A school for the nation? How military service does not build nations, and how it might

International Security

Volumn 28, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 85-124

  Krebs, Ronald R ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 2542516913     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/0162288041588278     Document Type: Review

References (300)

1. Theodore Roosevelt, Fear God and Take Your Own Part (New York: George H. Doran, 1916); Brezhnev quoted in Teresa Rakowska-Harmstone, "'Brotherhood in Arms': The Ethnic Factor in the Soviet Armed Forces," in N.F. Dreisziger, ed., Ethnic Armies: Polyethnic Armed Forces from the Time of the Habsburgs to the Age of the Superpowers (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1990), p. 146.
2. Theodore Roosevelt, Fear God and Take Your Own Part (New York: George H. Doran, 1916); Brezhnev quoted in Teresa Rakowska-Harmstone, "'Brotherhood in Arms': The Ethnic Factor in the Soviet Armed Forces," in N.F. Dreisziger, ed., Ethnic Armies: Polyethnic Armed Forces from the Time of the Habsburgs to the Age of the Superpowers (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1990), p. 146.
3. See Maury Feld, The Structure of Violence: Armed Forces as Social Systems (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977); and Barton C. Hacker, "Military Institutions and Social Order: Transformations of Western Thought since the Enlightenment," War & Society, Vol. 11, No. 2 (October 1993), pp. 1-23.
4. See Maury Feld, The Structure of Violence: Armed Forces as Social Systems (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1977); and Barton C. Hacker, "Military Institutions and Social Order: Transformations of Western Thought since the Enlightenment," War & Society, Vol. 11, No. 2 (October 1993), pp. 1-23.
5. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
6. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
7. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
8. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
9. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
10. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
11. On Europe, see Geoffrey Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," in John R. Gillis, ed., The Militarization of the Western World (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989), pp. 13-29; Brian Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986); and V.G. Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18," in M.R.D. Foot, ed., War and Society: Historical Essays in Honour and Memory of J.R. Western, 1928-1971 (London: Paul Elek, 1973), pp. 141-158. On czarist Russia, see Joshua A. Sanborn, Drafting the Russian Nation: Military Conscription, Total War, and Mass Politics, 1905-1925 (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2002). On Meiji Japan, see Harold Hakwon Sunoo, Japanese Militarism: Past and Present (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1975). On developing nations, see Dewitt C. Ellinwood and Cynthia H. Enloe, eds., Ethnicity and the Military in Asia (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1979); and John J. Johnson, ed., The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962).
12. The antimilitarist tradition does not challenge the conventional wisdom about the social and ideological effects of military service. Its adherents have opposed relying on the military for such nation-building purposes precisely because they believe that those who pass through the armed forces are necessarily deeply shaped by its norms, that such norms are both dangerous and alluring, and that they diffuse easily and smoothly throughout civilian society. In short, they believe that the military can effectively shape the surrounding society and politics, and it is that potential that they find so frightening.
13. See Daniella Ashkenazy, ed., The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1994); M.R.D. Foot, Men in Uniform (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961), p. 34; Alon Peled, A Question of Loyalty: Military Manpower Policy in Multiethnic States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 26; Barry R. Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 80-124; and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 302.
14. See Daniella Ashkenazy, ed., The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1994); M.R.D. Foot, Men in Uniform (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961), p. 34; Alon Peled, A Question of Loyalty: Military Manpower Policy in Multiethnic States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 26; Barry R. Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 80-124; and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 302.
15. See Daniella Ashkenazy, ed., The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1994); M.R.D. Foot, Men in Uniform (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961), p. 34; Alon Peled, A Question of Loyalty: Military Manpower Policy in Multiethnic States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 26; Barry R. Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 80-124; and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 302.
16. See Daniella Ashkenazy, ed., The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1994); M.R.D. Foot, Men in Uniform (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961), p. 34; Alon Peled, A Question of Loyalty: Military Manpower Policy in Multiethnic States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 26; Barry R. Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 80-124; and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 302.
17. See Daniella Ashkenazy, ed., The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1994); M.R.D. Foot, Men in Uniform (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1961), p. 34; Alon Peled, A Question of Loyalty: Military Manpower Policy in Multiethnic States (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 26; Barry R. Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power," International Security, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 80-124; and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1976), p. 302.
18. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
19. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
20. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
21. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
22. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
23. For representative works, see Davis B. Bobrow, "Soldiers and the Nation State," in Karl von Vorys, ed., New Nations: The Problem of Political Development, special issue, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 358 (March 1965), pp. 65-76; John J. Johnson, The Military and Society in Latin America (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1964); Johnson, Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries; Ernest Lefever, Spear and Sceptre: Army, Police, and Politics in Tropical Africa (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1970); Daniel Lerner and Richard D. Robinson, "Swords and Ploughshares: The Turkish Army as a Modernizing Force," World Politics, Vol. 13, No. 1 (October 1960), pp. 19-44; and Marion R. Levy, Modernization and the Structure of Societies (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1966).
24. See Cynthia H. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers: State Security in Divided Societies (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1980); and Ali A. Mazrui, "Soldiers as Traditionalizers: Military Rule and the Re-Africanization of Africa," World Politics, Vol. 28, No. 2 (January 1976), pp. 246-272. For a good review, see Henry Bienen, "The Background to Contemporary Study of Militaries and Modernization," in Bienen, ed., The Military and Modernization (Chicago: Aldine, Atherton, 1971), pp. 1-33.
25. See Cynthia H. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers: State Security in Divided Societies (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1980); and Ali A. Mazrui, "Soldiers as Traditionalizers: Military Rule and the Re-Africanization of Africa," World Politics, Vol. 28, No. 2 (January 1976), pp. 246-272. For a good review, see Henry Bienen, "The Background to Contemporary Study of Militaries and Modernization," in Bienen, ed., The Military and Modernization (Chicago: Aldine, Atherton, 1971), pp. 1-33.
26. See Cynthia H. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers: State Security in Divided Societies (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1980); and Ali A. Mazrui, "Soldiers as Traditionalizers: Military Rule and the Re-Africanization of Africa," World Politics, Vol. 28, No. 2 (January 1976), pp. 246-272. For a good review, see Henry Bienen, "The Background to Contemporary Study of Militaries and Modernization," in Bienen, ed., The Military and Modernization (Chicago: Aldine, Atherton, 1971), pp. 1-33.
27. Skeptics argue that the military can hardly reshape society because it is more likely to reflect social cleavages. This is implied in, among others, Henry Dietz, Jerrold Elkin, and Maurice Roumani, eds., Ethnicity, Integration, and the Military (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991); Gwyn Harries-Jenkins and Charles Moskos, "Armed Forces and Society," Current Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Winter 1981), p. 70; Stephen P. Rosen, Societies and Military Power: India and Its Armies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1967 [1959]), p. 35. See also Eliot A. Cohen, Citizens and Soldiers: The Dilemmas of Military Service (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 128-129.
28. Skeptics argue that the military can hardly reshape society because it is more likely to reflect social cleavages. This is implied in, among others, Henry Dietz, Jerrold Elkin, and Maurice Roumani, eds., Ethnicity, Integration, and the Military (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991); Gwyn Harries-Jenkins and Charles Moskos, "Armed Forces and Society," Current Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Winter 1981), p. 70; Stephen P. Rosen, Societies and Military Power: India and Its Armies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1967 [1959]), p. 35. See also Eliot A. Cohen, Citizens and Soldiers: The Dilemmas of Military Service (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 128-129.
29. Skeptics argue that the military can hardly reshape society because it is more likely to reflect social cleavages. This is implied in, among others, Henry Dietz, Jerrold Elkin, and Maurice Roumani, eds., Ethnicity, Integration, and the Military (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991); Gwyn Harries-Jenkins and Charles Moskos, "Armed Forces and Society," Current Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Winter 1981), p. 70; Stephen P. Rosen, Societies and Military Power: India and Its Armies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1967 [1959]), p. 35. See also Eliot A. Cohen, Citizens and Soldiers: The Dilemmas of Military Service (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 128-129.
30. Skeptics argue that the military can hardly reshape society because it is more likely to reflect social cleavages. This is implied in, among others, Henry Dietz, Jerrold Elkin, and Maurice Roumani, eds., Ethnicity, Integration, and the Military (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991); Gwyn Harries-Jenkins and Charles Moskos, "Armed Forces and Society," Current Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Winter 1981), p. 70; Stephen P. Rosen, Societies and Military Power: India and Its Armies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1967 [1959]), p. 35. See also Eliot A. Cohen, Citizens and Soldiers: The Dilemmas of Military Service (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 128-129.
31. Skeptics argue that the military can hardly reshape society because it is more likely to reflect social cleavages. This is implied in, among others, Henry Dietz, Jerrold Elkin, and Maurice Roumani, eds., Ethnicity, Integration, and the Military (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991); Gwyn Harries-Jenkins and Charles Moskos, "Armed Forces and Society," Current Sociology, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Winter 1981), p. 70; Stephen P. Rosen, Societies and Military Power: India and Its Armies (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism: Civilian and Military, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1967 [1959]), p. 35. See also Eliot A. Cohen, Citizens and Soldiers: The Dilemmas of Military Service (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), pp. 128-129.
32. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
33. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
34. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
35. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
36. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
37. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
38. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
39. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
40. In recent years, important contributions have amplified Otto Hintze's insight that war (more precisely, war mobilization) has served as an impetus to the creation and development of states that is, in the Weberian tradition, hierarchical organizations with a (relative) monopoly on the legitimate use of force within their territorial boundaries. While state building evokes the routes through which governmental authorities in possession of substantial extractive capacity arise, nation building refers to the processes through which large-scale populations come to recognize their commonality. These two processes have often been conflated, but they are analytically distinguishable. If wars have a "ratchet effect" on national sentiment - paralleling the finding that states shrink after wars but fail to revert fully to their prewar size - it is not clear how it would operate outside of the three mechanisms identified here. For key works in this large literature, see Hintze, "Military Organization and the Organization of the State," in Felix Gilbert, ed., The Historical Essays of Otto Hintze (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 178-215; Richard Bean, "War and the Birth of the Nation-State," Journal of Economic History, Vol. 33, No. 1 (March 1973), pp. 203-221; Charles Tilly, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975); Brian M. Downing, The Military Revolution and Political Change: Origins of Democracy and Autocracy in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992); Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); and Bruce D. Porter, War and the Rise of the State: The Military Foundations of Modern Politics (New York: Free Press, 1994). Experts on regions beyond Europe have drawn on or debated this approach in explaining why state building in their regions of interest diverged from the European experience. See Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Miguel Centeno, Blood and Debt: War and the Nation-State in Latin America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002); and Victoria Tin-Bor Hui, War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
41. The elite-transformation hypothesis is, therefore, necessarily unsatisfactory in that its claims rest on the plausibility of either socialization or the contact hypothesis.
42. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
43. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
44. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
45. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
46. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
47. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
48. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
49. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
50. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A
51. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
52. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
53. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
54. See, for example, Gary Hart, The Minuteman: Restoring an Army of the People (New York: Free Press, 1998); Mickey Kaus, The End of Equality (New York: HarperCollins, 1992), pp. 79-85; Charles Moskos, A Call to Civil Service: National Service for Country and Community (New York: Macmillan, 1988); and Thomas Ricks, Making the Corps: Sixty-one Men Came to Parris Island to Become Marines, Not All of Them Made It (New York; Scribner, 1997). For more recent installments, see Steven Lee Meyers, "A Wisp of a Draft," New York Times, February 7, 1999; Charles Moskos and Paul Glastris, "This Time, A Draft for the Home Front, Too," Washington Post, November 4, 2001; Charles Moskos and Lawrence Korb, "Time to Bring Back the Draft?" American Enterprise, December 2001, pp. 16-17; Charles Moskos, "Reviving the Citizen-Soldier," Public Interest, No. 147 (Spring 2002), pp. 76-85; and Charles B. Rangel, "Bring Back the Draft," New York Times, December 31, 2002. The issue has also featured in the debates between communitarians and their critics. See Michael Sandel, "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets," The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, delivered at Brasenose College, Oxford, United Kingdom, May 1998; and Richard A. Posner, "An Army of the Willing," New Republic, May 19, 2003, pp. 27-29. See also Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983); and Barry Strauss, "Reflections on the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Summer 2003), pp. 66-77.
55. John P. Lovell and Judith Hicks Stiehm, "Military Service and Political Socialization," in Roberta S. Sigel, ed., Political Learning in Adulthood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 176-178.
56. Erving Goffman, "On the Characteristics of Total Institutions," in Goffman, Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1961), p. 12. On techniques of socialization, see P.E. Freedman and Anne Freedman, "Political Learning," in Samuel L. Long, ed., The Handbook of Political Behavior, Vol. 1 (New York: Plenum, 1981), pp. 255-303.
57. Erving Goffman, "On the Characteristics of Total Institutions," in Goffman, Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1961), p. 12. On techniques of socialization, see P.E. Freedman and Anne Freedman, "Political Learning," in Samuel L. Long, ed., The Handbook of Political Behavior, Vol. 1 (New York: Plenum, 1981), pp. 255-303.
58. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
59. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
60. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
61. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
62. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
63. On the stability and persistence of "symbolic" attitudes - notably party identification, political ideology, and race/group-related attitudes - and on the "impressionable years" hypothesis, see Duane F. Alwin and Jon A. Krosnick, "Aging, Cohorts, and the Stability of Sociopolitical Orientations over the Life Span," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 97, No. 1 (July 1991), pp. 169-195; David O. Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research? The Question of Persistence," in Orit Ichilov, ed., Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy (New York: Teachers College Press, 1990), pp. 69-97; David O. Sears and Carolyn L. Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adults' Political Predispositions," Journal of Politics, Vol. 61, No. 1 (February 1999), pp. 1-28; and Penny S. Visser and Jon A. Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle: Surge and Decline," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 75, No. 6 (December 1998), pp. 1389-1410. On formative experiences and political predispositions, see David O. Sears and Nicholas A. Valentino, "Politics Matters: Political Events as Catalysts for Pre-adult Socialization," American Political Science Review, Vol. 91, No. 1 (March 1997), pp. 45-65; and David O. Sears, "Long-Term Psychological Consequences of Political Events," in Kristen Renwick Monroe, ed., Political Psychology (Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum, 2001), pp. 249-269.
64. See Morris Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," in Roger W. Little, ed., Handbook of Military Institutions (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1971), pp. 167-210. For a more skeptical view, see Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 905; and István Deák, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 4.
65. See Morris Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," in Roger W. Little, ed., Handbook of Military Institutions (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1971), pp. 167-210. For a more skeptical view, see Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 905; and István Deák, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 4.
66. See Morris Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," in Roger W. Little, ed., Handbook of Military Institutions (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1971), pp. 167-210. For a more skeptical view, see Theodore Zeldin, France, 1848-1945, Vol. 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 905; and István Deák, Beyond Nationalism: A Social and Political History of the Habsburg Officer Corps, 1848-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 4.
67. Quoted in Peter M. Beattie, The Tribute of Blood: Army, Honor, Race, and Nation in Brazil, 1864-1945 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001), pp. 230-231.
68. Gerhard Ritter, The Sword and the Scepter: The Problem of Militarism in Germany, Vol. 1: The Prussian Tradition, 1740-1890, trans. Heinz Norden (Coral Gables, Fla.: University of Miami Press, 1969), p. 118. See also Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power."
69. Gerhard Ritter, The Sword and the Scepter: The Problem of Militarism in Germany, Vol. 1: The Prussian Tradition, 1740-1890, trans. Heinz Norden (Coral Gables, Fla.: University of Miami Press, 1969), p. 118. See also Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power."
70. Gerhard Ritter, The Sword and the Scepter: The Problem of Militarism in Germany, Vol. 1: The Prussian Tradition, 1740-1890, trans. Heinz Norden (Coral Gables, Fla.: University of Miami Press, 1969), p. 118. See also Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Posen, "Nationalism, the Mass Army, and Military Power."
71. Natan Eitan, "The Hasbarah Branch of the IDF Educational Corps," in Ashkenazy, The Military in the Service of Society and Democracy, pp. 69-70.
72. See Stephen D. Wesbrook, Political Training in the United States Army: A Reconsideration, Mershon Center Position Papers in the Policy Sciences, No. 3 (Columbus: Mershon Center, Ohio State University, March 1979).
73. Such programs are typically far more popular among politicians than among professional officers, who recognize that they are not properly trained for the task and who are reluctant to devote time to missions they perceive as peripheral. For such views among Italian officers, see John Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915 (London: Macmillan, 1989); among Israeli officers, see Yehiel Klar, "The Role of the Officer as Educator and the Status of the Educational System in the Unit and in the Army," in Educational Instruction in the IDF: A Revised Perspective, Vol. 2 (Education Corps, IDF, April 1994) [Hebrew]; among American officers, see Samuel A. Stouffer, Edward A. Suchman, Leland C. DeVinney, Shirley A. Star, and Robin M. Williams Jr., The American Soldier: Adjustment during Army Life, Vol. 1 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 470-471; and among German officers, see Ralf Zoll, "The German Armed Forces," in Morris Janowitz and Stephen D. Wesbrook, eds., The Political Education of Soldiers (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), p. 227.
74. Such programs are typically far more popular among politicians than among professional officers, who recognize that they are not properly trained for the task and who are reluctant to devote time to missions they perceive as peripheral. For such views among Italian officers, see John Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915 (London: Macmillan, 1989); among Israeli officers, see Yehiel Klar, "The Role of the Officer as Educator and the Status of the Educational System in the Unit and in the Army," in Educational Instruction in the IDF: A Revised Perspective, Vol. 2 (Education Corps, IDF, April 1994) [Hebrew]; among American officers, see Samuel A. Stouffer, Edward A. Suchman, Leland C. DeVinney, Shirley A. Star, and Robin M. Williams Jr., The American Soldier: Adjustment during Army Life, Vol. 1 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 470-471; and among German officers, see Ralf Zoll, "The German Armed Forces," in Morris Janowitz and Stephen D. Wesbrook, eds., The Political Education of Soldiers (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), p. 227.
75. Such programs are typically far more popular among politicians than among professional officers, who recognize that they are not properly trained for the task and who are reluctant to devote time to missions they perceive as peripheral. For such views among Italian officers, see John Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915 (London: Macmillan, 1989); among Israeli officers, see Yehiel Klar, "The Role of the Officer as Educator and the Status of the Educational System in the Unit and in the Army," in Educational Instruction in the IDF: A Revised Perspective, Vol. 2 (Education Corps, IDF, April 1994) [Hebrew]; among American officers, see Samuel A. Stouffer, Edward A. Suchman, Leland C. DeVinney, Shirley A. Star, and Robin M. Williams Jr., The American Soldier: Adjustment during Army Life, Vol. 1 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 470-471; and among German officers, see Ralf Zoll, "The German Armed Forces," in Morris Janowitz and Stephen D. Wesbrook, eds., The Political Education of Soldiers (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), p. 227.
76. Such programs are typically far more popular among politicians than among professional officers, who recognize that they are not properly trained for the task and who are reluctant to devote time to missions they perceive as peripheral. For such views among Italian officers, see John Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915 (London: Macmillan, 1989); among Israeli officers, see Yehiel Klar, "The Role of the Officer as Educator and the Status of the Educational System in the Unit and in the Army," in Educational Instruction in the IDF: A Revised Perspective, Vol. 2 (Education Corps, IDF, April 1994) [Hebrew]; among American officers, see Samuel A. Stouffer, Edward A. Suchman, Leland C. DeVinney, Shirley A. Star, and Robin M. Williams Jr., The American Soldier: Adjustment during Army Life, Vol. 1 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 470-471; and among German officers, see Ralf Zoll, "The German Armed Forces," in Morris Janowitz and Stephen D. Wesbrook, eds., The Political Education of Soldiers (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), p. 227.
77. Hasbarah Branch, IDF, "Education in the Army," July 1953, IDF Archives (Giv'atayim, Israel) 56/9/92 [Hebrew].
78. Michael J. Deane, "The Soviet Armed Forces," in Janowitz and Wesbrook, The Political Education of Soldiers, pp. 188-189.
79. Quoted in "Civic Consciousness and Military Performance," in ibid., p. 10.
80. Research on the U.S. civil-military gap appears to suggest that the military is indeed a powerful force for long-term socialization. However, this conclusion is not warranted. First, even though there is much evidence that members of the U.S. military express different views from civilians, both elites and masses, this is likely the product of self-selection and the corresponding overrepresentation of Southerners. Second, evidence that veterans have different views from nonveterans may also reflect such selection effects. Third, the fact that these gaps exist and are even growing is prima facie evidence that the ease with which veterans can diffuse military norms throughout civilian society is overstated. See, among others, Peter D. Feaver and Richard H. Kohn, eds., Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001); Christopher Gelpi and Peter D. Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force," American Political Science Review, Vol. 96, No. 4 (December 2002), pp. 779-793; and Ole R. Holsti, "A Widening Gap between the U.S. Military and Civilian Society? Some Evidence, 1976-96," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Winter 1998/99), pp. 5-42.
81. Research on the U.S. civil-military gap appears to suggest that the military is indeed a powerful force for long-term socialization. However, this conclusion is not warranted. First, even though there is much evidence that members of the U.S. military express different views from civilians, both elites and masses, this is likely the product of self-selection and the corresponding overrepresentation of Southerners. Second, evidence that veterans have different views from nonveterans may also reflect such selection effects. Third, the fact that these gaps exist and are even growing is prima facie evidence that the ease with which veterans can diffuse military norms throughout civilian society is overstated. See, among others, Peter D. Feaver and Richard H. Kohn, eds., Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001); Christopher Gelpi and Peter D. Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force," American Political Science Review, Vol. 96, No. 4 (December 2002), pp. 779-793; and Ole R. Holsti, "A Widening Gap between the U.S. Military and Civilian Society? Some Evidence, 1976-96," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Winter 1998/99), pp. 5-42.
82. Research on the U.S. civil-military gap appears to suggest that the military is indeed a powerful force for long-term socialization. However, this conclusion is not warranted. First, even though there is much evidence that members of the U.S. military express different views from civilians, both elites and masses, this is likely the product of self-selection and the corresponding overrepresentation of Southerners. Second, evidence that veterans have different views from nonveterans may also reflect such selection effects. Third, the fact that these gaps exist and are even growing is prima facie evidence that the ease with which veterans can diffuse military norms throughout civilian society is overstated. See, among others, Peter D. Feaver and Richard H. Kohn, eds., Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2001); Christopher Gelpi and Peter D. Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick? Veterans in the Political Elite and the American Use of Force," American Political Science Review, Vol. 96, No. 4 (December 2002), pp. 779-793; and Ole R. Holsti, "A Widening Gap between the U.S. Military and Civilian Society? Some Evidence, 1976-96," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 3 (Winter 1998/99), pp. 5-42.
83. Quoted in Robert Weldon Whalen, Bitter Wounds: German Victims of the Great War, 1914-1939 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 181-182. See also Eric J. Leed, No Man's Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
84. Quoted in Robert Weldon Whalen, Bitter Wounds: German Victims of the Great War, 1914-1939 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 181-182. See also Eric J. Leed, No Man's Land: Combat and Identity in World War I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
85. See, for example, the voluminous literature cited in Norman M. Camp, Robert H. Stretch, and William C. Marshall, eds., Stress, Strain, and Vietnam: An Annotated Bibliography of Two Decades of Psychiatric and Social Sciences Literature Reflecting the Effect of the War on the American Soldier (New York: Greenwood, 1988).
86. Some have argued, for example, that the African colonial soldier returned home from World War II impressed by Gandhian civil disobedience and inspired by the Indian and Burmese independence movements. See G.O. Olusanya, "The Role of Ex-Servicemen in Nigerian Politics," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (August 1968), pp. 221-232; and Adrienne M. Israel, "Measuring the War Experience: Ghanaian Soldiers in World War II," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1 (March 1987), pp. 159-168.
87. Some have argued, for example, that the African colonial soldier returned home from World War II impressed by Gandhian civil disobedience and inspired by the Indian and Burmese independence movements. See G.O. Olusanya, "The Role of Ex-Servicemen in Nigerian Politics," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (August 1968), pp. 221-232; and Adrienne M. Israel, "Measuring the War Experience: Ghanaian Soldiers in World War II," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1 (March 1987), pp. 159-168.
88. The seminal statement focuses on whether people accurately report the reasons for their feelings and evaluations. See Richard E. Nisbett and Timothy D. Wilson, "Telling More Than We Can Know: Verbal Reports on Mental Processes," Psychological Review, Vol. 84, No. 3 (May 1977), pp. 231-259. A substantial follow-on literature has challenged aspects of this claim, but the larger point has withstood attack.
89. Goffman, "On the Characteristics of Total Institutions."
90. On France and Prussia, see William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society since A.D. 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 189; and Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, p. 23. On the IDF, see E.O. Schild, "On the Meaning of Military Service in Israel," in Michael Curtis and Mordecai S. Chertoff, eds., Israel: Social Structure and Change (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1973), pp. 419-432.
91. On France and Prussia, see William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society since A.D. 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 189; and Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, p. 23. On the IDF, see E.O. Schild, "On the Meaning of Military Service in Israel," in Michael Curtis and Mordecai S. Chertoff, eds., Israel: Social Structure and Change (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1973), pp. 419-432.
92. On France and Prussia, see William H. McNeill, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society since A.D. 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 189; and Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, p. 23. On the IDF, see E.O. Schild, "On the Meaning of Military Service in Israel," in Michael Curtis and Mordecai S. Chertoff, eds., Israel: Social Structure and Change (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1973), pp. 419-432.
93. On Germany, see Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Martin Kitchen, The German Officer Corps, 1890-1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968). On Israel, see Reuven Gal, A Portrait of the Israeli Soldier (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986).
94. On Germany, see Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Martin Kitchen, The German Officer Corps, 1890-1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968). On Israel, see Reuven Gal, A Portrait of the Israeli Soldier (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986).
95. On Germany, see Kiernan, "Conscription and Society in Europe before the War of 1914-18"; and Martin Kitchen, The German Officer Corps, 1890-1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968). On Israel, see Reuven Gal, A Portrait of the Israeli Soldier (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986).
96. Richard G. Niemi and Barbara I. Sobieszek, "Political Socialization," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 3 (1977), p. 218. See also Virginia Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization: Introduction for a New Generation," Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 7 (forthcoming).
97. Richard G. Niemi and Barbara I. Sobieszek, "Political Socialization," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 3 (1977), p. 218. See also Virginia Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization: Introduction for a New Generation," Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 7 (forthcoming).
98. Niemi and Sobieszek, "Political Socialization," p. 221. See also Anders Westholm, Arne Lindquist, and Richard G. Niemi, "Education and the Making of the Informed Citizen: Political Literacy and the Outside World," in Ichilov, Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy, pp. 177-204. Some recent research has suggested that schools can effectively socialize students to good citizenship, though these findings remain contested. See William A. Galston, "Political Knowledge, Political Engagement, and Civic Education," Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 4 (2001), pp. 217-234.
99. Niemi and Sobieszek, "Political Socialization," p. 221. See also Anders Westholm, Arne Lindquist, and Richard G. Niemi, "Education and the Making of the Informed Citizen: Political Literacy and the Outside World," in Ichilov, Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy, pp. 177-204. Some recent research has suggested that schools can effectively socialize students to good citizenship, though these findings remain contested. See William A. Galston, "Political Knowledge, Political Engagement, and Civic Education," Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 4 (2001), pp. 217-234.
100. Niemi and Sobieszek, "Political Socialization," p. 221. See also Anders Westholm, Arne Lindquist, and Richard G. Niemi, "Education and the Making of the Informed Citizen: Political Literacy and the Outside World," in Ichilov, Political Socialization, Citizenship Education, and Democracy, pp. 177-204. Some recent research has suggested that schools can effectively socialize students to good citizenship, though these findings remain contested. See William A. Galston, "Political Knowledge, Political Engagement, and Civic Education," Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 4 (2001), pp. 217-234.
101. See Paul Allen Beck, "The Role of Agents in Political Socialization," in Stanley A. Renshon, ed., Handbook of Political Socialization: Theory and Research (New York: Free Press, 1977), pp. 115-141, at p. 140; and Timothy E. Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories," American Political Science Review, Vol. 79, No. 4 (December 1985), p. 1089.
102. See Paul Allen Beck, "The Role of Agents in Political Socialization," in Stanley A. Renshon, ed., Handbook of Political Socialization: Theory and Research (New York: Free Press, 1977), pp. 115-141, at p. 140; and Timothy E. Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories," American Political Science Review, Vol. 79, No. 4 (December 1985), p. 1089.
103. Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization."
104. Charles E. Lindblom, "Another State of Mind," American Political Science Review, Vol. 76, No. 1 (March 1982), pp. 18-19.
105. Rakowska-Harmstone, "'Brotherhood in Arms,'" pp. 149-150; and Deborah Yarsike Ball, "Ethnic Conflict, Unit Performance, and the Soviet Armed Forces," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Winter 1994), pp. 239-258.
106. Rakowska-Harmstone, "'Brotherhood in Arms,'" pp. 149-150; and Deborah Yarsike Ball, "Ethnic Conflict, Unit Performance, and the Soviet Armed Forces," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Winter 1994), pp. 239-258.
107. See James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1985).
108. See Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; Jeylan T. Mortimer and Roberta G. Simmons, "Adult Socialization," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 4 (1978), pp. 429-431; and Stanley A. Renshon, "Assumptive Frameworks in Political Socialization Theory," in Renshon, Handbook of Political Socialization, pp. 3-44.
109. See Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; Jeylan T. Mortimer and Roberta G. Simmons, "Adult Socialization," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 4 (1978), pp. 429-431; and Stanley A. Renshon, "Assumptive Frameworks in Political Socialization Theory," in Renshon, Handbook of Political Socialization, pp. 3-44.
110. See Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; Jeylan T. Mortimer and Roberta G. Simmons, "Adult Socialization," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 4 (1978), pp. 429-431; and Stanley A. Renshon, "Assumptive Frameworks in Political Socialization Theory," in Renshon, Handbook of Political Socialization, pp. 3-44.
111. Peter Karsten, Soldiers and Society: The Effects of Military Service and War on American Life (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1978), p. 21.
112. If military educational programs have little impact on soldiers' views with regard to matters so central to the war effort, a fortiori they cannot exert much influence on soldiers' attitudes with regard to seemingly more peripheral matters such as the definition of the nation. See Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 1, pp. 458-485.
113. Quoted in Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence (New York: HarperCollins, 1969), p. 652.
114. Lovell and Stiehm, "Military Service and Political Socialization," p. 192. See also Charles C. Moskos Jr., "The Military," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 2 (1976), pp. 64-65.
115. Lovell and Stiehm, "Military Service and Political Socialization," p. 192. See also Charles C. Moskos Jr., "The Military," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 2 (1976), pp. 64-65.
116. Gabriel Ben Dor, The Druzes in Israel (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1979), p. 140.
117. On the officer corps, see Volker C. Franke, "Duty, Honor, Country: The Social Identity of West Point Cadets," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter 2000), pp. 175-202; Volker C. Franke, "Warriors for Peace: The Next Generation of Military Leaders," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter 1997), pp. 33-59; and John P. Lovell, "The Professional Socialization of the West Point Cadet," in Morris Janowitz, ed., The New Military: Changing Patterns of Organization (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964), pp. 119-157. For evidence across the ranks, see Jerald G. Bachman, Lee Sigelman, and Greg Diamond, "Self-Selection, Socialization, and Distinctive Military Values," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Winter 1987), pp. 169-187; and Jerald G. Bachman, Peter Freedman Doan, and David R. Segal, "Distinctive Military Attitudes among U.S. Enlistees, 1976-1997: Self-Selection versus Socialization," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Summer 2000), pp. 561-585.
118. On the officer corps, see Volker C. Franke, "Duty, Honor, Country: The Social Identity of West Point Cadets," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter 2000), pp. 175-202; Volker C. Franke, "Warriors for Peace: The Next Generation of Military Leaders," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter 1997), pp. 33-59; and John P. Lovell, "The Professional Socialization of the West Point Cadet," in Morris Janowitz, ed., The New Military: Changing Patterns of Organization (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964), pp. 119-157. For evidence across the ranks, see Jerald G. Bachman, Lee Sigelman, and Greg Diamond, "Self-Selection, Socialization, and Distinctive Military Values," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Winter 1987), pp. 169-187; and Jerald G. Bachman, Peter Freedman Doan, and David R. Segal, "Distinctive Military Attitudes among U.S. Enlistees, 1976-1997: Self-Selection versus Socialization," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Summer 2000), pp. 561-585.
119. On the officer corps, see Volker C. Franke, "Duty, Honor, Country: The Social Identity of West Point Cadets," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter 2000), pp. 175-202; Volker C. Franke, "Warriors for Peace: The Next Generation of Military Leaders," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter 1997), pp. 33-59; and John P. Lovell, "The Professional Socialization of the West Point Cadet," in Morris Janowitz, ed., The New Military: Changing Patterns of Organization (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964), pp. 119-157. For evidence across the ranks, see Jerald G. Bachman, Lee Sigelman, and Greg Diamond, "Self-Selection, Socialization, and Distinctive Military Values," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Winter 1987), pp. 169-187; and Jerald G. Bachman, Peter Freedman Doan, and David R. Segal, "Distinctive Military Attitudes among U.S. Enlistees, 1976-1997: Self-Selection versus Socialization," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Summer 2000), pp. 561-585.
120. On the officer corps, see Volker C. Franke, "Duty, Honor, Country: The Social Identity of West Point Cadets," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter 2000), pp. 175-202; Volker C. Franke, "Warriors for Peace: The Next Generation of Military Leaders," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter 1997), pp. 33-59; and John P. Lovell, "The Professional Socialization of the West Point Cadet," in Morris Janowitz, ed., The New Military: Changing Patterns of Organization (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964), pp. 119-157. For evidence across the ranks, see Jerald G. Bachman, Lee Sigelman, and Greg Diamond, "Self-Selection, Socialization, and Distinctive Military Values," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Winter 1987), pp. 169-187; and Jerald G. Bachman, Peter Freedman Doan, and David R. Segal, "Distinctive Military Attitudes among U.S. Enlistees, 1976-1997: Self-Selection versus Socialization," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Summer 2000), pp. 561-585.
121. On the officer corps, see Volker C. Franke, "Duty, Honor, Country: The Social Identity of West Point Cadets," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Winter 2000), pp. 175-202; Volker C. Franke, "Warriors for Peace: The Next Generation of Military Leaders," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Winter 1997), pp. 33-59; and John P. Lovell, "The Professional Socialization of the West Point Cadet," in Morris Janowitz, ed., The New Military: Changing Patterns of Organization (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1964), pp. 119-157. For evidence across the ranks, see Jerald G. Bachman, Lee Sigelman, and Greg Diamond, "Self-Selection, Socialization, and Distinctive Military Values," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 13, No. 2 (Winter 1987), pp. 169-187; and Jerald G. Bachman, Peter Freedman Doan, and David R. Segal, "Distinctive Military Attitudes among U.S. Enlistees, 1976-1997: Self-Selection versus Socialization," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Summer 2000), pp. 561-585.
122. Mark N. Gose, "The Role of the Military in Building Political Community: The Case of the Two German States," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Colorado, 1995, p. 236.
123. Although Israelis firmly believe that the IDF is an important agent of socialization, no systematic empirical evidence supports this claim. See Micha Popper, "The Israeli Defense Forces as a Socializing Agent," in Daniel Bar-Tal, Dan Jacobson, and Aharon Klieman, eds., Security Concerns: Insights from the Israeli Experience (Stamford, Conn.: JAI, 1998), pp. 167-180.
124. Yehiel Klar, Nira Lieberman, and Hadas Lis, "Research on Soldiers during Obligatory Service: Experiences of Military Service and Educational Needs," in Educational Instruction in the IDF: A Revised Perspective, Vol. 3 (Education Corps, IDF, October 1993) [Hebrew]. The author is grateful to an anonymous source for providing him with access to this report.
125. Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology, Vol. 22 (1946), pp. 9-39; and Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954). See also Robin M. Williams Jr., The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions: A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947). For recent reviews, see Marilynn B. Brewer and Rupert J. Brown, "Intergroup Relations," in Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., Vol. 2 (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), pp. 576-583; and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49 (1998), pp. 65-85.
126. Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology, Vol. 22 (1946), pp. 9-39; and Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954). See also Robin M. Williams Jr., The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions: A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947). For recent reviews, see Marilynn B. Brewer and Rupert J. Brown, "Intergroup Relations," in Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., Vol. 2 (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), pp. 576-583; and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49 (1998), pp. 65-85.
127. Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology, Vol. 22 (1946), pp. 9-39; and Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954). See also Robin M. Williams Jr., The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions: A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947). For recent reviews, see Marilynn B. Brewer and Rupert J. Brown, "Intergroup Relations," in Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., Vol. 2 (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), pp. 576-583; and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49 (1998), pp. 65-85.
128. Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology, Vol. 22 (1946), pp. 9-39; and Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954). See also Robin M. Williams Jr., The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions: A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947). For recent reviews, see Marilynn B. Brewer and Rupert J. Brown, "Intergroup Relations," in Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., Vol. 2 (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), pp. 576-583; and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49 (1998), pp. 65-85.
129. Gordon W. Allport and Bernard M. Kramer, "Some Roots of Prejudice," Journal of Psychology, Vol. 22 (1946), pp. 9-39; and Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1954). See also Robin M. Williams Jr., The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions: A Survey of Research on Problems of Ethnic, Racial, and Religious Group Relations (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947). For recent reviews, see Marilynn B. Brewer and Rupert J. Brown, "Intergroup Relations," in Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, eds., The Handbook of Social Psychology, 4th ed., Vol. 2 (Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1998), pp. 576-583; and Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," Annual Review of Psychology, Vol. 49 (1998), pp. 65-85.
130. Karl W. Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication: An Inquiry into the Foundations of Nationality (New York: John Wiley, 1953).
131. The contact hypothesis may help explain when military units are (socially) cohesive. In their seminal work, Edward A. Shils and Morris Janowitz suggested, based on their study of the German army on the western front during World War II, that the soldier was, in part, likely to continue fighting "as long as he gave affection to and received affection from the other members of his squad and platoon" - his primary group. They failed, however, to explain adequately the conditions under which such affection would be forthcoming. The contact hypothesis and its ancillary propositions may provide part of the answer to why soldiers' "spontaneous loyalties are to [the unit's] immediate members whom he sees daily and with whom he develops a high degree of intimacy." If this is correct, cohesion would then be more an implication of the contact hypothesis than yet another potential source of postservice effects. It is also possible that cohesion is more a product of success on the battlefield than it is its cause. See Shils and Janowitz, "Cohesion and Disintegration in the Wehrmacht in World War II," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Summer 1948), pp. 280-315; and, for a persuasive critique, see Elizabeth Kier, "Homosexuals in the U.S. Military: Open Integration and Combat Effectiveness," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Fall 1998), pp. 5-39.
132. The contact hypothesis may help explain when military units are (socially) cohesive. In their seminal work, Edward A. Shils and Morris Janowitz suggested, based on their study of the German army on the western front during World War II, that the soldier was, in part, likely to continue fighting "as long as he gave affection to and received affection from the other members of his squad and platoon" - his primary group. They failed, however, to explain adequately the conditions under which such affection would be forthcoming. The contact hypothesis and its ancillary propositions may provide part of the answer to why soldiers' "spontaneous loyalties are to [the unit's] immediate members whom he sees daily and with whom he develops a high degree of intimacy." If this is correct, cohesion would then be more an implication of the contact hypothesis than yet another potential source of postservice effects. It is also possible that cohesion is more a product of success on the battlefield than it is its cause. See Shils and Janowitz, "Cohesion and Disintegration in the Wehrmacht in World War II," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Summer 1948), pp. 280-315; and, for a persuasive critique, see Elizabeth Kier, "Homosexuals in the U.S. Military: Open Integration and Combat Effectiveness," International Security, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Fall 1998), pp. 5-39.
133. The match between Allport's conditions and military service is good, but it should not be exaggerated. Despite common goals, members of the armed forces routinely compete with each other, not least for promotions and plum assignments. The armed forces is also a highly hierarchical and formal environment. Finally, especially during a national crisis, the military's leaders may be willing to ignore violations of norms, as long as they do not interfere excessively with performance.
134. See John Sibley Butler and Kenneth L. Wilson, "The American Soldier Revisited: Race Relations and the Military," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 59, No. 3 (December 1978), pp. 451-467; Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," p. 207; and Charles Moskos, "From Citizens' Army to Social Laboratory," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Winter 1993), pp. 83-94, at p. 87.
135. See John Sibley Butler and Kenneth L. Wilson, "The American Soldier Revisited: Race Relations and the Military," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 59, No. 3 (December 1978), pp. 451-467; Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," p. 207; and Charles Moskos, "From Citizens' Army to Social Laboratory," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Winter 1993), pp. 83-94, at p. 87.
136. See John Sibley Butler and Kenneth L. Wilson, "The American Soldier Revisited: Race Relations and the Military," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 59, No. 3 (December 1978), pp. 451-467; Janowitz, "Basic Education and Youth Socialization in the Armed Forces," p. 207; and Charles Moskos, "From Citizens' Army to Social Laboratory," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Winter 1993), pp. 83-94, at p. 87.
137. Henry Breckinridge, "Universal Service as the Basis of National Unity and National Defense," in William L. Ransom, ed., "Military Training: Compulsory or Volunteer," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, Vol. 6, No. 4 (July 1916), p. 16. See also David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980).
138. Henry Breckinridge, "Universal Service as the Basis of National Unity and National Defense," in William L. Ransom, ed., "Military Training: Compulsory or Volunteer," Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of New York, Vol. 6, No. 4 (July 1916), p. 16. See also David M. Kennedy, Over Here: The First World War and American Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980).
139. Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 220-237, at p. 227.
140. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, pp. 1-35; Beattie, The Tribute of Blood, pp. 228-237, 270-271; and John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme (London: Penguin, 1976), pp. 224-225.
141. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, pp. 1-35; Beattie, The Tribute of Blood, pp. 228-237, 270-271; and John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme (London: Penguin, 1976), pp. 224-225.
142. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, pp. 1-35; Beattie, The Tribute of Blood, pp. 228-237, 270-271; and John Keegan, The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme (London: Penguin, 1976), pp. 224-225.
143. This discussion of the contact hypothesis draws freely on Hugh D. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict: Commerce, Culture, and the Contact Hypothesis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Walter G. Stephan, "The Contact Hypothesis in Intergroup Relations," in Clyde Hendrick, ed., Group Processes and Intergroup Relations (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1987), pp. 13-40; and Walter G. Stephan, "Intergroup Relations," in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson, eds., Handbook of Social Psychology, 3d ed., Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 599-658.
144. This discussion of the contact hypothesis draws freely on Hugh D. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict: Commerce, Culture, and the Contact Hypothesis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Walter G. Stephan, "The Contact Hypothesis in Intergroup Relations," in Clyde Hendrick, ed., Group Processes and Intergroup Relations (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1987), pp. 13-40; and Walter G. Stephan, "Intergroup Relations," in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson, eds., Handbook of Social Psychology, 3d ed., Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 599-658.
145. This discussion of the contact hypothesis draws freely on Hugh D. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict: Commerce, Culture, and the Contact Hypothesis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997); Walter G. Stephan, "The Contact Hypothesis in Intergroup Relations," in Clyde Hendrick, ed., Group Processes and Intergroup Relations (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1987), pp. 13-40; and Walter G. Stephan, "Intergroup Relations," in Gardner Lindzey and Elliot Aronson, eds., Handbook of Social Psychology, 3d ed., Vol. 2 (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 599-658.
146. Andrew Sullivan, "What's So Bad About Hate," in Alan Lightman, ed., The Best American Essays, 2000 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000), p. 189. First published in New York Times Magazine, September 26, 1999.
147. Andrew Sullivan, "What's So Bad About Hate," in Alan Lightman, ed., The Best American Essays, 2000 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2000), p. 189. First published in New York Times Magazine, September 26, 1999.
148. The contact hypothesis has much in common with a particular version of liberal thought on international relations, which holds that the spread of technologies of communication enhances the prospects for peace by countering ignorance and misinformation. This form of liberalism was particularly popular before World War I, and advocates of globalization today advance similar arguments when they foresee the emergence of supranational identities as a consequence of the vastly increased capacity for cross-border contact. For a classic exposition and critique, see Geoffrey Blainey, The Causes of War, 3d ed. (New York: Free Press, 1988 [1973]), pp. 18-32; for a more sympathetic (yet still, on the whole, skeptical) review, see David Welch, "Internationalism: Contacts, Trade, and Institutions," in Joseph S. Nye Jr., Graham T. Allison, and Albert Carnesale, eds., Fateful Visions: Avoiding Nuclear Catastrophe (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1988), pp. 173-178. For analyses of this aspect of globalization, see David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 327-375; and Jan Aart Scholte, Globalization: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave, 2000), pp. 159-183.
149. The contact hypothesis has much in common with a particular version of liberal thought on international relations, which holds that the spread of technologies of communication enhances the prospects for peace by countering ignorance and misinformation. This form of liberalism was particularly popular before World War I, and advocates of globalization today advance similar arguments when they foresee the emergence of supranational identities as a consequence of the vastly increased capacity for cross-border contact. For a classic exposition and critique, see Geoffrey Blainey, The Causes of War, 3d ed. (New York: Free Press, 1988 [1973]), pp. 18-32; for a more sympathetic (yet still, on the whole, skeptical) review, see David Welch, "Internationalism: Contacts, Trade, and Institutions," in Joseph S. Nye Jr., Graham T. Allison, and Albert Carnesale, eds., Fateful Visions: Avoiding Nuclear Catastrophe (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1988), pp. 173-178. For analyses of this aspect of globalization, see David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 327-375; and Jan Aart Scholte, Globalization: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave, 2000), pp. 159-183.
150. The contact hypothesis has much in common with a particular version of liberal thought on international relations, which holds that the spread of technologies of communication enhances the prospects for peace by countering ignorance and misinformation. This form of liberalism was particularly popular before World War I, and advocates of globalization today advance similar arguments when they foresee the emergence of supranational identities as a consequence of the vastly increased capacity for cross-border contact. For a classic exposition and critique, see Geoffrey Blainey, The Causes of War, 3d ed. (New York: Free Press, 1988 [1973]), pp. 18-32; for a more sympathetic (yet still, on the whole, skeptical) review, see David Welch, "Internationalism: Contacts, Trade, and Institutions," in Joseph S. Nye Jr., Graham T. Allison, and Albert Carnesale, eds., Fateful Visions: Avoiding Nuclear Catastrophe (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1988), pp. 173-178. For analyses of this aspect of globalization, see David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 327-375; and Jan Aart Scholte, Globalization: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave, 2000), pp. 159-183.
151. The contact hypothesis has much in common with a particular version of liberal thought on international relations, which holds that the spread of technologies of communication enhances the prospects for peace by countering ignorance and misinformation. This form of liberalism was particularly popular before World War I, and advocates of globalization today advance similar arguments when they foresee the emergence of supranational identities as a consequence of the vastly increased capacity for cross-border contact. For a classic exposition and critique, see Geoffrey Blainey, The Causes of War, 3d ed. (New York: Free Press, 1988 [1973]), pp. 18-32; for a more sympathetic (yet still, on the whole, skeptical) review, see David Welch, "Internationalism: Contacts, Trade, and Institutions," in Joseph S. Nye Jr., Graham T. Allison, and Albert Carnesale, eds., Fateful Visions: Avoiding Nuclear Catastrophe (Cambridge, Mass.: Ballinger, 1988), pp. 173-178. For analyses of this aspect of globalization, see David Held, Anthony G. McGrew, David Goldblatt, and Jonathan Perraton, Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, and Culture (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), pp. 327-375; and Jan Aart Scholte, Globalization: A Critical Introduction (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave, 2000), pp. 159-183.
152. Walter G. Stephan and Cookie W. Stephan, "Intergroup Anxiety," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 41, No. 3 (Fall 1985), pp. 157-175.
153. See Diane M. Mackie and Eliot R. Smith, "Intergroup Relations: Insights from a Theoretically Integrative Approach," Psychological Review, Vol. 105, No. 3 (July 1998), pp. 500-506.
154. "A Negro Nation within the Nation," in Andrew G. Paschal, ed., A W.E.B. Du Bois Reader (New York: Macmillan, 1971), p. 71.
155. National Opinion Research Center poll, May 1944, in Hadley Cantril, ed., Public Opinion, 1935-1946 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1951), p. 989, n. 24.
156. Suzanne Berger, "Bretons, Basques, Scots, and Other European Nations," Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Summer 1972), pp. 170-171.
157. Miles Hewstone and Rupert Brown, "Contact Is Not Enough: An Intergroup Perspective on the 'Contact Hypothesis,'" in Hewstone and Brown, eds., Contact and Conflict in Intergroup Encounters (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), pp. 10-12.
158. On social identity theory, see Henri Tajfel and John C. Turner, "The Social Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior," in Stephen Worchel and William G. Austin, eds., Psychology of Intergroup Relations, 2d ed. (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1986), pp. 7-24. For an application to international relations, see Jonathan Mercer, "Anarchy and Identity," International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Spring 1995), pp. 229-252.
159. On social identity theory, see Henri Tajfel and John C. Turner, "The Social Identity Theory of Intergroup Behavior," in Stephen Worchel and William G. Austin, eds., Psychology of Intergroup Relations, 2d ed. (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1986), pp. 7-24. For an application to international relations, see Jonathan Mercer, "Anarchy and Identity," International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Spring 1995), pp. 229-252.
160. Research on the contact hypothesis displays many of the characteristics of a degenerative research program. See Imre Lakatos, "Falsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes," in Lakatos and Alan Musgrave, eds., Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 91-196.
161. See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "The Intergroup Contact Hypothesis Reconsidered," in Hewstone and Brown, Contact and Conflict in Intergroup Encounters, pp. 179-180; and Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory."
162. See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "The Intergroup Contact Hypothesis Reconsidered," in Hewstone and Brown, Contact and Conflict in Intergroup Encounters, pp. 179-180; and Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory."
163. Thomas F. Pettigrew and Linda R. Tropp, "A Meta-Analytic Test and Reformulation of Intergroup Contact Theory," paper presented at the Political Psychology and Behavior Workshop, Center for Basic Research in the Social Sciences, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, November 2002.
164. In their widely cited article published nearly fifty years after Allport's seminal work, Lee Sigelman and Susan Welch acknowledge this weakness in their work; see Sigelman and Welch, "The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive Racial Attitudes," Social Forces, Vol. 71, No. 3 (March 1993), pp. 781-795. Two more recent studies employing sophisticated statistical techniques have claimed to have established that contact has a statistically significant effect, but both take cross-group friendship as the independent variable. As this level of acquaintance greatly exceeds even Allport's standards, these studies cannot be taken as evidence of the contact hypothesis's validity. See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Generalized Intergroup Contact Effects on Prejudice," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 23, No. 2 (February 1997), pp. 173-185; and Daniel A. Powers and Christopher G. Ellison, "Interracial Contact and Black Racial Attitudes: The Contact Hypothesis and Selectivity Bias," Social Forces, Vol. 74, No. 1 (September 1995), pp. 205-226.
165. In their widely cited article published nearly fifty years after Allport's seminal work, Lee Sigelman and Susan Welch acknowledge this weakness in their work; see Sigelman and Welch, "The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive Racial Attitudes," Social Forces, Vol. 71, No. 3 (March 1993), pp. 781-795. Two more recent studies employing sophisticated statistical techniques have claimed to have established that contact has a statistically significant effect, but both take cross-group friendship as the independent variable. As this level of acquaintance greatly exceeds even Allport's standards, these studies cannot be taken as evidence of the contact hypothesis's validity. See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Generalized Intergroup Contact Effects on Prejudice," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 23, No. 2 (February 1997), pp. 173-185; and Daniel A. Powers and Christopher G. Ellison, "Interracial Contact and Black Racial Attitudes: The Contact Hypothesis and Selectivity Bias," Social Forces, Vol. 74, No. 1 (September 1995), pp. 205-226.
166. In their widely cited article published nearly fifty years after Allport's seminal work, Lee Sigelman and Susan Welch acknowledge this weakness in their work; see Sigelman and Welch, "The Contact Hypothesis Revisited: Black-White Interaction and Positive Racial Attitudes," Social Forces, Vol. 71, No. 3 (March 1993), pp. 781-795. Two more recent studies employing sophisticated statistical techniques have claimed to have established that contact has a statistically significant effect, but both take cross-group friendship as the independent variable. As this level of acquaintance greatly exceeds even Allport's standards, these studies cannot be taken as evidence of the contact hypothesis's validity. See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Generalized Intergroup Contact Effects on Prejudice," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Vol. 23, No. 2 (February 1997), pp. 173-185; and Daniel A. Powers and Christopher G. Ellison, "Interracial Contact and Black Racial Attitudes: The Contact Hypothesis and Selectivity Bias," Social Forces, Vol. 74, No. 1 (September 1995), pp. 205-226.
167. Thus Butler and Wilson find that the level of interracial contact prior to entry into military service is the "single most important" variable in their model predicting the level of racial contact during military service. See their "American Soldier Revisited," p. 465.
168. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," pp. 77-78. But see also John Brehm and Wendy Rahn, "Individual-Level Evidence for the Causes and Consequences of Social Capital," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 41, No. 3 (July 1997), pp. 999-1023.
169. Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," pp. 77-78. But see also John Brehm and Wendy Rahn, "Individual-Level Evidence for the Causes and Consequences of Social Capital," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 41, No. 3 (July 1997), pp. 999-1023.
170. See Hewstone and Brown, "Contact Is Not Enough," pp. 13-20; Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," pp. 74-75; and David A. Wilder, "Intergroup Contact: The Typical Member and the Exception to the Rule," Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 20, No. 2 (March 1984), pp. 177-194.
171. See Hewstone and Brown, "Contact Is Not Enough," pp. 13-20; Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," pp. 74-75; and David A. Wilder, "Intergroup Contact: The Typical Member and the Exception to the Rule," Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 20, No. 2 (March 1984), pp. 177-194.
172. See Hewstone and Brown, "Contact Is Not Enough," pp. 13-20; Pettigrew, "Intergroup Contact Theory," pp. 74-75; and David A. Wilder, "Intergroup Contact: The Typical Member and the Exception to the Rule," Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 20, No. 2 (March 1984), pp. 177-194.
173. Patricia G. Devine and Kristin A. Vasquez, "The Rocky Road to Positive Intergroup Relations," in Jennifer L. Eberhard and Susan T. Fiske, eds., Confronting Racism: The Problem and the Response (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 1998), pp. 234-262, at p. 243.
174. Leed, No Man's Land, pp. 93-94; Antoine Prost, In the Wake of War: 'Les Anciens Combattants' and French Society (Providence: Berg, 1992), p. 22.
175. Leed, No Man's Land, pp. 93-94; Antoine Prost, In the Wake of War: 'Les Anciens Combattants' and French Society (Providence: Berg, 1992), p. 22.
176. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, p. 63; Ben Dor, The Druzes in Israel, pp. 215-218; and David Killingray, "Soldiers, Ex-Servicemen, and Politics in the Gold Coast, 1939-50," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3 (September 1983), p. 528.
177. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, p. 63; Ben Dor, The Druzes in Israel, pp. 215-218; and David Killingray, "Soldiers, Ex-Servicemen, and Politics in the Gold Coast, 1939-50," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3 (September 1983), p. 528.
178. Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915, p. 63; Ben Dor, The Druzes in Israel, pp. 215-218; and David Killingray, "Soldiers, Ex-Servicemen, and Politics in the Gold Coast, 1939-50," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 21, No. 3 (September 1983), p. 528.
179. Samuel A. Stouffer, Arthur A. Lumsdaine, Marion Harper Lumsdaine, Robin M. Williams Jr., M. Brewster Smith, Irving L. Janis, Shirley A. Star, and Leonard S. Cottrell Jr., The American Soldier: Combat and Its Aftermath, Vol. 2 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 613, 619-620; and Leonard Dinnerstein, Anti-Semitism in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 128-149.
180. Samuel A. Stouffer, Arthur A. Lumsdaine, Marion Harper Lumsdaine, Robin M. Williams Jr., M. Brewster Smith, Irving L. Janis, Shirley A. Star, and Leonard S. Cottrell Jr., The American Soldier: Combat and Its Aftermath, Vol. 2 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 613, 619-620; and Leonard Dinnerstein, Anti-Semitism in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 128-149.
181. Dinnerstein, Anti-Semitism in America, pp. 131-132; Fortune public opinion poll, in Opinion News, February 15, 1948, pp. 3-4; and Opinion Research Corporation poll, reported in Hazel Gaudet Erskine, "The Polls: Religious Prejudice, Part 2: Anti-Semitism," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Winter 1965-66), p. 651.
182. Dinnerstein, Anti-Semitism in America, pp. 131-132; Fortune public opinion poll, in Opinion News, February 15, 1948, pp. 3-4; and Opinion Research Corporation poll, reported in Hazel Gaudet Erskine, "The Polls: Religious Prejudice, Part 2: Anti-Semitism," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Winter 1965-66), p. 651.
183. Dinnerstein, Anti-Semitism in America, pp. 131-132; Fortune public opinion poll, in Opinion News, February 15, 1948, pp. 3-4; and Opinion Research Corporation poll, reported in Hazel Gaudet Erskine, "The Polls: Religious Prejudice, Part 2: Anti-Semitism," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 4 (Winter 1965-66), p. 651.
184. Quoted in Leonard Dinnerstein, Uneasy at Home: Anti-Semitism and the American Jewish Experience (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), p. 179.
185. See Ralph D. Minard, "Race Relations in the Pocahontas Coal Field," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1952), pp. 29-44; and Dietrich C. Reitzes, "The Role of Organizational Structures: Union vs. Neighborhood in a Tense Situation," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1953), pp. 37-44.
186. See Ralph D. Minard, "Race Relations in the Pocahontas Coal Field," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1952), pp. 29-44; and Dietrich C. Reitzes, "The Role of Organizational Structures: Union vs. Neighborhood in a Tense Situation," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1953), pp. 37-44.
187. Quoted in Gose, "The Role of the Military in Building Political Community," p. 202 (emphasis in original).
188. Critics of the contact hypothesis have similarly questioned the extent of generalization across contexts. See Hewstone and Brown, "Contact Is Not Enough," pp. 16-20.
189. Quoted in Leo Bogart, ed., Project Clear: Social Research and the Desegregation of the U.S. Army (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 1992 [1969]), p. 125.
190. The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion, 1935-1971, September 24-29, 1958 (New York: Random House, 1972), p. 1573.
191. See Jacquelyn Scarville, Scott B. Button, Jack E. Edwards, Anita R. Lancaster, and Timothy W. Elig, Armed Forces Equal Opportunity Survey, Defense Manpower Data Center Report No. 97-027 (Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense, November 1999).
192. Charles C. Moskos and John Sibley Butler, All That We Can Be: Black Leadership and Racial Integration the Army Way (New York: Basic Books, 1996), p. 2.
193. This finding dates to the U.S. Army's earliest experiments with racial integration and has been a constant theme ever since. See Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 1, pp. 586-595; and Charles C. Moskos Jr., "Racial Integration in the Armed Forces," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 72, No. 2 (September 1966), pp. 142-143.
194. This finding dates to the U.S. Army's earliest experiments with racial integration and has been a constant theme ever since. See Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 1, pp. 586-595; and Charles C. Moskos Jr., "Racial Integration in the Armed Forces," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 72, No. 2 (September 1966), pp. 142-143.
195. See Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research"; Sears and Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adult Political Predispositions"; and David O. Sears, "The Persistence of Early Political Predispositions: The Roles of Attitude Object and Life Stage," Review of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 4 (1983), pp. 79-116.
196. See Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research"; Sears and Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adult Political Predispositions"; and David O. Sears, "The Persistence of Early Political Predispositions: The Roles of Attitude Object and Life Stage," Review of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 4 (1983), pp. 79-116.
197. See Sears, "Whither Political Socialization Research"; Sears and Funk, "Evidence of the Long-Term Persistence of Adult Political Predispositions"; and David O. Sears, "The Persistence of Early Political Predispositions: The Roles of Attitude Object and Life Stage," Review of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 4 (1983), pp. 79-116.
198. The stability of partisanship has been the subject of great debate. For contrary views, see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981); Morris P. Fiorina, "The Electorate at the Polls in the 1990s," in L. Sandy Meisel, ed., The Parties Respond: Changes in American Parties and Campaigns (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1996); Charles H. Franklin, "Issue Preferences, Socialization, and the Evolution of Party Identification," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (August 1984), pp. 459-478; and Charles H. Franklin and John E. Jackson, "The Dynamics of Party Identification," American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 4 (December 1983), pp. 957-973.
199. The stability of partisanship has been the subject of great debate. For contrary views, see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981); Morris P. Fiorina, "The Electorate at the Polls in the 1990s," in L. Sandy Meisel, ed., The Parties Respond: Changes in American Parties and Campaigns (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1996); Charles H. Franklin, "Issue Preferences, Socialization, and the Evolution of Party Identification," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (August 1984), pp. 459-478; and Charles H. Franklin and John E. Jackson, "The Dynamics of Party Identification," American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 4 (December 1983), pp. 957-973.
200. The stability of partisanship has been the subject of great debate. For contrary views, see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981); Morris P. Fiorina, "The Electorate at the Polls in the 1990s," in L. Sandy Meisel, ed., The Parties Respond: Changes in American Parties and Campaigns (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1996); Charles H. Franklin, "Issue Preferences, Socialization, and the Evolution of Party Identification," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (August 1984), pp. 459-478; and Charles H. Franklin and John E. Jackson, "The Dynamics of Party Identification," American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 4 (December 1983), pp. 957-973.
201. The stability of partisanship has been the subject of great debate. For contrary views, see Morris P. Fiorina, Retrospective Voting in American National Elections (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1981); Morris P. Fiorina, "The Electorate at the Polls in the 1990s," in L. Sandy Meisel, ed., The Parties Respond: Changes in American Parties and Campaigns (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1996); Charles H. Franklin, "Issue Preferences, Socialization, and the Evolution of Party Identification," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (August 1984), pp. 459-478; and Charles H. Franklin and John E. Jackson, "The Dynamics of Party Identification," American Political Science Review, Vol. 77, No. 4 (December 1983), pp. 957-973.
202. See Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization"; and Roberta S. Sigel and Marilyn Brookes Hoskin, "Perspectives on Adult Socialization - Areas of Research," in Renshon, Handbook of Political Socialization, pp. 269-270.
203. See Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization"; and Roberta S. Sigel and Marilyn Brookes Hoskin, "Perspectives on Adult Socialization - Areas of Research," in Renshon, Handbook of Political Socialization, pp. 269-270.
204. See Theodore M. Newcomb, Kathryn E. Koenig, Richard Flacks, and Donald P. Warwick, Persistence and Change: Bennington College and Its Students after Twenty-five Years (New York: Wiley, 1967); and Duane F. Alwin, Ronald L. Cohen, and Theodore M. Newcomb, Political Attitudes over the Life Span: The Bennington Women after Fifty Years (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). For other factors affecting susceptibility to attitude change across the life span, see Visser and Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle," pp. 1403-1405.
205. See Theodore M. Newcomb, Kathryn E. Koenig, Richard Flacks, and Donald P. Warwick, Persistence and Change: Bennington College and Its Students after Twenty-five Years (New York: Wiley, 1967); and Duane F. Alwin, Ronald L. Cohen, and Theodore M. Newcomb, Political Attitudes over the Life Span: The Bennington Women after Fifty Years (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). For other factors affecting susceptibility to attitude change across the life span, see Visser and Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle," pp. 1403-1405.
206. See Theodore M. Newcomb, Kathryn E. Koenig, Richard Flacks, and Donald P. Warwick, Persistence and Change: Bennington College and Its Students after Twenty-five Years (New York: Wiley, 1967); and Duane F. Alwin, Ronald L. Cohen, and Theodore M. Newcomb, Political Attitudes over the Life Span: The Bennington Women after Fifty Years (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991). For other factors affecting susceptibility to attitude change across the life span, see Visser and Krosnick, "Development of Attitude Strength over the Life Cycle," pp. 1403-1405.
207. Although Visser and Krosnick ("Attitude Strength," pp. 1402-1403) find that susceptibility to attitude change is highest among younger and older adults, they also find evidence of considerable attitude change among even the least susceptible age groups. For key works in the "lifelong openness" approach, see Orville G. Brim and Jerome Kagan, eds., Constancy and Change in Human Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Richard M. Lerner, On the Nature of Human Plasticity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). See also Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; and Virginia Sapiro, "Political Socialization during Adulthood: Clarifying the Political Time of Our Lives," Research in Micropolitics, Vol. 4 (1994), pp. 197-223.
208. Although Visser and Krosnick ("Attitude Strength," pp. 1402-1403) find that susceptibility to attitude change is highest among younger and older adults, they also find evidence of considerable attitude change among even the least susceptible age groups. For key works in the "lifelong openness" approach, see Orville G. Brim and Jerome Kagan, eds., Constancy and Change in Human Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Richard M. Lerner, On the Nature of Human Plasticity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). See also Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; and Virginia Sapiro, "Political Socialization during Adulthood: Clarifying the Political Time of Our Lives," Research in Micropolitics, Vol. 4 (1994), pp. 197-223.
209. Although Visser and Krosnick ("Attitude Strength," pp. 1402-1403) find that susceptibility to attitude change is highest among younger and older adults, they also find evidence of considerable attitude change among even the least susceptible age groups. For key works in the "lifelong openness" approach, see Orville G. Brim and Jerome Kagan, eds., Constancy and Change in Human Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Richard M. Lerner, On the Nature of Human Plasticity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). See also Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; and Virginia Sapiro, "Political Socialization during Adulthood: Clarifying the Political Time of Our Lives," Research in Micropolitics, Vol. 4 (1994), pp. 197-223.
210. Although Visser and Krosnick ("Attitude Strength," pp. 1402-1403) find that susceptibility to attitude change is highest among younger and older adults, they also find evidence of considerable attitude change among even the least susceptible age groups. For key works in the "lifelong openness" approach, see Orville G. Brim and Jerome Kagan, eds., Constancy and Change in Human Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Richard M. Lerner, On the Nature of Human Plasticity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). See also Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; and Virginia Sapiro, "Political Socialization during Adulthood: Clarifying the Political Time of Our Lives," Research in Micropolitics, Vol. 4 (1994), pp. 197-223.
211. Although Visser and Krosnick ("Attitude Strength," pp. 1402-1403) find that susceptibility to attitude change is highest among younger and older adults, they also find evidence of considerable attitude change among even the least susceptible age groups. For key works in the "lifelong openness" approach, see Orville G. Brim and Jerome Kagan, eds., Constancy and Change in Human Development (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Richard M. Lerner, On the Nature of Human Plasticity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). See also Cook, "The Bear Market in Political Socialization and the Costs of Misunderstood Psychological Theories"; and Virginia Sapiro, "Political Socialization during Adulthood: Clarifying the Political Time of Our Lives," Research in Micropolitics, Vol. 4 (1994), pp. 197-223.
212. Alternatively, the military may not be capable of molding individuals' basic group identities because, as developmental psychologists have suggested, people may develop stable group identities in early childhood. Indeed, there is evidence that children barely out of nursery school effectively engage in social group categorization. For a review of this literature, see Sapiro, "Not Your Parents' Political Socialization."
213. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
214. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
215. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
216. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
217. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
218. See Karsten, Soldiers and Society, p. 31; Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, pp. 637-638; Adam Yarmolinsky, The Military Establishment: Its Impacts on American Society (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), pp. 348-350; and George H. Lawrence and Thomas D. Kane, "Military Service and Racial Attitudes of White Veterans," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Winter 1995/96), pp. 235-255. But, for suggestive findings to the contrary, see Gelpi and Feaver, "Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick?"; and Peter D. Feaver and Christopher Gelpi, Choosing Your Battles: American Civil-Military Relations and the Use of Force (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
219. See Lewis J. Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans: The Nandi of Kenya," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3 (September 1978), pp. 495-507; Killingray, "Soldiers," pp. 524-525, 529-530; and Anne Summers and R.W. Johnson, "World War I Conscription and Social Change in Guinea," Journal of African History, Vol. 19, No. 1 (1978), p. 33.
220. See Lewis J. Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans: The Nandi of Kenya," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3 (September 1978), pp. 495-507; Killingray, "Soldiers," pp. 524-525, 529-530; and Anne Summers and R.W. Johnson, "World War I Conscription and Social Change in Guinea," Journal of African History, Vol. 19, No. 1 (1978), p. 33.
221. See Lewis J. Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans: The Nandi of Kenya," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3 (September 1978), pp. 495-507; Killingray, "Soldiers," pp. 524-525, 529-530; and Anne Summers and R.W. Johnson, "World War I Conscription and Social Change in Guinea," Journal of African History, Vol. 19, No. 1 (1978), p. 33.
222. Quoted in Richard Severo and Lewis Milford, The Wages of War: When America's Soldiers Came Home - From Valley Forge to Vietnam (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1989), p. 292.
223. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 1, p. 449. See also M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes: A Panel Study," American Political Science Review, Vol. 71, No. 1 (March 1977), pp. 131-147.
224. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 1, p. 449. See also M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes: A Panel Study," American Political Science Review, Vol. 71, No. 1 (March 1977), pp. 131-147.
225. See Robert Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000), pp. 247-276. Putnam, however, suggests (ibid., p. 485, n. 41) that veterans are no more civically engaged than others of their generation.
226. See Robert Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000), pp. 247-276. Putnam, however, suggests (ibid., p. 485, n. 41) that veterans are no more civically engaged than others of their generation.
227. See, from a far larger corpus, Glen H. Elder Jr., "War Mobilization and the Life Course: A Cohort of World War II Veterans," Sociological Forum, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer 1987), pp. 449-472. For a critique, see John Modell and Timothy Haggerty, "The Social Impact of War," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 17 (1991), pp. 218-219.
228. See, from a far larger corpus, Glen H. Elder Jr., "War Mobilization and the Life Course: A Cohort of World War II Veterans," Sociological Forum, Vol. 2, No. 3 (Summer 1987), pp. 449-472. For a critique, see John Modell and Timothy Haggerty, "The Social Impact of War," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 17 (1991), pp. 218-219.
229. Suzanne Mettler, "Bringing the State Back In to Civic Engagement: Policy Feedback Effects of the G.I. Bill for World War II Veterans," American Political Science Review, Vol. 96, No. 2 (June 2002), pp. 351-365. On the importance of the G.I. Bill, see also Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub, "Socioeconomic Achievement in the Life Course of Disadvantaged Men: Military Service as a Turning Point, circa 1940-1965," American Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 3 (June 1996), pp. 347-367.
230. Suzanne Mettler, "Bringing the State Back In to Civic Engagement: Policy Feedback Effects of the G.I. Bill for World War II Veterans," American Political Science Review, Vol. 96, No. 2 (June 2002), pp. 351-365. On the importance of the G.I. Bill, see also Robert J. Sampson and John H. Laub, "Socioeconomic Achievement in the Life Course of Disadvantaged Men: Military Service as a Turning Point, circa 1940-1965," American Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 3 (June 1996), pp. 347-367.
231. Skepticism regarding the military's capacity to build nations has been rooted primarily in doubts about the feasibility of universal military service. See Morris Janowitz, The Military in the Political Development of New Nations: An Essay in Comparative Analysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964).
232. On France and Germany, see Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, pp. 65-67; on Austria-Hungary, see Deák, Beyond Nationalism; and on Italy, see Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915.
233. On France and Germany, see Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, pp. 65-67; on Austria-Hungary, see Deák, Beyond Nationalism; and on Italy, see Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915.
234. On France and Germany, see Bond, War and Society in Europe, 1870-1970, pp. 65-67; on Austria-Hungary, see Deák, Beyond Nationalism; and on Italy, see Gooch, Army, State, and Society in Italy, 1870-1915.
235. Best, "The Militarization of European Society, 1870-1914," p. 15.
236. For related arguments, see Marc Howard Ross, "Culture and Identity in Comparative Political Analysis," in Mark Lichbach and Alan Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 42-80; and Ronald Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter Katzenstein, "Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security," in Peter Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 33-75.
237. For related arguments, see Marc Howard Ross, "Culture and Identity in Comparative Political Analysis," in Mark Lichbach and Alan Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 42-80; and Ronald Jepperson, Alexander Wendt, and Peter Katzenstein, "Norms, Identity, and Culture in National Security," in Peter Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 33-75.
238. Craig Calhoun, "Indirect Relationships and Imagined Communities: Large-Scale Social Integration and the Transformation of Everyday Life," in Pierre Bourdieu and James S. Coleman, eds., Social Theory for a Changing Society (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991), p. 108. See also Charles Tilly, "International Communities, Secure or Otherwise," in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, eds., Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 400-401.
239. Craig Calhoun, "Indirect Relationships and Imagined Communities: Large-Scale Social Integration and the Transformation of Everyday Life," in Pierre Bourdieu and James S. Coleman, eds., Social Theory for a Changing Society (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991), p. 108. See also Charles Tilly, "International Communities, Secure or Otherwise," in Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, eds., Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), pp. 400-401.
240. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1983).
241. Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism.
242. On France, see Forrest McDonald, "The Relation of the French Peasant Veterans of the American Revolution to the Fall of Feudalism in France, 1789-1792," in Peter Karsten, ed., The Military-State-Society Symbiosis (New York: Garland, 1998), pp. 337-347. Ghana is the strongest possible case in Africa, but the counterarguments have been persuasive. See Killingray, "Soldiers"; and Adrienne M. Israel, "Ex-Servicemen at the Crossroads: Protest and Politics in Post-War Ghana," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 359-368.
243. On France, see Forrest McDonald, "The Relation of the French Peasant Veterans of the American Revolution to the Fall of Feudalism in France, 1789-1792," in Peter Karsten, ed., The Military-State-Society Symbiosis (New York: Garland, 1998), pp. 337-347. Ghana is the strongest possible case in Africa, but the counterarguments have been persuasive. See Killingray, "Soldiers"; and Adrienne M. Israel, "Ex-Servicemen at the Crossroads: Protest and Politics in Post-War Ghana," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 359-368.
244. On France, see Forrest McDonald, "The Relation of the French Peasant Veterans of the American Revolution to the Fall of Feudalism in France, 1789-1792," in Peter Karsten, ed., The Military-State-Society Symbiosis (New York: Garland, 1998), pp. 337-347. Ghana is the strongest possible case in Africa, but the counterarguments have been persuasive. See Killingray, "Soldiers"; and Adrienne M. Israel, "Ex-Servicemen at the Crossroads: Protest and Politics in Post-War Ghana," Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 359-368.
245. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers, pp. 199-209. See also David L. Leal, "The Multicultural Military: Military Service and the Acculturation of Latinos and Anglos," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Winter 2003), pp. 205-226.
246. Enloe, Ethnic Soldiers, pp. 199-209. See also David L. Leal, "The Multicultural Military: Military Service and the Acculturation of Latinos and Anglos," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Winter 2003), pp. 205-226.
247. See Philip A. Klinkner with Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 201-203, 205, 233-234. Veterans figure prominently in local studies of postwar civil rights; see, among others, Jennifer E. Brooks, "Winning the Peace: Georgia Veterans and the Struggle to Define the Political Legacy of World War II," Journal of Southern History, Vol. 66, No. 3 (August 2000), pp. 563-604; and Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 24-25, 30-31, 47, 56-57.
248. See Philip A. Klinkner with Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 201-203, 205, 233-234. Veterans figure prominently in local studies of postwar civil rights; see, among others, Jennifer E. Brooks, "Winning the Peace: Georgia Veterans and the Struggle to Define the Political Legacy of World War II," Journal of Southern History, Vol. 66, No. 3 (August 2000), pp. 563-604; and Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 24-25, 30-31, 47, 56-57.
249. See Philip A. Klinkner with Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 201-203, 205, 233-234. Veterans figure prominently in local studies of postwar civil rights; see, among others, Jennifer E. Brooks, "Winning the Peace: Georgia Veterans and the Struggle to Define the Political Legacy of World War II," Journal of Southern History, Vol. 66, No. 3 (August 2000), pp. 563-604; and Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 24-25, 30-31, 47, 56-57.
250. See Christopher G. Ellison, "Military Background, Racial Orientations, and Political Participation among Black Adult Males," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 360-378; Christopher S. Parker, "Race and the Sociopolitical Effects of Military Service in the Civil Rights South," University of California, Santa Barbara, February 2003; and Christopher S. Parker, "War, What Is It Good For: Race, Military Service, and Social Change, 1945-1995," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 2001.
251. See Christopher G. Ellison, "Military Background, Racial Orientations, and Political Participation among Black Adult Males," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 360-378; Christopher S. Parker, "Race and the Sociopolitical Effects of Military Service in the Civil Rights South," University of California, Santa Barbara, February 2003; and Christopher S. Parker, "War, What Is It Good For: Race, Military Service, and Social Change, 1945-1995," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 2001.
252. See Christopher G. Ellison, "Military Background, Racial Orientations, and Political Participation among Black Adult Males," Social Science Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 2 (June 1992), pp. 360-378; Christopher S. Parker, "Race and the Sociopolitical Effects of Military Service in the Civil Rights South," University of California, Santa Barbara, February 2003; and Christopher S. Parker, "War, What Is It Good For: Race, Military Service, and Social Change, 1945-1995," Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 2001.
253. See Theda Skocpol, Marshall Ganz, and Ziad Munson, "A Nation of Organizers: The Institutional Origins of Civic Voluntarism in the United States," American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 3 (September 2000), pp. 534, 538; and Theda Skocpol, Ziad Munson, Andrew Karch, and Bayliss Camp, "Patriotic Partnerships: Why Great Wars Nourished American Civic Voluntarism," in Ira Katznelson and Martin Shefter, eds., Shaped by War and Trade: International Influences on American Political Development (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 134-180. See also the enormous literature on veterans' associations.
254. See Theda Skocpol, Marshall Ganz, and Ziad Munson, "A Nation of Organizers: The Institutional Origins of Civic Voluntarism in the United States," American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 3 (September 2000), pp. 534, 538; and Theda Skocpol, Ziad Munson, Andrew Karch, and Bayliss Camp, "Patriotic Partnerships: Why Great Wars Nourished American Civic Voluntarism," in Ira Katznelson and Martin Shefter, eds., Shaped by War and Trade: International Influences on American Political Development (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 134-180. See also the enormous literature on veterans' associations.
255. Decreasing numbers of U.S. politicians have military experience - veterans, once over-represented in Congress, are today underrepresented - but military service nevertheless continues to feature in U.S. political campaigns. The Democratic field in the 2004 presidential campaign had two candidates with highly distinguished service records, Sen. John Kerry and former Gen. Wesley Clark, and both, while on the campaign trail, regularly drew attention to their service in Vietnam and elsewhere. See, for example, David M. Halbfinger, "Eyes on the White House, Kerry Keeps Focus on Vietnam," New York Times, August 26, 2003; Robin Toner, "Still the Question: What Did You Do in the War?" New York Times, February 15, 2004; and Jake Tapper, "The Medals Don't Matter," New York Times, February 16, 2004. On veterans in Congress, see William T. Bianco and Jamie Markham, "Vanishing Veterans: The Decline of Military Experience in the U.S. Congress," in Feaver and Kohn, Soldiers and Civilians, pp. 275-287. On retired generals and Israeli politics, see Yoram Peri, Between Battles and Ballots: Israeli Military in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
256. Decreasing numbers of U.S. politicians have military experience - veterans, once over-represented in Congress, are today underrepresented - but military service nevertheless continues to feature in U.S. political campaigns. The Democratic field in the 2004 presidential campaign had two candidates with highly distinguished service records, Sen. John Kerry and former Gen. Wesley Clark, and both, while on the campaign trail, regularly drew attention to their service in Vietnam and elsewhere. See, for example, David M. Halbfinger, "Eyes on the White House, Kerry Keeps Focus on Vietnam," New York Times, August 26, 2003; Robin Toner, "Still the Question: What Did You Do in the War?" New York Times, February 15, 2004; and Jake Tapper, "The Medals Don't Matter," New York Times, February 16, 2004. On veterans in Congress, see William T. Bianco and Jamie Markham, "Vanishing Veterans: The Decline of Military Experience in the U.S. Congress," in Feaver and Kohn, Soldiers and Civilians, pp. 275-287. On retired generals and Israeli politics, see Yoram Peri, Between Battles and Ballots: Israeli Military in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
257. Decreasing numbers of U.S. politicians have military experience - veterans, once over-represented in Congress, are today underrepresented - but military service nevertheless continues to feature in U.S. political campaigns. The Democratic field in the 2004 presidential campaign had two candidates with highly distinguished service records, Sen. John Kerry and former Gen. Wesley Clark, and both, while on the campaign trail, regularly drew attention to their service in Vietnam and elsewhere. See, for example, David M. Halbfinger, "Eyes on the White House, Kerry Keeps Focus on Vietnam," New York Times, August 26, 2003; Robin Toner, "Still the Question: What Did You Do in the War?" New York Times, February 15, 2004; and Jake Tapper, "The Medals Don't Matter," New York Times, February 16, 2004. On veterans in Congress, see William T. Bianco and Jamie Markham, "Vanishing Veterans: The Decline of Military Experience in the U.S. Congress," in Feaver and Kohn, Soldiers and Civilians, pp. 275-287. On retired generals and Israeli politics, see Yoram Peri, Between Battles and Ballots: Israeli Military in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
258. Decreasing numbers of U.S. politicians have military experience - veterans, once over-represented in Congress, are today underrepresented - but military service nevertheless continues to feature in U.S. political campaigns. The Democratic field in the 2004 presidential campaign had two candidates with highly distinguished service records, Sen. John Kerry and former Gen. Wesley Clark, and both, while on the campaign trail, regularly drew attention to their service in Vietnam and elsewhere. See, for example, David M. Halbfinger, "Eyes on the White House, Kerry Keeps Focus on Vietnam," New York Times, August 26, 2003; Robin Toner, "Still the Question: What Did You Do in the War?" New York Times, February 15, 2004; and Jake Tapper, "The Medals Don't Matter," New York Times, February 16, 2004. On veterans in Congress, see William T. Bianco and Jamie Markham, "Vanishing Veterans: The Decline of Military Experience in the U.S. Congress," in Feaver and Kohn, Soldiers and Civilians, pp. 275-287. On retired generals and Israeli politics, see Yoram Peri, Between Battles and Ballots: Israeli Military in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
259. Decreasing numbers of U.S. politicians have military experience - veterans, once over-represented in Congress, are today underrepresented - but military service nevertheless continues to feature in U.S. political campaigns. The Democratic field in the 2004 presidential campaign had two candidates with highly distinguished service records, Sen. John Kerry and former Gen. Wesley Clark, and both, while on the campaign trail, regularly drew attention to their service in Vietnam and elsewhere. See, for example, David M. Halbfinger, "Eyes on the White House, Kerry Keeps Focus on Vietnam," New York Times, August 26, 2003; Robin Toner, "Still the Question: What Did You Do in the War?" New York Times, February 15, 2004; and Jake Tapper, "The Medals Don't Matter," New York Times, February 16, 2004. On veterans in Congress, see William T. Bianco and Jamie Markham, "Vanishing Veterans: The Decline of Military Experience in the U.S. Congress," in Feaver and Kohn, Soldiers and Civilians, pp. 275-287. On retired generals and Israeli politics, see Yoram Peri, Between Battles and Ballots: Israeli Military in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).
260. Quoted in Severo and Milford, The Wages of War, p. 123.
261. Stephen Garton, The Cost of War: Australians Return (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 10-11.
262. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
263. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
264. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
265. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
266. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
267. Skocpol et al., "Patriotic Partnerships"; Kenneth P. Langton, "The Influence of Military Service on Social Consciousness and Protest Behavior: A Study of Peruvian Mine Workers," Comparative Political Studies, Vol. 16, No. 4 (January 1984), pp. 479-504; Greenstein, "The Impact of Military Service in World War I on Africans"; Jennings and Markus, "The Effects of Military Service on Political Attitudes"; and M. Kent Jennings and Gregory B. Markus, "Political Participation and Vietnam War Veterans: A Longitudinal Study," in Nancy L. Goldman and David R. Segal, eds., The Social Psychology of Military Service (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1976), pp. 175-200. See also Jerald G. Bachman and M. Kent Jennings, "The Impact of Vietnam on Trust in Government," Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Fall 1975), pp. 141-155.
268. Russell L. Johnson, "The Civil War Generation: Military Service and Mobility in Dubuque, Iowa, 1860-1870," Journal of Social History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Summer 1999), pp. 791-820; Leed, No Man's Land, pp. 7, 200-204; and Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, p. 597.
269. Russell L. Johnson, "The Civil War Generation: Military Service and Mobility in Dubuque, Iowa, 1860-1870," Journal of Social History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Summer 1999), pp. 791-820; Leed, No Man's Land, pp. 7, 200-204; and Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, p. 597.
270. Russell L. Johnson, "The Civil War Generation: Military Service and Mobility in Dubuque, Iowa, 1860-1870," Journal of Social History, Vol. 32, No. 4 (Summer 1999), pp. 791-820; Leed, No Man's Land, pp. 7, 200-204; and Stouffer et al., The American Soldier, Vol. 2, p. 597.
271. Although anecdotal evidence points to black veterans' prominence in postwar civil rights activity, it is not clear that they were overrepresented - given that costly agitation (as opposed to conventional political participation) is typically undertaken by the young and given the high proportion of young blacks who served in the wartime military. On the lack of systematic study, see Payne, I've Got the Light, p. 447, n. 33.
272. Harvard Sitkoff, "African American Militancy in the World War II South: Another Perspective," in Neil R. McMillen, ed., Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1997), p. 92. See also Gail Williams O'Brien, The Color of the Law: Race, Violence, and Justice in the Post-World War II South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), pp. 249-250.
273. Harvard Sitkoff, "African American Militancy in the World War II South: Another Perspective," in Neil R. McMillen, ed., Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1997), p. 92. See also Gail Williams O'Brien, The Color of the Law: Race, Violence, and Justice in the Post-World War II South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), pp. 249-250.
274. John Modell, Marc Goulden, and Sigurdur Magnusson, "World War II in the Lives of Black Americans: Some Findings and an Interpretation," Journal of American History, Vol. 76, No. 3 (December 1989), p. 848. This evidence is, however, at best suggestive because the data, drawn from Who's Who among Black Americans, 1977-1978, is likely biased.
275. John Modell, Marc Goulden, and Sigurdur Magnusson, "World War II in the Lives of Black Americans: Some Findings and an Interpretation," Journal of American History, Vol. 76, No. 3 (December 1989), p. 848. This evidence is, however, at best suggestive because the data, drawn from Who's Who among Black Americans, 1977-1978, is likely biased.
276. See Charles Tilly, "Lullaby, Chorale, or Hurdy-Gurdy Tune?" in Roger V. Gould, ed., The Rational Choice Controversy in Historical Sociology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).
277. In contrast, David Laitin asserts that nations are primarily cultural, not political, constructs and that they do spring from individual decisions. See Laitin, Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 244, n. 4.
278. Sociologists have long argued that citizenship is "inevitably bound up with nationhood and national identity, membership of the state with membership of the nation." See Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 182. See also, among many others, J.M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle, and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes, U.K.: Open University Press, 1988); and Bryan S. Turner, "Outline of a Theory of Citizenship," Sociology, Vol. 24, No. 2 (May 1990), pp. 189-217.
279. Sociologists have long argued that citizenship is "inevitably bound up with nationhood and national identity, membership of the state with membership of the nation." See Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 182. See also, among many others, J.M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle, and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes, U.K.: Open University Press, 1988); and Bryan S. Turner, "Outline of a Theory of Citizenship," Sociology, Vol. 24, No. 2 (May 1990), pp. 189-217.
280. Sociologists have long argued that citizenship is "inevitably bound up with nationhood and national identity, membership of the state with membership of the nation." See Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), p. 182. See also, among many others, J.M. Barbalet, Citizenship: Rights, Struggle, and Class Inequality (Milton Keynes, U.K.: Open University Press, 1988); and Bryan S. Turner, "Outline of a Theory of Citizenship," Sociology, Vol. 24, No. 2 (May 1990), pp. 189-217.
281. Charles Tilly, "The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere," in Tilly, ed., Citizenship, Identity, and Social History, special issue, International Review of Social History, Vol. 40, Supp. 3 (1995), pp. 223-236, at p. 227. This understanding of citizenship stands in stark contrast to the classic statement of T.H. Marshall, which implied that citizenship smoothly and inexorably broadened from civil to political to social rights. See Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950).
282. Charles Tilly, "The Emergence of Citizenship in France and Elsewhere," in Tilly, ed., Citizenship, Identity, and Social History, special issue, International Review of Social History, Vol. 40, Supp. 3 (1995), pp. 223-236, at p. 227. This understanding of citizenship stands in stark contrast to the classic statement of T.H. Marshall, which implied that citizenship smoothly and inexorably broadened from civil to political to social rights. See Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950).
283. Anne Norton, Reflections on Political Identity (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993 [1988]).
284. See Peter Riesenberg, Citizenship in the Western Tradition: Plato to Rousseau (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Morris Janowitz, "Military Institutions and Citizenship in Western Societies," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 2, No. 2 (February 1976), pp. 185-204.
285. See Peter Riesenberg, Citizenship in the Western Tradition: Plato to Rousseau (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Morris Janowitz, "Military Institutions and Citizenship in Western Societies," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 2, No. 2 (February 1976), pp. 185-204.
286. Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992, pp. 96-126; and Richard M. Titmuss, "War and Social Policy," in Titmuss, Essays on "the Welfare State" (Boston: Beacon, 1963 [1959]), pp. 75-87.
287. Tilly, Coercion, Capital, and European States, A.D. 990-1992, pp. 96-126; and Richard M. Titmuss, "War and Social Policy," in Titmuss, Essays on "the Welfare State" (Boston: Beacon, 1963 [1959]), pp. 75-87.
288. See, among many others, Daniel T. Kryder, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
289. On a related form of contention, see Kevin J. O'Brien, "Rightful Resistance," World Politics, Vol. 49, No. 1 (October 1996), pp. 31-55.
290. Quoted in Judith N. Shklar, American Citizenship: The Quest for Inclusion (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1991), p. 48.
291. For alternative explanations, see Kais M. Firro, The Druzes in the Jewish State (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1999); Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); and Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980).
292. For alternative explanations, see Kais M. Firro, The Druzes in the Jewish State (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1999); Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); and Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980).
293. For alternative explanations, see Kais M. Firro, The Druzes in the Jewish State (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1999); Jacob M. Landau, The Arab Minority in Israel, 1967-1991: Political Aspects (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993); and Ian Lustick, Arabs in the Jewish State: Israel's Control of a National Minority (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980).
294. For a thorough discussion and evaluation of all three mechanisms, see Ronald R. Krebs, "Rights and Gun Sights: Military Service and the Politics of Citizenship," Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 2003.
295. See Ira Katznelson, "Flexible Capacity: The Military and Early American Statebuilding," in Katznelson and Shefter, Shaped by War and Trade, pp. 82-110.
296. Charles C. Moskos, John Allen Williams, and David R. Segal, eds., The Postmodern Military: Armed Forces after the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). See also Jacques van Doom, "The Decline of the Mass Army in the West," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Winter 1975), pp. 147-157; and Karl W. Haltiner, "The Definite End of the Mass Army in Western Europe," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Fall 1998), pp. 7-36.
297. Charles C. Moskos, John Allen Williams, and David R. Segal, eds., The Postmodern Military: Armed Forces after the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). See also Jacques van Doom, "The Decline of the Mass Army in the West," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Winter 1975), pp. 147-157; and Karl W. Haltiner, "The Definite End of the Mass Army in Western Europe," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Fall 1998), pp. 7-36.
298. Charles C. Moskos, John Allen Williams, and David R. Segal, eds., The Postmodern Military: Armed Forces after the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000). See also Jacques van Doom, "The Decline of the Mass Army in the West," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 1, No. 2 (Winter 1975), pp. 147-157; and Karl W. Haltiner, "The Definite End of the Mass Army in Western Europe," Armed Forces and Society, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Fall 1998), pp. 7-36.
299. See James Burk, "The Military Obligation of Citizens Since Vietnam," Parameters, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 48-60. In contrast, Eliot Cohen argues that this link between citizenship and military service is all but obsolete in the United States and nearly all other developed countries. See Cohen, "Twilight of the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 23-28.
300. See James Burk, "The Military Obligation of Citizens Since Vietnam," Parameters, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 48-60. In contrast, Eliot Cohen argues that this link between citizenship and military service is all but obsolete in the United States and nearly all other developed countries. See Cohen, "Twilight of the Citizen-Soldier," Parameters, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 23-28.