hobson and the other 'professors of a clockwork politics' who in his view currently ruled England for suggesting that Germany could only be 'punished' by international arbitration, not war. Chesterton denied Hobson's charge that he was a 'romantic', arguing that his views corresponded with 'all the other people of Europe' who saw more clearly than Hobson that Germany was driven by the '"legend of the unconquerable man"': The Nation, 18 (4 Dec. 1915), p. 355.
81. G. K. Chesterton, Autobiography (London, 1936), pp. 211-13;
82. Ward, Gilbert Keith Chesterton, pp. 272-5.
83. G. K. Chesterton, 'Our notebook', ILN, 30 Sept. 1905, p. 454; see also his paean to the British lion, symbolizing 'the aggregate good qualities of a kind of super-celestial country gentleman' in the same column, 28 Oct. 1905, p. 594. For all Chesterton's radicalism, he by no means discounted entirely the contribution of the aristocracy to English nationhood.
84. See J. M. Winter, 'British national identity and the First World War', in S. J. D. Green and C. Whiting, eds., The boundaries of the state in modern Britain (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 268-9.
85. Grainger, Patriotism, p. 329.
86. See N. F. Gullace, 'The blood of our sons': men, women and the renegotiation of British citizenship during the great war (New York, 2002). As Gullace makes clear, nationhood failed to deliver the promise of the vote to all women; instead, age and implicitly motherhood became the determinants of female suffrage in 1918. The prewar legacy of female citizenship was also lost, as Laura Mayhall makes clear in The militant suffrage movement, conclusion.
87. See the correspondence between Howard Ruff, honorary secretary of the Society, and Inge in the Society's journal, The English Race, 37 (Mar. 1925), pp. 6-7. In 1923, the sermon at the annual service was delivered by the bishop of Durham, H. H. Henson. Ruff protested against the willingness of the dean and chapter to allow members of the Welsh church to hold their annual service in St Pauls on St David's eve, a service 'of a distinctly racial character, including a military band, Welsh soloists and choir'.
88. For Barker's experience of delivering each lecture twice on the same day, first to university and then to city audiences, see his Age and youth: memories of three universities and father of the man (London, 1953), pp. 153, 194.
89. W. H. Hadow, Citizenship (Oxford, 1923), pp. 112, 216-22.
90. However, the tenets of Idealism continued to inform social and public policy after the war: see J. Harris, 'Political thought and the welfare state, 1870-1940: an intellectual framework for British social policy', Post and Present, 35 (1992), pp. 116-41.
91. H. A. L. Fisher, The common weal (Oxford, 1924), pp. 98, 114.
92. G. Murray, Liberality and civilization, The Hibbert Lectures (London, 1938), pp. 41-6.
93. A. E. Zimmern, 'The evolution of a citizen', in O. Stanley, ed., The way out (London, 1923), pp. 22, 29, 35;
94. on Woolf, see F. M. Levanthal, 'Leonard Woolf, 1880-1969: the conscience of a Bloomsbury socialist', in S. Pedersen and P. Mandler, eds., After the Victorians: private conscience and public duty in modern Britain (London, 1994), pp. 160-1.
95. For Murray's admiration for English life as shaped by the Victorians and as the embodiment of civilization more widely, see F. West, Gilbert Murray: a life (London, 1984), pp. 229-30.
96. For the contradictions in liberal internationalist thought during the interwar period, see P. Wilson, The international theory of Leonard Woolf: a study in twentieth-century Idealism (New York, 2003);
97. and J. Morefield, Covenants without swords: Idealist liberalism and the spirit of empire (Princeton, NJ, 2005).
98. The archetype of Left Book Club thinking in this respect was John Strachey's The coming stnggale for power (1932; London, 1934).
99. On the Left Book Club, see S. Samuels, 'The Left Book Club', Journal of Contemporary History, 1 (1966), pp. 65-86;
100. and P. Laity, ed., Left Book Club anthology (London, 2001).
101. Grainger, Patriotisms, pp. 353-5.
102. For Bryant's relationship with Trevelyan in the 1930s, see J. Stapleton, Sir Arthur Bryant and national history in twentieth-century Britain (Lanham, MD, forthcoming), ch. 3.
103. On the Greenwich pageant see The Times, 17 June 1933, p. 9a;
104. King Charles II (London, 1931) sold 27,000 copies within eighteen months; the third volume of Bryant's biography of Pepys, Samuel Pepys: the saviour of the navy (Cambridge, 1938), was serialized in The Sunday Times. However, Bryant's patriotic writings for the Illustrated London News were mercilessly criticized by the Left, especially as they underpinned his support for appeasement and sympathy for Nazism and fascism in the late 1930s: see R. H. S. Crossman, 'Sedatives, mild and strong', New Statesman and Nation (19 Feb. 1938), p. 294
105. Bryant wrote of his enduring boyhood admiration of Chesterton as a 'great English prophet', and of his special delight in Chesterton's prose book, The flying inn (1914) as 'a great poem on the English soul', in a letter to Chesterton, 16 Dec. 1933, British Library Add. MSS 73235, fo 170; he praised Kipling's 'wake-up' call to Britain in Kipling's poem, 'Recessional' and other works in English saga (18840-1940) (London, 1940), pp. 253-6.
106. On the connections between Simon's vision of democracy and the class prejudices that informed his judgement of the Wythenshawe housing estate with which he and his wife were closely associated, see A. Olechnowicz, 'Civic leadership and education for democracy: the Simons and the Wythenshawe estate', Contemporary British History, 14 (2000), pp. 3-26.
107. Hadow's main contribution to the Association was the compiling of its Bibliography of social studies: a list of books for schools and adults (London, 1936).
108. Simon to Bryant, 27 Nov. 1934, Bryant papers, Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, King's College London, C/28, file 1. Bryant's close relationship to Baldwin in the 1930s is explored in Stapleton, Sir Arthur Bryant, chs. 5 and 6, passim. Baldwin became president of the Association when he retired from politics in 1938. There are hints of political difficulties within the Association during Baldwin's presidency in G. Batho, 'The history of the teaching of civics and citizenship in English Schools', Curriculum Journal, 1 (1990), pp. 91-100, at p. 95
109. Executive committee of the Association for Education in Citizenship, 'The aims of education', Bryant papers, C/28, file 1.
110. E. Barker, 'The teaching of politics' (1936), in The citizen's choice (Cambridge, 1938), pp. 161-2.
111. Executive committee of the Association for Education in Citizenship, 'The aims of education', pp. 14-15.
112. Bryant was an early opponent of disarmament: see his The spirit of conservatism (London, 1929), pp. 168-9. He continued to regard Britain as the greatest force for peace and international unity after 1945; by contrast, he held a low view of the United Nations. This is evidenced by his support for the Suez venture, on which see ILN, 17 Nov. 1956, p. 834, 29 Sept. 1956, p. 494, and 26 Jan. 1957, p. 130
113. Bryant to Simon, 6 Dec. 1934, Bryant papers, C/28, file 1.
114. The full conference proceedings appeared in E. Simon et al., Constructive democracy (London, 1938). On the opposition Bryant encountered to the choice of Ashridge as conference venue, see his letter to Sir Geoffrey Fry dated 19 Jan. 1937 in Bryant papers, C/53. The successful outcome for Ashridge was recorded in the minutes of the education committee, 15 Apr. 1937, Bryant papers, C/53.
115. A. Bryant, 'The foundations of democracy', The Highway, 30 (Dec. 1937), pp. 38-46, at p. 45;
116. reprinted in full as 'The foundations of British democracy', Humanity in politics (London, 1937), pp. 75-95,
117. and in Simon et al., Constructive democracy, pp. 51-75.
118. W. E. Williams, 'The Bryant affair', The Highway, 30 (Feb. 1938), pp. 97-100.
119. 'Looking ahead': educational aims: being the first interim report of the Conservative sub-committee on education (London: The Central Committee on Post-War Reconstruction set up by the Conservative and Unionist Party Organization, 1942), Conservative Party Archives, Bodleian Library, Oxford, p. 12.
120. H. J. Laski, Reflections on the revolution of our time (London, 1943), pp. 295-301.
121. On the Mannheimian context of the various reports of the education sub-committee and their reception, together with analysis of rival ideals of state welfare, see J. Harris, 'Political ideas and the debate on state welfare, 1940-1945', in H. Smith, ed., War and social change: British society in the Second World War (Manchester, 1986).
122. G. Orwell, The lion and the unicorn: socialism and the English genius , intro. by B. Crick (1941; London, 1982), pp. 63, 44, 85, and 115.
123. See M. Taylor, 'Patriotism, history, and the Left in twentieth-century Britain', Historical Journal, 33 (1990), pp. 971-87, at pp. 980-3.
124. On Priestley's successful appeal to the 'nation' in terms of 'the people', the cause of reconstruction he served early in the war, and the crisis this caused at the BBC, see S. Nicholas, '"Sly demagogues" and wartime radio: J. B. Priestley and the BBC', Twentieth Century British History, 6 (1995), pp. 247-66.
125. E. M. Forster, 'George Orwell' (1950), in Two cheers for democracy (1951; Harmondsworth, 1965), p. 71.
126. J. Newsinger, Orwell's politics (London, 1999), pp. 108, 150-4.
127. J. Nuttall, 'The Labour party and the improvement of minds: the case of Tony Crosland', Historical Journal, 46 (2003), pp. 133-53;
128. see also C. Ellis, '"Total abstinence and a good filing system"? Anthony Crosland and the affluent society', in L. Black and H. Pemberton, eds., An affluent sociey? Britain's post-war' Golden Age' revisited (Andover, 2004);
129. and L. Black, The political culture of the Left in affluent Britain, 1951-1964 (Basingstoke, 2003), ch. 6.
130. T. H. Marshall, Citizenship and social class: and other essays (Cambridge, 1950), pp. 40-1, 47.
131. Marshall's essay is quoted by Crosland in defence of his ideal of social equality in The future of socialism (London, 1956), pp. 84-5, 118.
132. On the greater prominence of 'British nationalism' during the war - and its immediate aftermath - see C. Harvie, 'The moment of British nationalism, 1939-1970', Political Quarterly, 71 (2000), pp. 328-40.
133. On the 'persistence' of Britishness alongside Englishness for much of the twentieth century, but particularly during and after the Second World War, see Kumar, The making of English national identity 4, pp. 233-9.
134. Richard Weight has contested the idea that 'Britain' retained its strength as a focus of patriotic allegiance in the post-war period in Patriots: national identity in Britain, 1940-2000 (London, 2002).
135. See the illuminating recent book by R. Karatani, Defining British citizenship: empire, commonwealth and modern Britain (London, 2003), p. 117.
136. On the racist, sexist, and class bias in the common code in practice, see K. Paul, Whitewashing Britain: race and citizenship in the postwar era (Ithaca, NY, 1997), ch. 1. For details of mthe background of the common code, see n. 51 above.
137. On this ambiguity, see S. Fielding, 'Brotherhood and the brothers: responses to "coloured" immigration in the British Labour party, c. 1951-1965', Journal of Political Ideologies, 3 (1998), pp. 79-97.
138. Philip Lynch's claim that Enoch Powell's conception of British citizenship was inimical to the task of 'modernization' in the 1970s fails to take account of the receptivity of Labour leaders such as Hugh Gaitskell, Michael Foot, Peter Shore, and Tony Benn also to a conception of the distinctiveness and independence of England-Britain, however loath they were to invoke it against mass immigration: see his The politics of nationhood: sovereignty, Britishness, and Conservative politics (London, 1999), p. 46.
139. Paul, Whitewashing Britain, ch. 5. Powell's position, according to Paul, 'usually identified as "extreme", which became synonymous in popular lore with opposition to "coloured immigration" in the 1960s and 1970s actually fell within the realm of established "official" conceptions of British nationality': p. 178.
140. Karatani, Defining British citizenship, pp. 152-3. Support for Powell's policies - if not his inflammatory language - came from unexpected quarters, for example his fellow Wolverhampton MP and admirer of Eastern Germany, Renee Short. She called for limits to immigration and the dispersal of fresh immigrants away from areas of high concentration: see her obituary in The Daily Telegraph, 20 Jan. 2003.
141. Bryant attacked Powell's dismissal of the commonwealth as 'humbug' in ILN, 25 Jan. 1969, p. 12.
142. On the character, sales, and reception of Bryant's post-war histories see Stapleton, Sir Arthur Bryant, ch. 13.
143. Bryant, ILN, 14 June 1958, p. 996, and 1 Nov. 1958, p. 738;
144. Powell, speech to the Royal Society of St George, 22 Apr. 1961, in J. Wood, ed., Freedom and reality (London, 1969), p. 257. Simon Heffer gives the correct date of the speech as 1961 (Wood gives it as 1964 in Freedom and reality) in Like the Roman: the life of Enoch Powell (London, 1998), p. 982. Although a member of the council of the Royal Society of St George, it is not clear if Bryant attended the dinner at which the speech was delivered, although many years later he quoted from it in ILN, May 1978, p. 31.
145. Powell's romantic conception of English nationhood is emphasized by Heffer in Like the Roman, pp. 153, 336-40;
146. for an example of Bryant's similar conception, see The age of elegance, 1812-1822 (London, 1950), p. 282.
147. Powell's conception of the greater wisdom of the (English) people over corporate acts of government is illustrated by a speech he gave in Bromsgrove in 1963, see J. Wood, ed., A nation not afraid (London, 1965), p. 26.
148. While Bryant believed that Powell was too inflexible an advocate of laissez-faire, he was likewise concerned about the adverse effects on English freedom of the increasing regulation of British society by the post-war state: see, for example, ILN, 22 May 1965, p. 12, 5 Dec. 1970, p. 12, and 9 Jan. 1960, p. 42.
149. On Powell's conception of the individual basis of citizenship, see Heffer, Like the Roman, p. 450.
150. Powell, speech in the House of Commons, 3 Mar. 1953, in Wood, ed., Freedom and reality, p. 193.
151. Ibid., pp. 194-5 (my emphasis).
152. Heffer, Like the Romance, p. 474.
153. See his unrepentent remarks on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Birmingham speech quoted in Heffer, Like the Roman, pp. 939-40.
154. Bosanquet, Philosophical theory of the state, pp. liv-ix.
155. See G. Andrews, ed., Citizenship (London, 1991), esp. G. Andrews, 'Introduction'; D. Held, 'Between state and civil society: citizenship'; and B. Parekh, 'British citizenship and cultural difference'.
156. See B. Crick, ed., Citizens: towards a citizenship culture (Oxford, 2001), esp. B. Crick, 'Introduction';
157. Y. Alibhai-Brown, 'After multiculturalism'; and N. Ascherson, 'How European can we be/will we be'.
158. This is at the root of the recent (Crick) report of the Advisory Group on Citizenship, Education for citizenship and the teaching of democracy in schools (London, 1998).
159. See the review by N. Pearce and S. Spencer, 'Education for citizenship: the Crick report', Political Quarterly, 70 (1999), pp. 219-24, esp. the quotation on p. 221, second column.
160. E. Frazer, 'Citizenship education: anti-political culture and political education in Britain', Political Studies, 48 (2000), pp. 88-103.
161. D. Miller, On nationality (Oxford, 1995), p. 181.
162. D. Miller, Citizenship and national identity (Cambridge, 2002), ch. 5.
163. R. Fraser, A people's history of Britain (London, 2003).
164. Kumar, The making of English national identity, pp. 264-8.
165. S. Heffer, Nor shall my sword: the reinvention of England (London, 1999), pp. 42-4.
166. R. Scruton, England: an elegy (2000; London, 2001), pp. 81-2.
167. A related account of 'Englishness' as rooted in artistic styles and sensibility rather than nationalism as such, and above all focused on 'place' and reverence for the past, is P. Ackroyd, Albion: the origins of the English imagination (London, 2002).
168. A. Bryant, The story of England: makers of the realm (London, 1953), p. 91.
169. He was moved to write of St Boniface that 'No Englishman's work has had a greater influence on the world. The German Gothic cathedrals, the testimony of Luther, the Christian music of Schültz and Bach all sprang from the seed this west-country saint sowed.' On English nationalism as 'missionary' or imperialist nationalism, see Kumar, The making of English national identity, pp. 34-5.
170. See J. Stapleton, 'Sir Arthur Bryant as a twentieth-century Victorian', Histoiy of European Ideas, 30 (2004), pp. 217-40.
171. P. Hitchens, The abolition of Britain: the British cultural revolution from Lady Chatterley to Tony Blair (London, 1999), p. 321.
172. P. Hitchens, 'A party split from top to toe', Spectator (4 Oct. 2003), pp. 12-13;
173. and 'Why I despair of the Tory Party', Mail on Sunday (5 Oct. 2003), p. 27.
174. The Parekh Report, The future of multi-ethnic Britain (London, 2000), pp. 43-6;
175. see also B. Parekh, Rethinking multiculturalism: cultural diversity and political theory (London, 2000).
176. See R. Bellamy, 'Citizenship beyond the nation-state: the case of Europe', in N. O'Sullivan, ed., Political theory in transition (London, 2000).
177. See R. Brubaker, 'In the name of the nation: reflections on nationalism and patriotism', Citizenship Studies, 8 (2004), pp. 115-27.