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Volumn 36, Issue 1, 2011, Pages 7-40

The Rubicon theory of war: How the path to conflict reaches the point of no return

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EID: 80052285183     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: 15314804     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/ISEC_a_00043     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (51)

References (191)
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    • In this article, we define "confidence" as the perceived probability that a specified outcome will occur. For example, low confidence may equate with a belief that one has a 25 percent chance of victory, whereas high confidence may equate with a belief that one has a 75 percent chance of victory. "Overconfidence" is defined as a level of confidence that exceeds the true likelihood of an outcome. For example, if a tennis player expects to win 75 percent of his or her matches but loses them all, this would imply overconfidence. The notion of overconfidence is sometimes criticized because it appears to require post hoc judgments. How do we know the true likelihood of an outcome? This is not as large a problem as it may seem, for five reasons. First, although it is problematic to estimate each side's true likelihood of winning at the outbreak of war, these estimates are not entirely subjective or arbitrary. In many cases, overconfidence is so extreme (i.e., "we will win in a few days"), and so far removed from a reasonable assessment of the available evidence, that labeling it as such is straightforward. Second, the true likelihood of an outcome is usually estimated by many observers, both inside and outside the countries concerned, so estimates that are far more confident than the average are likely to be overconfident. Third, there is often strong evidence that accurate information was available to leaders, but was discounted or ignored out of hand, suggesting overconfident beliefs. Fourth, the actual outcome is typically known, providing evidence about whether decisionmakers made a good bet or not. If the tape of history were rerun, they may be right on another occasion, but one data point is nevertheless better than none. On average, expecting a lot and gaining little implies overconfidence. Fifth, when both or all sides think they will resoundingly crush their adversaries, this is a good sign that at least one of the sides is overconfident.
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    • Even Fearon's widely cited 1995 article "Rationalist Explanations for War" opens up a potentially important role for overconfidence. Fearon argues that a central cause of war within the rational choice framework is a leader's private information about their own side's resolve or strength, plus "an incentive to exaggerate their true willingness or capability to fight" (p. 395). Poor information may lead to spurious overvaluation-even by a rational actor-of one's own capabilities relative to the opponent, or undervaluation of an adversary's true interests in the outcome of a conflict. Fearon suggests that leaders consciously withhold private information from adversaries, for good reason; but this makes the adversary more likely to choose war, as he cannot accurately assess his opponent's strength. Another possibility, however, suggested by the Rubicon theory of war, is that leaders make inaccurate judgments about relative capabilities and interests because of psychological biases such as overconfidence. This may occur in addition to, or instead of, the phenomena proposed by Fearon.
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    • For a recent overview of the development of the Rubicon model, its empirical support, and how it has influenced the field of psychology
    • For a recent overview of the development of the Rubicon model, its empirical support, and how it has influenced the field of psychology, see Gollwitzer, "Mindset Theory of Action Phases."
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    • Psychological phenomena are often categorized as either "motivated" biases (deriving from people's beliefs, preferences, and desires dominating rational thought) or "cognitive" biases (deriving from the machinery of how the brain works). Cognitive biases are generally thought to operate at most times, whereas motivated biases are more likely to occur when people's beliefs and preferences come under challenge. The biases in table 1 would primarily be classified as motivated biases. In implemental mind-sets-when attention turns to carrying out a chosen course of action- personal stakes come to the fore and motivated biases are likely to rise in prominence.
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    • Note
    • Overconfidence also varies according to personality type, gender, and characteristics of the decisionmaking environment
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    • Note
    • Because the Rubicon model of action phases derives in part from laboratory experiments, will these same phenomena be expected to apply to decisionmakers in the real world? The answer is yes because (1) all mentally healthy humans, whether decisionmakers or laypeople, share the same brain architecture, cognitive functioning, and processing mechanisms; (2) empirical evidence shows that even experts fall prey to common psychological biases; and (3) in international crises decisions must be made with little time and limited information, under conditions of stress and high emotions, which tends to exacerbate the effect of psychological biases
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.