Change they can't believe in: The Tea Party and reactionary politics in America

Change They Can't Believe In: The Tea Party and Reactionary Politics in America

Volumn , Issue , 2013, Pages

  Parker, Christopher S ^a   Barreto, Matt A ^b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON   (United States)

^b Washington Institute for the Study of Ethnicity Race and Sexuality   (United States)

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EID: 84884059840     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
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References (363)

1. Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 6.
2. See, among others, Mark A. Smith, The Right Talk: How Conservatives Transformed the Great Society into the Economic Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007)
3. Clinton Rossiter, Conservatism in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982).
4. Dick Armey, Give Us Liberty: A Tea Party Manifesto (New York: William Morrow, 2010).
5. Thierry Devos and Mahzarin R. Banaji, "American = White?," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 88, no. 3 (2005): 447-66
6. Margot Canaday, The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in Twentieth Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009).
7. Daniel Bell, ed., The New American Right (New York: Criterion, 1955); and Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in American Politics, 1790-1970 (New York: Harper and Row, 1970).
8. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics (New York: Vintage Books, 1952), 29.
9. Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1977 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).
10. Andrew Perrin, Steven J. Tepper, Neal Caren, and Sally Morris, "Cultures of the Tea Party," Contexts 10, no. 2 (2011): 74-75.
11. Frank Rich, "The Rage Is Not About Health Care," New York Times online, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/28/opinion/28rich.html?_r=0.
12. For an excellent rendering of the relationship between homosexuality and American identity, see Margot Canaday, The Straight State.
13. Dean Reynolds, "Palin: 'It's Time to Take Our Country Back,' " CBS News.com, http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20016903-503544.html.
14. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969).
15. Mark Williams's original blog post has been removed. However, the following link contains a reproduction: http://gawker.com/5588556/the-embarrassing-racist-satire-of-tea-party-leader-mark-williams.
16. Michele Bachmann, "Obama Needs to Stand for His Own Statements Regarding His Faith and Citizenship," YouTube video, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8uZEmee_c4o.
17. See, among others, Rogers M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), chapter 2.
18. David G. Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), chapter 1.
19. Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004).
20. See, among others, Thomas C. Holt, Children of Fire: A History of African Americans (New York: Hill and Wang, 2010)
21. Desmond S. King and Rogers M. Smith, Still a House Divided: Race and Politics in Obama's America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011).
22. Barbara J. Fields, "Ideology and Race in American History," in Region, Race and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward, ed. J. Morgan Kousser and James M. McPherson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 143-77.
23. For more, see Jill Lepore, The Whites of Their Eyes: The Tea Party's Revolution and the Battle over American History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010)
24. Elizabeth Price Foley, The Tea Party: Three Principles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
25. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
26. Devin Burghart, "Mapping the Tea Party caucus in the 112th Congress," IREHR, http://irehr.org/issue-areas/tea-party-nationalism/tea-party-news-and-analysis/item/355-mapping-the-tea-party-caucus-in-the-112th-congress.
27. Devin Burghart, "What Didn't Happen in Vegas: Tea Party Nation Ordered to Pay Up," IREHR, http://irehr.org/issue-areas/tea-party-nationalism/tea-party-news-and-analysis.
28. These figures are available here: http://www.irehr.org/the-data/tea-party-growth-chart.
29. For the numbers of Tea Party "agreement," see Pew's Political and Media Survey, Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, July 20-24, 2011.
30. We arrived at roughly 45 million by multiplying the voting-age population as of 2008 (225.5 million) by the 20 percent of the population that "agrees" with the Tea Party.
31. Rory McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, 32-33.
32. Sara Diamond, Roads to Dominion: Right-Wing Movements and Political Power in the United States (New York: Guilford Press, 1995).
33. Bert Klandermans and Dirk Oegema, "Potentials, Networks, Motivations, and Barriers: Steps towards Participation in Social Movements," American Sociological Review 52 (1987): 519-31.
34. For a more cost-benefit approach to social movement participation, see Dirk Oegema and Bert Klandermans, "Why Social Movement Sympathizers Don't Participate: Erosion and Nonconversion of Support," American Sociological Review 59 (1994): 703-22.
35. Munson, The Making of Pro-Life Activists.
36. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics, chapter 1.
37. We are aware that at least some in the Tea Party see Parker as a turncoat. Still, see criticism of the Tea Party here: Kathleen Parker, "The Tea Fragger Party," Washington Post online, http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/the-tea-fragger-party/2011/07/29/gIQA23pAiI_story.html.
38. We rely on Clinton Rossiter's interpretation of reactionaries; see Conservatism in America.
39. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics, 23.
40. Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason, 19.
41. McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan.
42. Roland G. Fryer Jr. and Steven D. Levitt, "Hatred and Profits: Getting Under the Hood of the Ku Klux Klan," NBER Working Paper Series, Working Paper #13417, National Bureau of Economic Research, 2007.
43. Quoted in MacLean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, xii.
44. See, among others, David M. Chalmers, Hooded Americanism: The History of the Ku Klux Klan (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1987)
45. Kenneth T. Jackson, The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967); and MacLean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry.
46. Seymour Martin Lipset notes a similar trend in Europe, in which the petit bourgeois are attracted to right-wing movements. See his Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1960).
47. For economic competition, see McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, chapter 4. For the Klan's interpretation of what constitutes American values, see MacLean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, chapter 7.
48. Paul Kleppner, The Cross of Culture: A Social Analysis of Midwestern Politics, 1850-1900 (New York: Free Press, 1970).
49. Fred W. Grupp Jr., "The Political Perspectives of Birch Society Members," in The American Right Wing: Readings in Political Behavior, ed. Robert A. Schoenberger, 83-118.
50. Epstein and Forster, The Radical Right, chapter 14.
51. Epstein and Forster, The Radical Right.
52. J. Allen Broyles, The John Birch Society.
53. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics.
54. See, among others, Norman H. Nie, Jane Junn, and Kenneth Stehlik-Barry, Education and Democratic Citizenship in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
55. Critchtlow, Conservative Ascendancy.
56. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade; for an account of the fallout associated with the perception of declining social prestige during the 1960s, see Ira S. Rohter, "Social and Psychological Determinants of Radical Rightism," in The American Right Wing: Readings in American Political Behavior, ed. Robert A. Schenberger, 193-238.
57. Roderick M. Kramer, "Paranoid Social Cognition in Social Systems: Thinking and Acting in the Shadow of Doubt," Personality and Social Psychology Review 2, no. 4 (1998): 251-75; the quote may be found on 254.
58. Susan T. Fiske, Beth Morling, and Laura E. Stevens, "Controlling Self and Others: A Theory of Anxiety, Mental Control, and Social Control," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 22, no. 2 (1996): 115-23; the quote can be located on 122.
59. Lawrence D. Bobo and Mia Tuan, Prejudice in Politics: Group Position, Public Opinion, and the Wisconsin Treaty Rights Dispute (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006).
60. Jennifer A. Whitson and Adam D. Galinsky, "Lacking Control Increases Illusory Pattern Perception," Science 322 (2008): 115-17.
61. Maxwell, "Tea Party Distinguished by Racial Views and Fear of the Future."
62. Conover and Gray, Feminism and the New Right.
63. For a historical take on the phenotypical American, see Smith, Civic Ideals; for a more contemporary illustration, see Devos and Banaji, "American = White?"
64. For the president as the government personified, see Theodore J. Lowi, The Personal President: Power Invested, Promise Unfulfilled (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985).
65. David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969).
66. Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics.
67. Charles D. Elder and Roger W. Cobb, The Political Uses of Symbols; see also Firth, Symbols: Public and Private.
68. See Devos and Banaji, "American = White?"; Thiess-Morse, Who Counts as an American?; and Deborah J. Schildkraut, Americanism in the Twenty-First Century: Public Opinion in the Age of Immigration (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011).
69. Hofstadter's impression is supported by Depret and Fiske, "Perceiving the Powerful." For pessimism associated with Tea Party supporters, see Maxwell, "Tea Party Distinguished by Racial Views and Fear of the Future."
70. For estimates of the effect of the stimulus, see "Estimated Impact of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act on Employment and Economic Output from October 2011 through December 2011," Congressional Budget Office, February 2012.
71. Michael Tesler, "The Spillover of Racialization into Health Care: How President Obama Polarizes Public Opinion by Racial Attitudes and Race," 2010, paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychologists, July 2010.
72. Daniel Bell, "The Dispossessed," in The Radical Right, 3rd edition, ed. Daniel Bell (New York: Transaction Press, 2008), 2-3.
73. See Christopher S. Parker, Mark Q. Sawyer, and Christopher Towler, "A Black Man in the White House? The Role of Racism and Patriotism in the 2008 Presidential Election," Du Bois Review 6, no. 1 (2009): 193-17
74. and Matthew O. Hunt and David C. Wilson, "Race/Ethnicity, Perceived Discrimination, and Beliefs about the Meaning of an Obama Presidency," Du Bois Review 6, no. 1 (2009): 173-92.
75. Patrick Allitt, The Conservatives: Ideas and Personalities throughout American History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), chapter 1.
76. See Crawford, Thunder on the Right; Rossiter, Conservatism in America; Viereck, "The Philosophical 'New' Conservatism," and Kevin P. Phillips, Post-Conservative America: People, Politics, and Ideology (New York: Random House, 1982).
77. Rossiter, Conservatism in America, 177.
78. Patrick Allitt, The Conservatives; and Kirk, The Conservative Mind.
79. More on changing the Fourteenth Amendment for reasons related to immigration can be found here: http://teapartyamerica.blogspot.com/2010/08/change-14th-amendment-no-more-anchor.html.
80. Sam Tanenhaus, The Death of Conservatism (New York: Random House, 2009).
81. Corey Robin, The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Sarah Palin (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011).
82. Smith, The Right Talk, chapter 5.
83. George H. Nash, The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America since 1945 (New York: Basic Books, 1976)
84. see also Jerome Himmelstein, To the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).
85. According to CheckSiteTraffic.com, the National Review Online has the most unique visitors per month at 755K, versus 643K for the American Spectator, and 406K for the Weekly Standard.
86. John R. Zaller, The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992)
87. see also Shanto Iyengar, Mark Peters, and Donald Kinder, News that Matters (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
88. Taeku Lee, Mobilizing Black Opinion: Black Insurgency and Racial Attitudes in the Civil Rights Era (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), chapter 5.
89. Michael Barone, "Big Government Forgets How to Build Big Projects," National Review online, http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/244117/big -government-forgets-how-build-big-projects-michael-barone, August 19, 2010.
90. Rossiter, Conservatism in America
91. Allitt, The Conservatives; and Kirk, The Conservative Mind.
92. For a summary of the conditions under which change is feared, see John T Jost, Jack Glaser, Arie W. Kruglanski, and Frank Sulloway, "Political Conservatism as Motivated Social Cognition," Psychological Bulletin 129, no. 3 (2003): 339-75. One will notice that fear of subversion is conspicuously absent from their list of conditions.
93. Mark Fenster, Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 8.
94. David Brion Davis, The Slave Power Conspiracy and the Paranoid Style (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969), 11.
95. Michael Rogin, Ronald Reagan: The Movie, and Other Episodes in Political Demonology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), chapter 9.
96. We realize that it's possible that National Review journalists may well agree with Tea Party positions and tactics, but, for the sake of providing a more learned perspective, one that the moderates must take seriously, they may try to avoid some of the hyperbolic claims made on Tea Party websites.
97. Before dismissing the importance of "new media" on politics and society, we recommend reading David D. Perlmutter's Blogwars (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
98. Lepore, The Whites of Their Eyes
99. see also Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
100. Please see the appendix for a description of the Multi-State Survey of Race and Politics (MSSRP).
101. For more on "The List Experiment,"
102. see James H. Kuklinski and Michael D. Cobb, "Racial Attitudes and the 'New South,' "Journal of Politics 59, no. 2 (1997): 323-49
103. and Matthew J. Streb, Barbara Burrell, Brian Fredrick, and Michael A. Genovese, "Social Desirability Effects and Support for a Female American President," Public Opinion Quarterly 72, no. 1 (2008): 76-89.
104. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
105. Please see the appendix for information about our 2010 Multi-State Survey of Race and Politics.
106. Timothy D. Wilson and Jonathan W. Schooler, "Thinking Too Much: Introspection Can Reduce the Quality of Preferences and Decisions," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 60, no. 2 (1991): 181-92.
107. Jon A.Krosnick, "The Role of Attitude Importance in Social Evaluation: A Study of Policy Preferences, Presidential Candidate Evaluations, and Voting Behavior," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 55, no. 2 (1988): 196-210.
108. For a reference to Obama as anti-American, see Norman Podhoretz's editorial, "What Happened to Obama: Absolutely Nothing," Wall Street Journal, August 13-14, 2011, A13.
109. For an exceptional account of placing homosexuality beyond American norms, see, among many others, Margot Canady, The Straight State: Sexuality and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009).
110. And for an excellent study of discourse around illegal immigrants, see Otto Santa Ana, Brown Tide Rising: Metaphors of Latinos in Contemporary American Public Discourse (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002).
111. See Howard Schuman, Method and Meaning in Polls and Surveys (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), chapter 3.
112. The remaining 20 percent of the responses were difficult to place into any single category.
113. Similarly, the remaining 14 percent of the response were too fractious to constitute a coherent category.
114. These figures stack up well with contemporaneous studies, including an Associated Press/GfK poll conducted in April 2010. If we included only those with opinions of the Tea Party, 29 percent of those polled had a "very favorable" opinion of the Tea Party, and 28 percent of those with an opinion had a "very unfavorable" impression of them. Similar to our poll, in which 33 percent had no opinion of the Tea Party, in the AP poll, 33 percent had no opinion.
115. Typically, 5 percent of sympathizers join formal organizations. Bert Klandermans and Dirk Oegema, "Potentials, Networks, Motivations, and Barriers: Steps towards Participation in Social Movements," American Sociological Review 52, no.4 (1987): 519-31.
116. Doug McAdam, Freedom Summer (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
117. For an updated version, see Doug McAdam and Ronnelle Paulsen, "Specifying the Relationship between Social Ties and Activism, American Journal of Sociology 99, no. 3 (1993): 640-67.
118. For a slightly different take, one in which commitment to movement-related issues happen after mobilization, see Ziad Munson, The Making of Fro-Life Activists: Fiow Social Movement Mobilization Works (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008).
119. For more, see Robert D. Putnam and David E. Campbell, American Grace: Fiow Religion Divides Us and Unites Us (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2010), chapter 1.
120. See Dochuk, From Bible Belt to Sunbelt.
121. Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics, chapter 3.
122. McClean, Behind the Mask of Chivalry, chapter 4.
123. See also, Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics.
124. See table A2.1 in the appendix, "Comparison of MSSRP 2011 with contemporaneous national polls by Tea Party support and selected demographics."
125. Donald P. Green, Bradley Palmquist, and Eric Schicler, Partisan Hearts & Minds: Political Parties and the Social Identity of Voters (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002).
126. Diamond, Roads to Dominion
127. and Sheilah R. Koeppen, "The Republican Radical Right," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 382 (1969): 73-82.
128. See also, Michael Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1967).
129. Lewis-Beck, Jacoby, Norpoth, and Weisberg, The American Voter Revisited.
130. Michael Freeden, Ideology: A Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 123.
131. A debate has raged for years in political science over the extent to which people have the ability to think in ideological terms, where public attitudes across a range of issues are consistently liberal, conservative, or moderate. For the classic credited with starting the debate, see Philip E. Converse, "The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics," Ideology and Discontent, ed. David Apter (New York: Free Press, 1964), 206-61
132. see also, Eric R.A.N. Smith, The Unchanging American Voter (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).
133. On the other side of the debate, see Robert E. Lane, Political Ideology: Why the American Common Man Believes What He Does (New York: Free Press, 1962)
134. Norman H. Nie, Sidney Verba, and John R. Petrocik, The Changing American Voter (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976)
135. William G Jacoby, "The Structure of Ideological Thinking in the American Electorate," American Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (1995): 314-35
136. and Stanley Feldman and John Zaller, "The Political Culture of Ambivalence: Ideological Responses to the Welfare State," American Journal of Political Science 36, no. 1 (1992): 68-307.
137. For the definitive work on the role of ideology and race, see Michael C. Dawson, Black Visions: The Roots of Contemporary African-American Political Ideologies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).
138. See Pamela Johnston Conover and Stanley Feldman, "The Origins of Liberal/Conservative Self-Identifications," American Journal of Political Science 25, no. 4 (1981): 617-45. The quote is located on 640.
139. For examples, see Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001)
140. J. Allen Broyles, The John Birch Society.
141. See, among others, Alan I. Abramowitz and Kyle Saunders, "Ideological Realignment in the U.S. YXectotate" Journal of Politics 60, no. 3 (1998): 634-52
142. and their "Exploring the Bases of Partisanship in the American Electorate: Social Identity vs. Ideology," Political Research Quarterly 59, no. 2 (2006): 175-87
143. Matthew Levandusky, The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Republicans (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).
144. Samuel P. Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge, MA.: Harvard University Press, 1981), 33.
145. For more, see Bernard Bailyn, The Ideology of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), 347.
146. Donald R. Kinder and Lynn M. Sanders, Divided by Color: Racial Politics and Democratic Ideals (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
147. All of these numbers are consistent with roughly contemporaneous polls undertaken in which support for the Tea Party is assessed. See table A2.1 in the appendix, "Comparison of MSSRP 2011 with contemporaneous national polls by Tea Party support and selected demographics."
148. This serves as a proxy for policies like health care reform and the bank reform law, which the Tea Party rejects.
149. George E. Marcus, W. Russell Neuman, and Michael Mackuen, Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000).
150. Theodor W. Adorno, Else Frenkel-Brunswik, Daniel Levinson, and Nevitt Sanford, The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper and Row, 1950).
151. Stanley Feldman, "Enforcing Social Conformity: A Theory of Authoritarianism," Political Psychology 24, no. 1 (2003): 41-72.
152. Karen Stenner, The Authoritarian Dynamic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), chapter 1. For an alternative approach, one based on social learning theory
153. see Bob Altemeyer, The Authoritarian Spectre (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996).
154. For comparisons between ethnocentrism and authoritarianism, see Donald R. Kinder and Cindy D. Kam, Us Against Them: Ethnocentric Foundations of American Opinion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009)
155. and William A. Cunningham, John B. Nelzek, and Mahzarin R. Banaji, "Implicit and Explicit Ethnocentrism: Revisiting the Ideologies of Prejudice," Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 30, no. 10 (2004): 1332-46.
156. For the emphasis on "in-group love,"
157. see Marilyn B. Brewer, "The Psychology of Prejudice: Ingroup Love, or Outgroup Hate," Journal of Social Issues 55, no. 3 (1999): 429+14.
158. For the "Us" versus "Them" interpretation, see Kinder and Kam, Us Against Them. For the conscious and unconscious dimensions of ethnocentrism
159. see Cunningham, Nelzek, and Banaji, "Implicit and Explicit Ethnocentrism."
160. But see Leonie Huddy and Stanley Feldman, "On Assessing the Political Effects of Racial Prejudice," Annual Review of Political Science 12 (2009): 423-47.
161. See Cheryl R. Kaiser, Benjamin J. Drury, Kerry E. Spalding, Sapna Cheryan, and Laurie T. O'Brien, "The Ironic Consequences of Obama's Election: Decreased Support for Social Justice," Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 45 (2009): 556-59.
162. Kinder and Sanders, Divided by Color: Racial Politics and Democratic Ideals.
163. Michael Hughes, "Symbolic Racism, Old-Fashioned Racism, and Whites' Opposition to Affirmative Action," in Racial Attitudes in the 1990s: Continuity and Change, ed. Steven A. Tuch and Jack K. Martin (New York: Praeger, 1997), 45-75.
164. For a similar interpretation of symbolic racism as status defense, see also, "Whites' Opposition to Busing: Symbolic Racism or Realistic Group Conflict?," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 45, no. 6 (1983): 1196-1210.
165. For more on the psychological properties of social dominance orientation, see Felicia Pratto, Jim Sidanius, Lisa M. Stallworth, and Bertram F. Malle, "Social Dominance Orientation: A Personality Variable Predicting Social and Political Attitudes," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 67, no. 4 (1994): 741-63; see 741 for the quote.
166. Rory McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan, chapter 4.
167. These results remain valid in a multivariate setting where economic anxiety depresses support for the Tea Party among whites compared to non-whites in our sample. Results are available upon request.
168. Gauging perceptions of the national economic climate is another way of getting at economic anxiety. This isn't observed in our data. Therefore, we cannot completely rule out economic anxiety as a factor. Still, perceptions of the national economy and one's personal economic circumstances are related, tied together by class. We can account for both. For more, see M. Stephen Weatherford, "Economic Voting and the 'Symbolic Politics' Argument: A Re-interpretation and Synthesis," American Political Science Review 77, no. 1 (1983): 158-74.
169. For an alternative in which perception of the national economic picture trumps individual economic experiences, see Donald R. Kinder and D. Roderick Kiewet, "Sociotropic Politics: The American Case," British Journal of Political Science 11, no. 2 (1981): 129-61. Again, however, the latter view doesn't test for the linkage of the two through class.
170. Richard J. Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Gus-field, Symbolic Crusade.
171. We use what's called an ordered logistic regression model to estimate the association between support for the Tea Party and all of the other factors discussed so far.
172. Based on Skocpol and Williamson's work, we controlled for whether or not people watch Fox News, and political sophistication. While both affected support for the Tea Party, it failed to impact the substantive results.
173. Jennifer A. Whitson and Adam D. Galinsky, "Lacking Control Increases Illusory Pattern Perception," Science 322 (October 2008): 115-17.
174. Daniel Sullivan, Mark J. Landau, and Zachary K. Rothschild, "An Existential Function of Enemyship: Evidence that People Attribute Influence to Personal and Political Enemies to Compensate for Threats to Control," Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 98, no. 3 (2010): 434-49.
175. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
176. Sidanius and Pratto, Social Dominance Theory.
177. Gary C. Jacobsen, "The President, the Tea Party, and Voting Behavior in 2010." See also, Kevin Arceneaux and Stephen P. Nicholson, "Steeping the Tea Party" (unpublished manuscript, 2011).
178. R. Michael Alvarez and John Brehm, Hard Choices, Easy Answers: Values, Information, and American Public Opinion (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), 15.
179. On the normative importance of civil liberties, see Herbert McClosky and Aida Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1983).
180. For an excellent example of this concept applied across time and space, see J.G.A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition, rev. ed. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003).
181. Under normal circumstances in which the people aren't forced to choose between civil liberties and security, support for free speech is much higher, around 70 percent. See Christopher S. Parker, "Symbolic versus Blind Patriotism: Distinction without Difference?" Political Research Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2010): 97-114.
182. Darren W. Davis, Negative Liberty: Public Opinion and the Terrorist Attacks on America (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2007).
183. For the classical work on freedom as the absence of constraints, see Isaiah Berlin, "Two Concepts of Liberty," in Four Essays on Liberty (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1969), 118-72;
184. for a more recent treatment, see Eric Nelson, "Liberty: One or Two Concepts," Political Theory 33, no. 1 (2005): 58-78.
185. Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992); and Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment.
186. Milton Rokeach, The Nature of Human Values (New York: Free Press, 1973).
187. See Herbert McClosky and John Zaller, The American Ethos: Public Attitudes toward Capitalism and Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), chapter 2.
188. See among others, Seymour Martin Lipset, The First New Nation: The United States in Historical and Comparative Perspective (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979)
189. see also, Rokeach, The Nature of Human Values, and McClosky and Zaller, The American Ethos.
190. McClosky and Zaller, The American Ethos, 264.
191. Davis, Negative Liberty.
192. Katherine Y. Barnes, "Assessing the Counterfactual: The Efficacy of Drug Interdiction Absent Racial Profiling," Duke Law Journal 54, no. 5 (2005): 1090-1141.
193. On perceived black criminality in colonial America, see Richard Middleton, Colonial America: A History, 1565-1776 (New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2002).
194. Barnes, "Assessing the Counterfactuals."
195. Keith Olbermann, "Olbermann: Violence and Threats Have No Place in Politics," NBCNews.com, http://msnbc.msn.com/id/40981503.
196. For these interpretations of the amendments, see McClosky and Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance, chapter 4.
197. Davis, Negative Liberty, chapter 3.
198. For all comparisons, see Davis, Negative Liberty, chapter 3.
199. See McClosky and Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance; and Parker, "Symbolic versus Blind Patriotism."
200. McClosky and Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance, chapter 6.
201. These results refer to our Washington Poll (2011). Results available upon request.
202. Santa Ana, Brown Tide Rising.
203. Tetlock, "Coping with Trade-Offs," 250.
204. Schwartz, "Universals in the Content and Structure of Values," 9.
205. See T. W. Adorno, E. Frenkel-Brunswik, D. J. Levinson, and R. N. Sanford, The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper, 1950).
206. Morris Janowitz, The Reconstruction of Patriotism: Education for Civic Consciousness (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).
207. Christopher S. Parker, Fighting for Democracy: Black Veterans and the Struggle against White Supremacy in the Postwar South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009).
208. Jennifer E. Brooks, "Winning the Peace: Georgia Veterans and the Struggle to Define the Political Legacy of World War II," Journal of Southern History 66, no. 3 (2000): 563-604. The quote can be found on 572.
209. Dietz, "Patriotism: A Brief History of the Term."
210. See also Merle Curti, The Roots of American Loyalty (New York: Atheneum, 1968); Viroli, Republicanism and For Love of Country.
211. Ervin Staub, "Blind versus Constructive Patriotism: Moving from Embeddedness in the Group to Critical Loyalty and Action," in Patriotism, ed. Daniel Bar-Tal and Ervin Staub (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1997), 213-28.
212. Robert T. Schatz, Ervin Staub, and Howard Lavine, "On the Varieties of National Attachment: Blind versus Constructive Patriotism," Political Psychology 20, no. 1 (1999): 151-74.
213. McClosky and Brill, Dimensions of Tolerance; Leonie Huddy and Nadia Khatib, "American Patriotism, National Identity, and Political Involvement," American Journal of Political Science 51, no. 1 (2007): 63-77.
214. Huddy and Khatib, "American Patriotism, National Identity, and Political Involvement"; Schatz, Staub, and Lavine, "On the Varieties of National Attachment."
215. Huddy and Khatib, "American Patriotism, National Identity, and Political Involvement."
216. Schildkraut, Americanism in the Twenty-First Century.
217. Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality.
218. Adorno et al., The Authoritarian Personality, 107.
219. Walter F. Berns, Making Patriots (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).
220. Robert T. Schatz and Ervin Staub, "Manifestations of Blind and Constructive Patriotism: Personality Correlates and Individual-Group Relations," Patriotism: In the Lives of Individuals and Nations, ed. Daniel Bar-Tal and Ervin Staub (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1997), 229-45.
221. See, among many others, Perlstein, Before the Storm.
222. William B. Hixon Jr., Search for the American Right Wing: An Analysis of the Social Science Record, 1955-1987 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), part 4.
223. Conover and Gray, Feminism and the New Right.
224. Burghart and Zeskind, "Tea Party Nationalism."
225. "Census Data Reveals Dramatic Population Increase among Minority Groups," PBS Newshour Extra online, April 1, 2001, retrieved April 1, 2011, available at http://www.pbs.org/newshour/extra/features/us/jan-june11/census_04-01.html.
226. "Census Shows America's Diversity," Census 2010 News, March 24, 2011, http://2010.census.gov/news/releases/operations/cb11-cn125.html.
227. Gary J. Gates, "How Many People Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender?" The Williams Institute, April 2011.
228. "Lawsuit Alleges Texas Congressional Redistricting Plan Discriminates against Latinos, African Americans," Chron Blog, Houston Chronicle online, July 16, 2011, available at http://blog.chron.com/txpotomac/2011/07/lawsuit-alleges-texas-congressional-redistricting-plan-discriminates-against-latinos-african-americans/.
229. Joe Garofoli, "Redistricting Worries California Black Leaders," San Francisco Chronicle online, July 25, 2011, available at http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2011/07/24/MN531KDMII.DTL.
230. "About Tea Party Patriots," http://www.teapartypatriots.org/about.
231. See, among others, Smith, The Right Talk; Rossiter, Conservatism in America.
232. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
233. Mayhill Fowler, "Obama: No Surprise that Hard-Pressed Pennsylvanians Turn Bitter," Huffington Post online, April 11, 2008, retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mayhill-fowler/obama-no surprise-that-ha_b_96188.html.
234. Roland Martin, "Commentary: Deans' 50-state Strategy is a Plus for Obama," CNN Politics, October 28, 2008, retrieved from http://articles.cnn.com/2008-10-28/politics/martin.election_1_50-state-strategy-howard-dean-democratic-party?_s=PM:POLITICS.
235. Thomas Frank, What's the Matter with Kansas? How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2004)
236. Joe Bageant, Deer Hunting with Jesus: Dispatches from America's Class War (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2007).
237. Please refer to "Content Analysis and Interviews" under the chapter 1 results in the appendix for details on the sampling frame for the content analysis.
238. Peggy S. Judd, "Campaigning is Fun! Almost as Fun as a Great TEA Party!" ArizonaTeaParty.com, June 27, 2010, http://arizonateaparty.ning.com/profiles/blogs/campaigning-is-fun-almost-as.
239. Arizona Tea Party, "Ted Nugent: The Declaration of Defiance," Arizona TeaParty.com, June 24, 2010, http://arizonateaparty.ning.com/profiles/blogs/ted-nugent-the-declaration-of.
240. Amanda Herrera, "Illegal Aliens are Bankrupting America," Arizona TeaParty.com, May 25, 2010, http://arizonateaparty.ning.com/profiles/blogs/illegal-aliens-are-bankrupting.
241. Robin VanDerWege, "My Version of the State of the Union," Arizona TeaParty.com, June 27, 2010, http://arizonateaparty.ning.com/profiles/blogs/my-version-of-the-state-of-the.
242. "Gay Marriage: Remaining Intellectually Honest Amidst Collective Support," Tea Party Tribune online, July 8, 2011, http://www.teapartytribune.com/2011/07/08/ny-gay-marriage/.
243. Brian Tashman, "Tea Party Nation: Gay Rights Will Doom America," June 24, 2011, http://www.rightwingwatch.org/content/tea-party-nation-gay-rights-will-doom-america.
244. Juan Williams, "Tea Party Anger Reflects Mainstream Concerns," Wall Street Journal online, April 2, 2010, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB2000142405270230425270457515942054483252.html.
245. Cathy Young, "Tea Partiers Racist? Not So Fast," Real Clear Politics, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2010/04/25/tea_partiers_racist_not_so_fast_105309.html.
246. Lee Fang, "Billionaire Koch Brothers Fulfill Father's Campaign to Segregate Public Schools," AlterNet, January 12, 2011, http://www.alternet.org/newsandviews/article/435264/billionaire_koch_brothers_fulfill_father%27s_campaign_to_segregate_public_schools,_end_successful_integration_program_in_nc/.
247. Epstein and Foster, The Radical Right.
248. Jane Mayer, "Covert Operations: The Billionaire Brothers Who Are Waging a War Against Obama," New Yorker online, August 30, 2010, http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/08/30/100830fa_fact_mayer?printable=true.
249. "Mapping the 2010 U.S. Census," New York Times online, http://projects.nytimes.com/census/2010/map.
250. Sabrina Tavernise, "New Numbers, and Geography, for Gay Couples," New York Times online, August 25, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/25/us/25census.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all.
251. As we have already noted in chapter 3, much of SB 1070 has failed to go into effect. In a July 2010 opinion, District Court judge Susan Bolton granted injunctive relief at the request of the Department of Justice.
252. On June 25, 2012, the Supreme Court ruled that Sections 3, 5(C), and 6 are preempted by federal law.
253. Sharron Angle TV AD: "Best Friends" video, YouTube, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tb-zZM9-vB0&feature=channel.
254. J. D. Hayworth, Whatever It Takes: Illegal Immigration, Border Security, and the War on Terror (Washington, DC: Regnery Press, 2005), 30.
255. Paul Harris, "JD Hayworth's Republican Challenge to John McCain Grows as Anti-immigrant Anger Spills onto Arizona's Streets," Guardian online, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/jul/25/jd-hayworth-arizona-immigration-anger.
256. Devin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind, "Beyond Fair: The Decline of the Established Anti-Immigrant Organizations and the Rise of Tea Party Nativism," IREHR, 2012.
257. "Tea Party Seeks to Spotlight the "Horrors" of Illegal Immigration," FoxNews.com, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2010/08/03/tea-party-seeks-stories-horrors-illegal-immigration/.
258. Americans for Legal Immigration, http://www.alipac.us/content.php.
259. John Tomasic, "Tea Party Groups Rallying in Support of Arizona Immigration Law," Colorado Independent online, May 6, 2010, http://coloradoindependent.com/52903/tea-party-groups-rallying-in-support-of-arizona-immigration-law.
260. See, among others, Ted Brader, Nicholas A. Valentino, and Elizabeth Suhay, "What Triggers Public Opposition to Immigration? Anxiety, Group Cues, and Immigration Threat," American Journal of Political Science 52, no. 4 (2008): 959-78; and Pérez, "Explicit Evidence on the Import of Implicit Attitudes: The IAT and Immigration Policy Judgments."
261. Jeffrey M. Jones, "Slim Majority of Americans Would Vote for DREAM Act Law," Gallup Politics, http://www.gallup.com/poll/145136/Slim-Majority-Americans-Vote-DREAM-Act-Law.aspx.
262. "House Republicans Introduce Bill to Repeal Birthright Citizenship Amendment," FoxNews.com, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2011/01/06/house-republicans-introduce-repeal-birthright-citizenship-amendment/.
263. John Hill, "Airborne 'Anchor Baby' Attempt Shows Folly of U.S. 'Birthright Citizenship,' " Party Tribune online, http://www.teapartytribune.com/2011/09/22/airborne-%E2%80%98anchor-baby%E2%80%99-attempt-shows-folly-of-u-s-%E2%80%98birthright-citizenship%E2%80%99/.
264. Mark Dennis, "Defending the Tea Party, Op-Ed," Houston Chronicle online, October 2, 2011, http://www.chron.com/opinion/letters/article/Defending-the-tea-party-2197411.php; Conservative Sífu Blog, "The Tea Party and Sexual Freedom," August 6, 2010, http://conservativesifu.blogspot .com/2010/08/tea-party-and-sexual-freedom.html.
265. "Sharron Angle: No on Abortion, Same-Sex Adoption," CBS News online, http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/08/05/politics/main6748062.shtml.
266. "Sharron Angle: Make Gay Adoption Illegal, Allow Clergy to Endorse Candidates from Pulpit," Huffington Post online, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/08/05/sharron-angle-make-gay-ad_n_672549.html.
267. Michelle Goldberg, "My Ex-gay Life with the Tea Party Queen," U.S. News online, http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-09-16/christine-odonnells-gay-former-aide-speaks-out/.
268. S. G. Massey, "Polymorphous Prejudice: Liberating the Measurement of Heterosexuals' Attitudes toward Lesbians and Gay Men," Journal of Homosexuality 56 (2009): 147-72.
269. K. B. Dugan, The Struggle over Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual Rights: Facing Off in Cincinnati (New York: Routledge, 2005).
270. See Earl Black and Merle Black, Politics and Society in the South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987).
271. The Gallup Poll, December 9, 2010; and the Washington Post/ABC Poll, December 9-12, 2012.
272. We considered the possibility of endogeneity, and ran a Hausman test on the models. There's nothing to report.
273. Kenneth Vogel, " 'Money Bomb': Ron Paul Raises $6 Million in 24-Hour Period," USA Today online, December 17, 2007, http://www.usatoday.com/news/politics/election2008/2007-12-17-ronpaul-fundraising_N.htm.
274. Devin Burghart and Leonard Zeskind, Special Report to the NAACP on the Tea Party Movement: Tea Party Nation, IREHR, August 24, 2010, http://justanothercoverup.com/wp-content/uploads/2010/11/TeaPartyNationalism.pdf.
275. "Libertarian Party of Illinois: We Gave Rick Santelli the Idea for the Tax Day Tea Parties," Independent Political Report, http://www.independentpoliticalreport.com/2009/04/libertarian-party-of-illinois-we-gave-rick-santelli-the-idea-for-the-tax-day-tea-parties/).
276. "Libertarians Cordially Invite You to a Tea Party," Libertarian Party, April 8, 2009, http://www.lp.org/news/press-releases/libertarians-cordially-invite-you-to-a-tea-party.
277. Burghart and Zeskind, "Tea Party Nationalism."
278. Robbins, "Tax Day Is Met with Tea Parties."
279. President Obama: Job Ratings, PollingReport.com, http://www.pollingreport.com/obama_job.htm and President Obama: Favorability, PollingReport .com, http://www.pollingreport.com/obama_fav.htm.
280. Robbins, "Tax Day Is Met with Tea Parties."
281. Sam Stein, "Tea Party Protests: 'Ni**er,' 'Fa**ot' Shouted at Members of Congress," Huffington Post online, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/03/20/tea-party-protests-nier-f_n_507116.html.
282. Leonard Zeskind, "Tea Party Protest the NAACP in Los Angeles-Little Talk about Fiscal Issues," IREHR, July 25, 2011.
283. Peter Wehner, "The GOP and the Birther Trap," Wall Street Journal online, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703551304576260773968228358.html.
284. Jerome Corsi, Where's the Birth Certificate? The Case that Barack Obama Is Not Eligible to Be President (New York: WND Books, 2011).
285. "Reward for Obama's Birth Certificate ($25 million reward)," Audacity of Hypocrisy, http://www.audacityofhypocrisy.com/2009/04/26/reward-forobamas-birth-certificate-25-million-dollars-reward/.
286. Ben Armbruster, "Tancredo's Conspiracy Theory: Obama Hides Birth Certificate to Stir Up the Right and Make Us Look Crazy," Think Progress, http://thinkprogress.org/politics/2010/04/28/94156/tancredo-obama-birther/.
287. Jeff Lichter, "Arizona Tea Party Groups Overwhelmingly Pass Motion for Rep. Franks to Open Congressional Investigation into Obama's Eligibility," Williams Tea Party, http://williamsteaparty.com/2011/07/27/arizona-tea-party-groups-overwhelmingly-pass-motion-rep-franks-open-congressional-investigation-obamas-eligibility/.
288. George C. Edwards III, Presidential Approval (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).
289. Michael B. MacKuen, Robert S. Erikson, and James A. Stimson, "Peasants or Bankers? The American Electorate and the U.S. Economy," American Political Science Review 86 (September 1992): 597-611.
290. Harold Clarke and Marianne Stewart, "Prospections, Retrospections, and Rationality: The 'Bankers' Model of Presidential Approval Reconsidered," American Journal of Political Science 38 (1994): 1104-23.
291. George C. Edwards III, William Mitchell, and Reed Welch, "Explaining Presidential Approval: The Significance of Issue Salience," American Journal of Political Science 39 (February 1995): 108-34.
292. Juan Williams, "Tea Party Anger Reflects Mainstream Concerns," Wall Street Journal online, April 2, 2010.
293. Young, "Tea Partiers Racist? Not So Fast."
294. Brian Newman, "The Polls: Presidential Traits and Job Approval," Public Opinion Quarterly 34, no. 2 (2004): 437-48
295. Jeffrey E. Cohen, "Change and Stability in Public Assessments of Personal Traits, Bill Clinton, 1993-99," Presidential Studies Quarterly 31, no. 31 (2001): 733-41.
296. Donald Kinder, "Presidential Character Revisited," in Political Cognition, ed. Richard Lau and David Sears (Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1986), 235.
297. James David Barber, The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the White House (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1972).
298. Faiz Shakir, "Eric Cantor Tries to Distance Himself from Rush: 'I Don't Think Anyone Wants Anything to Fail,' " Think Progress, March 1, 2009, http://thinkprogress.org/politics/2009/03/01/36489/cantor-v-limbaugh/.
299. Results available upon request.
300. As a precaution, we ran a Hausman test for endogeneity. The results suggested that endogeneity is not a problem.
301. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism.
302. Kathleen Hall Jamieson and John N. Capella, Echo Chamber: Rush Limbaugh and the Conservative Media Establishment (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
303. Results available upon request.
304. The alpha for this index = 0.87.
305. We borrow from Cathy Cohen's work for our reference to marginalized groups. See her The Boundaries of Blackness: Aids and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).
306. For another example, see Kenneth Andrews, Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and Its Legacy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).
307. Jim Acosta, "Tea Party Fuels Republican Edge in Enthusiasm," CNN online, October 10, 2010, http://politicalticker.blogs.cnn.com/2010/10/11/tea-party-fuels-republican-edge-in-enthusiasm/.
308. "Republicans Win House Majority, Make Senate Gains in Wave Election," FoxNews.com, November 2, 2010, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2010/11/02/poll-closing-key-east-coast-races-balance-power-line/.
309. Skocpol and Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism, chapter 2.
310. Timothy P. Carney, "Election 2010: A Correction, Not a Revolution," Washington Examiner online, October 31, 2010, http://www.therightreasons.net/index.php?/topic/26502-election-2010-a-correction-not-a-revolution/.
311. Dave Cook, "With Democrats Lacking Enthusiasm, Will Tea Party Help or Hurt?" Christian Science Monitor online, April 15, 2010, http://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/monitor_breakfast/2010/0415/With-Democrats-lacking-enthusiasm-will-Tea-Party-help-or-hurt.
312. Doug McAdam, John McCarthy, and Mayer Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
313. As an example, see Kenneth T. Andrews, Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and Its Legacy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).
314. Jack Citrin, "Political Alienation as a Social Indicator: Attitudes and Action," Social Indicators 4 (1977): 381-419.
315. Anomia, Political Alienation, and Political Participation," American Journal of Sociology 68 (1962): 205-13.
316. David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950);
317. Morris Rosenberg, "Some Determinants of Political Apathy," Public Opinion Quarterly 18 (Winter 1954): 349-66.
318. Jack Citrin, Herbert McClosky, J. Merrill Shanks, and Paul M. Sniderman, "Personal and Political Sources of Political Alienation," British Journal of Political Science 5 (1975): 1-31.
319. Fredric Templeton, "Alienation and Political Participation: Some Research Findings," Public Opinion Quarterly 30, no. 2 (1966): 249-61.
320. Steven J. Rosenstone and John Mark Hansen, Mobilization, Participation, and Democracy in America (New York: Macmillan, 1993), chapter 2.
321. Joris Lammers, Adam D. Galinsky, Ernestine H. Gordijn, and Sabine Otten, "Illegitimacy Moderates the Effects of Power on Approach," Psychological Science 19, no. 6 (2008): 558-64.
322. Citrin, "Political Alienation as a Social Indicator: Attitudes and Action."
323. Rory McVeigh, The Rise of the Ku Klux Klan.
324. For the influence of the John Birch Society, see among others, Lisa Mc- Girr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001); and Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm.
325. Campbell, Converse, Miller, and Stokes, The American Voter;
326. Lewis-Beck, Jacoby, Norpoth, and Weisberg, The American Voter Revisited.
327. Matt Barreto, Loren Collingwood, Ben Gonzalez, and Christopher Parker, "Tea Party Politics in a Blue State: Dino Rossi and the 2010 Washington Senate Election," in Stuck in the Middle to Lose: Tea Party Effects on 2010 U.S. Senate Elections, ed. William Miller and Jeremy Walling (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2011).
328. For more on political engagement and the importance of political interest, see Sidney Verba, Kay L. Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Volunteerism in American Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995).
329. Stephanie Condon, "Tea Party: 4 in 10 are Dems, Independents, Survey Says," http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20001743-503544.html.
330. Verba, Schlozman, and Brady, Voice and Equality, 1995.
331. Steven J. Rosenstone and Raymond E. Wolfinger, Who Votes? (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1980);
332. Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie, Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972).
333. Other factors, such as age, education, and income, are all related to a propensity to vote. As would be expected, explanations that bear directly on politics also help explain voting. Indeed, partisanship, concerns over the economy, and ideology are all important predictors of voting in 2010 (please see table A6.1 in the appendix).
334. Richard S. Lazarus, Emotion and Adaptation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 218.
335. Henri Tajfel, Social Identity and Intergroup Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
336. Marcus, Neuman, and Mackuen, Affective Intelligence and Political Judgment.
337. Lazarus, Emotion and Adaptation, chapter 6.
338. Wilcox, God's Warriors.
339. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics, 45.
340. We make no value judgments about conservatism, but the literature on (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008).
341. Perlstein, Before the Storm.
342. Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics, 3.
343. See, among others, John D. Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).
344. Lipset and Raab, The Politics of Unreason, 6.
345. Please see table A2.1 in the appendix, "Comparison of MSSRP 2011 with contemporaneous national polls by Tea Party support and selected demographics" for the relevant surveys.
346. James M. Jasper, The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography, and Creativity in Social Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
347. Available at Political Correction, http://politicalcorrection.org/blog/201105130001.
348. Chris Edwards, "George W. Bush: Biggest Spender since LBJ," available at http://www.cato-at-liberty.org/george-w-bush-biggest-spender-since-lbj/.
349. Please see table A2.1 in the appendix, "Comparison of MSSRP 2011 with contemporaneous national polls by Tea Party support and selected demographics."
350. For a catalog of both, see Hixon, Search for the American Right Wing.
351. Broyles, The John Birch Society, chapter 1; see also, Alan Crawford, Thunder on the Right: The New Right and the Politics of Resentment (New York: Pantheon Books, 1980), chapter 3.
352. See Peter Viereck, "The Philosophical 'New' Conservatism," in The Radical Right, ed. Daniel Bell, 185-207.
353. For more on the clash between the JBS and the National Review, see Perlstein, Before the Storm.
354. Paul Burstein, Discrimination, Jobs, and Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
355. Terri L. Givens, Voting Radical Right in Western Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
356. For the latest on this approach, see Pippa Norris, Radical Right: Voters and Parties in the Electoral Market (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
357. For an exemplar of this type of work, see Bert Klandermans and Nonna Mayer's edited volume, Extreme Right Activists in Europe: Through the Magnifying Glass (London: Routledge, 2006).
358. "Are Tea Partiers Right to Distrust Mitt Romney?" American Prospect, http://prospect.org/article/are-tea-partiers-right-distrust-mitt-romney.
359. "Mitt Romney Better Move to Right, Says Emboldened Tea Party," ABC News, August 1, 2012, http://abcnews.go.com/Politics/OTUS/mitt-romney-move-emboldened-tea-party/story?id=16906367#.UBqCJ2FR3T4.
360. Available at FoxNews.com, http://www.foxnews.com/politics/elections/2012-exit-poll.
361. "Texas GOP Official Pushes Secession, Calls Obama Voters 'Maggots,' " The Grio, November 9, 2012, http://thegrio.com/2012/11/09/texas-gop-official-pushes-secession-call-obama-voters-maggots/.
362. "Triumph of the Tea Party Mindset," Salon.com, December 27, 2012, http://www.salon.com/2012/12/27/triumph_of_the_tea_party_mindset/.
363. Unless otherwise reported, all coefficients are unstandardized.