The idea of a European superstate: Public justification and European integration

The Idea of a European Superstate: Public Justification and European Integration

Volumn , Issue , 2009, Pages

  Morgan, Glyn ^a  

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References (495)

1. Joseph Weiler, The Constitution of Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999)
2. Steven Thoburn who sadly died in March 2004 www.metricmartyrs.co.uk.
3. The case of Thoburn and others was appealed at the Queen's Bench in February 2002.
4. Lord Justice Laws's decision against Thoburn and the other appellants contains a very illuminating discussion of the current status of national and EU law; www.metricmartyrs.co.uk/page/appealjudge.htm
5. Frederick Forsyth, "A Simple Question," Salisbury Review 19.4 (Summer 2001): 7.
6. Koen Lenaerts and Marlies Desomer, "New Models of Constitution- Making in Europe: The Quest for Legitimacy," Common Market Law Review 39 (2002): 1217-53,
7. Peter Norman, The Accidental Constitution: The Story of the European Convention (London: Eurocomment, 2003).
8. European Convention website, http://european-convention.eu.int/enjeux.asp?lang=EN
9. Preamble, Provisional Consolidated Version of the Draft Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (June 14, 2004).
10. The full text of the treaty is available at http://ue.eu.int/igcpdf/en/04/cg00/cg00086.en04.pdf.
11. Noel Malcolm, "A federal constitution with the heart of a manifesto," Daily Telegraph, August 27, 2003.
12. Lenaerts and Desomer, "New Models of Constitution-Making in Europe," 1223.
13. Gisela Stuart, The Making of Europe's Constitution (London: Fabian Society, 2003).
14. Kalypso Nicolaïdis and Robert Howse, eds., The Federal Vision: Legitimacy and Levels of Governance in the United States and the European Union (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
15. James Tully, Strange Multiplicity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995);
16. James Tully, "The Agonic Freedom of Citizens," Economy and Society 28 (1999): 161-82;
17. James Tully, "The Unfreedom of the Moderns in Comparison to Their Ideals of Constitutional Democracy," Modern Law Review 65 (2002).
18. Dermot Hodson and Imelda Maher, "The Open Method as a New Mode of Governance," Journal of Common Market Studies 39 (2001): 719-46;
19. Sabrina Regent, "The Open Method of Coordination: ANew Supranational Form of Governance," European Law Journal 9 (2003): 190-214.
20. Classic works include Ernst Haas, The Uniting of Europe (London: Stevens, 1958), and Beyond the Nation-State (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1964);
21. Alan Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation-State (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992);
22. Andrew Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998);
23. John Gillingham, European Integration, 1950- 2003: Superstate or New Market Economy? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
24. Joseph Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg," in Nicolaïdis and Howse, The Federal Vision.
25. Grainne de Burca and Bruno de Witte, "The Delimitation of Powers between the EU and Its Member States," in A. Arnull and Daniel Wincott, eds., Accountability and Legitimacy in the European Union (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002).
26. Helen Wallace, "Designing Institutions for an Enlarging European Union," in Bruno de Witte, ed., Ten Perspectives on the European Constitutional Treaty (Florence: RSCAS European University Institute, 2003), 86.
27. Leon Brittan, ADiet of Brussels (London: Little, Brown, and Company 2000), 35-39.
28. Fritz W. Scharpf, Governing in Europe: Effective and Democratic? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999);
29. Simon Hix and Christopher Lord, Political Parties in the European Union (London: Macmillan, 1997);
30. Liesbet Hooghe and Gary Marks, "The Making of a Polity: The Struggle over European Integration," European Integration Online Papers 1, no. 004 http://eiop.or.at/eiop/texte/1997-004a.htm;
31. Mark Pollack, "A Blairite Treaty: Neo-liberalism and Regulated Capitalism in the Treaty of Amsterdam," in Karlheinz Neunreither and Antje Wiener, eds., European Integration after Amsterdam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
32. "European Takeovers: Reform's Last Gasp," Economist, May 24, 2003, 64-65.
33. Juhan Parts and Tony Blair, "The enlarged EU must be free to compete," Financial Times, November 3, 2003.
34. Wolfgang Muchnau, "The kind of EU the French would vote for," Financial Times, September 27, 2004.
35. "The Divided West" in the Financial Times, May 26-30, 2003;
36. Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay, America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2003).
37. "Ignore the flannel-it's a surrender," Daily Mail (London), June 21, 2004.
38. Helen and William Wallace eds., Policy-Making in the European Union, fourth edition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 3-81.
39. Timothy Garten Ash, "The European Orchestra," New York Review of Books, May 2001.
40. Andrew Sullivan, "The Euro Menace: The USE vs. the USA," New Republic, June 16, 2003.
41. "Blair: EU constitution rules out superstate," Guardian, June 23, 2003.
42. Jack Straw: "The current draft treaty shows that we are making progress towards our kind of Europe: a union of nations, not a superstate. It should help to settle the balance between the nations and the union where it should be, with the nations as the anchor of the union." Daily Telegraph, August 7, 2003.
43. Guardian, September 9, 2004.
44. "Wir werden dieser weg weiter gehen," Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, July 3, 2004.
45. Daniel J. Elazar, Exploring Federalism (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1987), 5-6.
46. Elazar, Exploring Federalism, 12.
47. Daniel Elazar, ed., Federalism as Grand Design: Political Philosophers and the Federal Principle (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1987);
48. Stephen Woodard, "The Simple Guide to the Federal Idea," http://jef-europe.net/federalism/archives/00934.html.
49. Istvan Hont, "The Permanent Crisis of a Divided Mankind," in John Dunn, ed., The Crisis of the Nation-State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994), now placed in a broader context by Istvan Hont, The Jealousy of Trade (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, forthcoming).
50. Richard Bellamy, "The Political Form of the Constitution: The Separation of Powers, Rights and Representative Democracy," in Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, Constitutionalism in Transformation: European and Theoretical Perspectives (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 436-56.
51. "Citizens are directly represented at Union level in the European Parliament. Member States are represented in the European Council and Council of Ministers by their governments, themselves accountable to national parliaments, elected by their citizens." Article 1-45:2, Constitutional Treaty. (http://www.jef-europe.net/federalism/archives/000928.html), http://www.jefeurope.net/federalism/archives/000929.html.
52. David McKay, Designing Europe: Comparative Lessons from the Federal Experience (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 24.
53. Margaret Thatcher, "Bruges Speech," in Martin Holmes, ed., The Eurosceptic Reader (London: MacMillan, 1986).
54. Heidrun Friese and Peter Wagner, "Survey Article: The Nascent Political Philosophy of the European Polity," Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (2002): 342-64.
55. I use the term "European polity" inclusively to cover all possible political arrangements that possess a European level of government, including a unitary state and a federal polity.
56. Yves Meny, "De la democratie en Europe: Old Concepts and New Challenges," Journal of Common Market Studies 41 (2003): 1-13;
57. Andrew Moravcsik, "In Defence of the Democratic Deficit: Reassessing Legitimacy in the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 40 (2002): 603- 24.
58. "The Democratic Welfare State in an Integrating Europe," in Michael Th. Greven and Louis W. Pauly, eds., Democracy beyond the State: The European Dilemma and the Emerging Global Order (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000), 77-83.
59. John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991).
60. Burton Dreben, "Rawls's Later Work," and Charles Larmore, "Public Reason," both in Samuel Freeman, ed., The Cambridge Companion to John Rawls (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
61. Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, "The 'Right to Have Rights': Citizenship Practice and the Political Constitution of the EU," in Richard Bellamy and Alex Warleigh, eds., Citizenship and Governance in the European Union (London: Continuum, 2001);
62. Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, "Building the Union: The Nature of Sovereignty in the Political Architecture of Europe," Law and Philosophy 16 (1997): 421-45;
63. Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, "The Normative Challenge of a European Polity: Cosmopolitan and Communitarian Models Compared, Criticized and Combined," in Andreas Føllesdal and Peter Koslowski, eds., Democracy and the EU (Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1998) 245-80;
64. Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, "Between Cosmopolis and Community: Three Models of Rights and Democracy within the EU," in Daniele Archibugi, David Held, and Martin Köhler, eds., Reimagining Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998);
65. Richard Bellamy and Dario Castiglione, Legitimising the Euro-'Polity' and Its 'Regime': The Normative Turn in EU Studies," European Journal of Political Theory 2 (2003), pp. 7-34;
66. Richard Bellamy, "Sovereignty, Post-sovereignty and Pre-sovereignty: Reconceptualizing the State, Rights and Democracy in the EU," in Neil Walker, ed., Sovereignty in Transition (Oxford: Hart, 2003), 167-90.
67. Damien Chalmers, "The Reconstitution of European Public Spheres," European Law Journal 9 (2003): 127-89;
68. Friese and Wagner, "Survey Article," 353-61.
69. Tony Judt, "The Way We Live Now" and "America and the World," New York Review of Books, March 27 and April 10, 2003.
70. Lord Robertson, "A Global Dimension for a Renewed Transatlantic Partnership," http://www.nato.int/docu/speech/2002/s020219a.htm, February 19, 2002.
71. Geoff Hoon, "Making European Defence Stronger," www.britishembassy.at/speeches/0011hoon_european_defence.rtf, November 14, 2000.
72. Anatol Lieven, "The End of the West," Prospect, September 2002.
73. Francois Duchene, "Europe in World Peace," in Richard Mayne ed., Europe Tomorrow (London: Fontana, 1972),
74. Francois Duchene, "The EC and the Uncertainities of Interdependence," in Max Kohnstamm and William Hager, eds., A Nation Writ Large (London: Macmillan, 1973).
75. Andrew Moravcsik, "The Quiet Superpower," Newsweek International, July 2002;
76. Jan Zielonka, Explaining Euro-paralysis: Why Europe Is Unable to Act in International Politics (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998).
77. I owe this analogy to Gideon Rose, who actually likes the idea of playing "Batman."
78. Anne Deighton, "The European Security and Defense Policy," Journal of Common Market Studies 40 (2002): 719-41.
79. David Beetham and Christopher Lord, Legitimacy and the European Union (London: Longman, 1998),
80. the essays gathered in the following collected volumes: Bellamy and Castiglione, eds., Constitutionalism in Transformation;
81. Bellamy and Warleigh, Citizenship and Governance in the European Union;
82. Percy B. Lehning and Albert Weale, eds., Citizenship, Democracy, and Justice in the New Europe (London and New York: Routledge, 1997);
83. Albert Weale and Michael Nentwich, eds., Political Theory and the European Union: Legitimacy, Constitutional Choice, and Citizenship (London and New York: Routledge, 1998);
84. Føllesdal and Koslowski, Democracy and the European Union.
85. Beetham and Lord, Legitimacy and the European Union; Bellamy and Castiglione, "Legitimizing the Euro-'Polity'";
86. Neil Walker, "The White Paper in Constitutional Context," Jean Monnet Program Working Paper New York University Law School, June 1, 2001
87. "Constitutionalizing Enlargement, Enlarging Constitutionalism," European Law Journal 9 (2003): 365-85.
88. Walker, "The White Paper," 5-13;
89. Walker, "Constitutionalizing Enlargement," 368-70;
90. Beetham and Lord's conception of "performative legitimacy"
91. Bellamy and Castiglione's distinction between "regime legitimacy" and "polity legitimacy."
92. Walker, "Constitutionalizing Enlargement," 368-69.
93. Noel Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," in Holmes, The Eurosceptic Reader.
94. I discuss Malcolm's argument in more detail in chapter 6 below.
95. Federico Mancini, Democracy and Constitutionalism in the European Union: Collected Essays (Oxford: Hart, 2000).
96. Such is, at least, the implication of Philippe Schmitter, How to Democratize the European Union and Why Bother? (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999).
97. Neil MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty: Law, State, and Nation in the European Commonwealth (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999);
98. Nicolaïdis and Howse, The Federal Vision.
99. Bruce A. Ackerman, The Future of the Liberal Revolution (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 40.
100. The term "federal Europe," as noted in the previous chapter, is ambiguous. It is not clear whether Ackerman is using the term to refer to what I have termed the sovereignist or postsovereignist variants of a politically integrated Europe.
101. Ackerman, The Future of the Liberal Revolution, 40.
102. Ackerman speaks of the "national welfare state," it would be more accurate to speak of welfare states in the plural. The welfare state, as a number of scholars have pointed, takes a different form in different European countries.
103. Gosta Esping Anderson, Three Worlds of Welfare Capital- ism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990);
104. Scharpf, Governing in Europe. In his more recent work, Ackerman has proposed a variety of utopian schemes that would substantially modify democratic, capitalist societies.
105. Bruce Ackerman and Anne Alstott, The Stakeholder Society (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1998).
106. It is not clear how these proposals bear on his case for a federal Europe.
107. Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot, De La Justification: Les Économies de la Grandeur (Paris: Gallimard, 1991).
108. R. W. Burchfield et al. eds., Oxford English Dictionary, vol. 8 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).
109. J. Russell Muirhead, Just Work (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004).
110. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (Indianapolis: Hacket, 1986 [1790]).
111. John Rawls, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 2001), 3.
112. Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms (Cambridge MA: MIT Press, 1996).
113. Don Herzog, Poisoning the Mind of the Lower Orders (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997).
114. Bellamy and Castiglione, "Legitimizing the Euro-'Polity.'"
115. Bruce A. Ackerman, We the People, vol. 1 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1991).
116. Stephen Haseler, "The Case for a Federal Future," in Ian Taylor et al., Federal Britain in Federal Europe? (London: Federal Trust for Education and Research, 2001), 51-96.
117. Haseler, "we in Europe have now reached the point where, in effect, we inhabit a new political structure which amounts to a state." In a later work, he argues that the European Union is already both a superstate and a superpower that is capable of challenging the United States.
118. Stephen Haseler, Super-state: The New Europe and Its Challenge to America (London: I.B. Taurus, 2004).
119. This line of argument has three weaknesses. One, the EU in its present form is clearly not a state nor anything close. In the current EU, the power lies with nation-states and their representatives in the European Council and Council of Ministers. Second, not only is the EU itself weak, but it weakens Europe's nation-states, whose scope for independent action it constrains. Third, Haseler's usage of the term "Super-state" is misleading, for it suggests that, insofar as the EU can and does project power abroad, then it qualifies ipso facto as a "Super-state." While the term "Super-state" clearly means different things to different people-Thatcherite eurosceptics employ the term, for instance, to describe an interventionist market-constraining state-it would be better to use the term to describe a European polity that is either a unitary centralized sovereign state or a federal state like the United States that centralizes the most important governmental functions (such as income tax, foreign policy, and defense policy).
120. Here (and throughout this book) I am dating these treaties to the year they were signed rather than one year later when they took effect. Thus the Single European Act, for instance, was signed in 1986, but it did not enter into force until July 1987. Likewise the Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty) was signed in 1992, but it did not enter into force until November 1993.
121. Timothy Bainbridge, The Penguin Companion to European Union (London: Penguin Books, 2000), 487-92.
122. Andrew Moravcsik, "Federalism in the European Union: Rhetoric and Reality," in Nicolaïdis and Howse, The Federal Vision, 163-64.
123. Moravcsik, "Federalism in the European Union," 164.
124. Moravcsik does not always strike such a deflationary note when describing European integration. Consider the opening sentences of his own magisterial book on Europe: "The construction of the European Community (EC) ranks among the most extraordinary achievements in modern world politics. EC rules influence most aspects of European political life, from the regulation of the habitat of wild birds to voting within the World Trade Organization." Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe, 1.
125. Fred d'Agostino, Public Reason (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996),
126. "Public Justification," Stanford Online Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2003 (available at http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/justification_public);
127. Mark Evans, "Is Public Justification Central to Liberalism?" Journal of Political Ideologies 4 (1999): 117-36;
128. Rainer Forst, "The Basic Right to Justification: Towards a Constructivist Conception of Human Rights," Constellations 6 (1999): 35-60;
129. Gerald Gaus, Justificatory Liberalism: An Essay on Epistemology and Political Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996);
130. Stephen Macedo, Liberal Virtues (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).
131. Arthur Ripstein, "Foundationalism in Political Theory," Philosophy and Public Affairs 16 (1987): 115-37;
132. Thomas M. Scanlon, "Justification," and Charles Larmore, "Public Reason," both in Freeman, The Cambridge Companion to John Rawls;
133. Rainer Forst, Contexts of Justice (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001).
134. Stuart Hampshire, Innocence and Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989);
135. Stuart Hampshire, Justice as Conflict (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
136. "Liberalism: The New Twist," New York Review of Books, August 12, 1993, 43-48.
137. John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas in Journal of Philosophy 92 (1995): 109-80.
138. Habermas, like Hampshire more of a filterer than a funneler, thinks that Rawls overloads his theory of justice by incorporating a conception of the person and a list of primary goods. Rawls, a funneler, complains that Habermas's filtering approach yields indeterminate outcomes.
139. Rainer Forst, "Die Rechtfertigung der Gerechtigkeit: Rawls' Politischer Liberalismus and Habermas' Diskurstheorie in der Diskussion," in Hauke Brunkhorst and Peter Niesen, eds., Das Recht der Republik (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1999).
140. John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971), and Political Liberalism.
141. Earlier I noted that justificatory arguments can be more or less restrictive; they can act, in other words, as a funneling mechanism (leaving a single determinate justified outcome), or they can act solely as a filtering mechanism (leaving a range of justified outcomes).
142. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 21.
143. The status of these values as specified (rather than deduced from some more fundamental value or principle) and provisional (rather than final conclusions) is a feature of the "constructivism" that informs this approach. The acceptability of these values turns, at least in part, on the plausibility of the overall argument that takes these values as a premise. The overall plausibility of the argument thus provides an important element in the effort to make these values a plausible and persuasive point of departure.
144. Alan Gewirth, Reason and Morality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979).
145. J. Donald Moon, Constructing Community: Moral Pluralism and Tragic Conflicts (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992).
146. Christopher Bertram, "Political Justification, Theoretical Complexity, and Democratic Community," Ethics 107 (1997): 563-64.
147. Rawls himself has something like this point in mind when he argues, "A conception of justice is to be the public basis of the terms of social cooperation. Since common understanding necessitates certain bounds on the complexity of the principles, there may likewise be limits on the use of theoretical knowledge in the original position."
148. Rawls, A Theory of Justice, 142;
149. Amy Gutman and Dennis Thompson, Why Deliberative Democracy? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), 144-47.
150. This criticism applies to much of the literature produced on Europe's alleged "democratic deficit."
151. Loukas Tsoukalis, What Kind of Europe? (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).
152. Michael Burgess, Federalism and European Union: The Building of Europe, 1950-2000 (London and New York: Routledge, 2000).
153. Craig Parsons, A Certain Idea of Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003).
154. Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation State, 436.
155. Joshua Cohen, "Review Symposium on Robert Dahl's Democracy and Its Critics," Journal of Politics 53 (1991): 215-231;
156. Ronald Dworkin, Freedom's Law: The Moral Reading of the American Constitution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996).
157. T. M. Scanlon, What We Owe to One Another (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998).
158. Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson, 1960);
159. Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990);
160. Friedrich A. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944).
161. The claim that the initial steps along the process of European integration took place in the context of a broadly antinationalist intellectual climate is not to say, however, that "overcoming nationalism" was a central causal factor in this process. For a cold-eyed treatment of the early postwar European treaties, see Milward, The European Rescue of the Nation-State. It is important to recognize here, however, that "the rescue of the nation-state" is not the same as "the rescue of nationalism." The relationship between "nation-state" and "nationalism" is, as this chapter shows, a complex one.
162. Will Kymlicka, "Liberal Culturalism: An Emerging Consensus?" in Politics in the Vernacular (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 39-48.
163. Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983), 123.
164. Ernest Gellner, Nationalism (New York: New York University Press, 1997), vii-x.
165. John Hall, ed., The State of the Nation: Ernest Gellner's Theory of Nationalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
166. "Nationalism is primarily a political principle which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent." Gellner, Nations and Nationalism,
167. In a later work, he expands on this definition in the following way: Nationalism is a political principle which maintains that similarity of culture is the basic social bond. Whatever principles of authority may exist between people depend for their legitimacy on the fact that members of the group concerned are of the same culture (or, in nationalist idiom, of the same "nation"). (Gellner, Nationalism, 4) Despite the emphasis in these definitions on nationalism as a principle of political legitimacy-nationalism
168. in my typology-Gellner's sociological theory seems more directly oriented toward explaining what I have called nationalism (1). Oddly, Gellner never seems to notice the difference between nationalism (1) and (2).
169. "On one matter, practically all scholars agree. As an ideology and movement , nationalism is modern. It dates from the late eighteenth or very early nineteenth centuries, and it originated in Western and Central Europe, and the United States."
170. Anthony D. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism (New York: Routledge, 1998), 97.
171. Brendan O'Leary, "What Is Living and What Is Dead in Gellner's Theory of Nationalism," in Hall, The State of the Nation.
172. Smith, Nationalism and Modernism. Smith himself is the leading exponent of the so-called ethno-symbolism school, which emphasizes the role of ethnic symbols in the construction of modern nations:
173. Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origin of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell 1986);
174. Anthony D. Smith, Myths and Memories of the Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
175. Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power, vol. 2, The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),
176. Michael Mann, "Nation-States in Europe and Other Continents: Diversifying, Developing, Not Dying," Daedalus 122 (1993), 115-40.
177. Mann, Smith, and others in Gellner, "Reply to Critics," in John A. Hall and Ian C. Jarvie, eds., The Social Philosophy of Ernest Gellner (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1996).
178. Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). I discuss this line of argument in more detail in chapter 6.
179. Margaret Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1996), 119.
180. Paul A. Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern (Chapel Hill and London: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).
181. The sovereign state that Hobbes invented in his writings in the seventeenth century did not actually appear on the world historical stage until much later. For various accounts of the rise of the modern sovereign state,
182. Martin Van Creveld, The Rise and Decline of the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999);
183. Mann, Sources of Social Power;
184. Hendryk Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
185. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), [1651] 114.
186. Thomas Hobbes, De Cive (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998 [1647]), ch. 6, and Hobbes, Leviathan, ch. 16. For the seminal account of Hobbes's theory of representation,
187. Hanna Fenichel Pitkin, The Concept of Representation (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967)
188. As David Runciman has, in this context, noticed, "States in the modern world are the things that governments represent, and it was the discovery of representation as a mechanism of government which emancipated states from the confines of geography."
189. David Runciman, "Invented Communities," London Review of Books, July 19, 2001.
190. Roger Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992);
191. Michael Ignatieff, Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism (London: Chatto and Windus, 1993).
192. Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York: Collier-MacMillan, 1944).
193. Will Kymlicka, "Misunderstanding Nationalism," Bernard Yack, "The Myth of the Civic Nation,"
194. Kai Nielsen, "Cultural Nationalism, Neither Ethnic nor Civic," in Ronald Beiner, ed., Theorizing Nationalism (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1999).
195. Thus Hobbes in De Cive writes, "What actually is a Crowd [Multitudo] of men (who unite by their own decision in a single commonwealth)? For they are not a single entity but a number of men, each of whom has his own will and his own judgement about every proposal." Hobbes, De Cive, 75.
196. Hobbes's political theory, it is difficult to accept the line of argument put forward by Bernard Yack in his otherwise extremely perceptive article on this topic;
197. Bernard Yack, "Popular Sovereignty and Nationalism," Political Theory 29 (2001): 517-36.
198. Yack, the new doctrine of popular sovereignty. introduces a distinction between, what we might call, "the people's two bodies." Alongside an image of people who actually participate in political institutions, it constitutes another image of the people as a prepolitical community that establishes these institutions and has the final say on their legitimacy.
199. Yack this latter conception of people as "a community from which the state derives its legitimate authority" and as providing "a bridge over the chasm that separates individuals from each other in their efforts to shape and control the authority of the state" (521).
200. Yet Hobbes, who shares this new doctrine of popular sovereignty, clearly does not think that it gives rise to the idea of a people as a prepolitical community. Indeed, such an idea is, for Hobbes, both nonsensical and dangerous. It is nonsensical because it assumes that a people can exist prior to its embodiment in "a Civill Person."
201. It is dangerous because it might lead to the thought that this prepolitical community provides a standard to measure the legitimacy of the artificially constituted "Civill Person." In short, there is, contrary to Yack's argument, no necessary link between popular sovereignty and the idea of a prepolitical community, whether conceived as a "People" or a "Nation."
202. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, esp. 118-19 and 138-39.
203. "Before 1750 or so, the idea of imposing the same language and "the same uniform ideas" (Rabaut's phrase) on Basque shepherds and Breton fishermen, Picard farm laborers and Lyonnais servants, Parisian lawyers and Marseilles merchants, to say nothing of Versailles courtiers, would have struck observers as self-evidently absurd. It was only in the later eighteenth century that it became thinkable."
204. David Bell, The Cult of the French Nation: Inventing Nationalism, 1680-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), p 198-99.
205. Bell, the rise of nationalism in France was a reaction to the demise of a theocentric worldview and the recognition that a new basis of social and political order were necessary. My own view is that these religious changes were significant for the rise of the nation-state primarily because they led to what I have called "democratization."
206. Gwyn A. Williams, When Was Wales? (London: Penguin Books, 1982).
207. This view informs the writings of many contemporary multiculturalists, including Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka.
208. the website of the Bruges Group (www.brugesgroup.com).
209. This "softly, softly" method of proceeding was the intended design of Jean Monnet and the early architects of European integration and was worked up into a theory of European integration by, most famously, Ernst Haas. For a characteristic eurosceptic critique of the "secrecy" and "deception" involved in such an approach,
210. Christopher Booker and Richard North, The Great Deception: The Secret History of the EU (London: Continuum, 2003).
211. Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication (New York: John Wiley and Company, 1953).
212. sociological theorists favor a more expansive definition that sees nationalism as a "discursive formation" on and about nations, states, and collective identities;
213. Craig Calhoun, Nationalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997).
214. The distinctions between sociological and ideological nationalism, on the one hand, and conservatism and liberalism, on the other, cut across the seven different types of nationalism identified in the previous chapter.
215. Although Burke was a "Whig," the features of "conservative" thought described in this paragraph are nowhere more eloquently defended than in Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France. For an illuminating discussion of Burke as a progenitor of modern conservatism, Herzog, Poisoning the Mind of the Lower Orders.
216. The precise form of the disengagement that the Conservatives seek is somewhat unclear. Much depends on whether other EU member states would permit Britain to reject the Constitutional Treaty and the euro while nonetheless remaining a full member. In the likely event that the EU refuses to allow Britain to reject the European Constitutional Treaty, the Conservative policy implies seeking either some form of associate membership or even complete withdrawal from EU institutions.
217. The official position of the Conservative Party on Europe tends to change in line with the personal views of the leadership. For a recent expression of the leader's position,
218. Michael Howard, "A New Deal for Europe," speech at Berlin, February, 12, 2004: http://www.conservatives.com/news/article.cfm?obj_id=88336.
219. Enoch Powell, The Common Market: The Case Against (Kingswood, UK: Elliot, 1971), 55.
220. Enoch Powell, Reflections of a Statesman: The Writings and Speeches of Enoch Powell (London: Bellew Publishing, 1991), 34-35.
221. Powell, Reflections of a Statesman, 167-72.
222. Powell, Reflections of a Statesman, 60.
223. Powell on England/Britain: "The relevant fact about the history of the British Isles and above all England is its separateness in a political sense from the history of continental Europe. The English have never belonged and have always known that they did not belong to it."
224. Powell, Reflections of a Statesman, 34
225. Powell then cites Henry VIII's assertion that "this realm of England is an imperium of itself."
226. Powell, the Reformation was primarily a political event: "The whole subsequent history of Britain and the political character of the British people have taken their color and trace their quality from that moment and that assertion."
227. Powell, Common Market, 67.
228. Powell, Common Market, 120.
229. John Redwood, The Death of Britain (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999),
230. Peter Hitchens, The Abolition of Britain: From Winston Churchill to Princess Diana (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2002).
231. David Butler, Vernon Bogdanor, and Robert Summers, eds., The Law, Politics and the Constitution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999).
232. Powell, Common Market, 43, 76.
233. The use of the plural "European societies" is important. It would simply beg the question against the nationalist eurosceptics if the "public values " were tied more closely to the practices and institutions of a common European society.
234. Britain's de facto national anthem-"Rule Britannia"-was, for example, composed only in 1740. There is an extensive literature on the English/British question.
235. Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation, 1707-1837 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990);
236. Norman Davies, The Isles: A History (Basingstoke, UK: Papermac, 1999);
237. Jeremy Black, A New History of England (Stroud, UK: Sutton Publishing, 2000).
238. Offe, "The Democratic Welfare State in an Integrating Europe," 85.
239. David Miller, "The Nation-State: AModest Defence," in Chris Brown, ed., Political Restructuring in Europe: Ethical Perspectives (London: Routledge, 1994);
240. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
241. David Miller, "The Left, the Nation-State, and European Citizenship," Dissent (Summer 1998): 47-53.
242. Miller, "The Nation-State," 137.
243. Miller, "The Nation-State," 141.
244. Miller, On Nationality, 111.
245. Miller, On Nationality, 67.
246. Miller, On Nationality, 70.
247. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001 [1944]).
248. I have resorted to the contrasting terms Rechtstaat and Sozialstaat partly out of pretentiousness and partly because English lacks a contrasting term to welfare state. Neither the terms "nightwatchman state" nor "liberal state" capture what people (including Hayek and Habermas) have in mind when speaking of a Rechtstaat.
249. Gillingham, European Integration.
250. Scharpf, Governing in Europe.
251. This is what Margaret Thatcher had in mind when she complained, in her Bruges speech: "We have not rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain only to see them re-imposed at the European level, with a European Superstate, exercising a new dominance from Brussels." In contrast to Thatcher's usage of the term "superstate"-a usage that Gillingham (European Integration), also adopts-I take the term to signify a unitary centralized state (like France) or a relatively centralized federal state (like the United States). For me, the term "European superstate" does not signify any type of economic policies, whether market conforming or market constraining.
252. For one of the few discussions that acknowledge that the economic policies of any future Europe ought to be a matter of choice,
253. Loukas Tsoukalis, What Kind of Europe?
254. Tony Judt, A Grand Illusion (New York: Hill and Wang, 1996), 97.
255. Anderson, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism.
256. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1976 [1776]).
257. Friedrich A. Hayek, "The Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," in Individualism and Economic Order (London: Routledge, 1948).
258. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 258.
259. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 260.
260. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 262.
261. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 263.
262. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 264.
263. Hayek, "Economic Conditions of Interstate Federalism," 266.
264. Miller, "The Left, the Nation-State, and European Citizenship," 47-53.
265. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York: HarperCollins, 1993).
266. Smith, Wealth of Nations, 266-67.
267. Adam Smith put the point in a letter to La Rochefoucauld in 1785: "In a Country where clamour always intimidates and faction often oppresses the Government, the regulations of Commerce are commonly dictated by those who are most interested to deceive and impose upon the Public."
268. E. C.Mossner and I. S. Ross, eds., The Correspondence of Adam Smith (Indianapolis: Liberty Press, 1987).
269. Friedrich A. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty: The Mirage of Social Justice (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976).
270. Scharpf, Governing in Europe, 121.
271. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty,
272. Scharpf, Governing in Europe, 30.
273. Jürgen Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998); The Postnational Constellation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001);
274. The Postnational Constellation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2001); "Why Does Europe Need a Constitution?" trans.
275. Michele Everson, European Union Institute, 2001;
276. "Der 15. Februar-oder: Was die Europäer verbindet," in Der gespaltene Westen (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2004).
277. Habermas, "Why Does Europe Need a Constitution?" 8.
278. Habermas, "Why Does Europe Need a Constitution?" 7.
279. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other.
280. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 116-17.
281. Charles Larmore, The Morals of Modernity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 205-21;
282. Miller, On Nationality, 163-65;
283. Jan Werner Muller, On Constitutional Patriotism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005).
284. "In view of the subversive forces and imperatives of the world market and of the increasing density of worldwide networks of communication and commerce, the external sovereignty of states is by now an anachronism." Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 150.
285. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 106.
286. Habermas, "Why Does Europe Need a Constitution?" 8.
287. In "Der 15. Februar," Habermas extends this point to include a further set of distinctively European attributes. I say more about this text in the concluding section.
288. Göran Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond (London: Sage, 1995);
289. Will Hutton, The World We're In (London: Little, Brown, 2002).
290. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe;
291. Dieter Grimm, "Does Europe Need a Constitution?" European Law Journal 3: 282-302;
292. Moravcsik, "In Defence of Europe's Democratic Deficit";
293. Larry Siedentop, Democracy in Europe (London: Penguin, 1999).
294. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty.
295. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty.
296. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, 70-71.
297. Hayek, Law, Legislation and Liberty, 68-69.
298. Isaiah Berlin, Four Essays on Liberty (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), 130.
299. John Gray, Hayek on Liberty (London: Routledge, 1998).
300. Hayek, The Road to Serfdom.
301. Van Creveld, Rise and Decline of the State.
302. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 157.
303. Habermas, The Postnational Constellation, 77.
304. These figures refer to unemployment levels as of December 2003.
305. The idea of a monocausal theory of unemployment is itself a profoundly misguided enterprise. Unemployment always has a variety of causes.
306. Richard Layard et al., The Unemployment Crisis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
307. To cite two of many possible examples: in the summer of 2004, Levi Strauss closed all its remaining manufacturing facilities in western Europe, including two factories in Spain, one in Scotland, and one in Belgium.
308. "The costs of production of our two plants in Spain are double those of other factories that we have in Poland, Hungary, and Turkey." "Levi's culmina su repliegue en Europa occidental con el abandono de Espana," El Pais (Madrid) June 4, 2004, 75.
309. In the very same week, Mainetti, the world's leading manufacturer of clothes hangers, closed all its production facilities in France and Spain in favor of new factories in Tunisia, Bangladesh, Hong Kong, Romania, Turkey, and Morrocco. "La crisis en el sector textile llega al mayor fabricante de perchas," El Pais (Madrid), June 7, 2004, 82.
310. Van Creveld, Rise and Decline of the State, 336-414.
311. Lochner v. New York, 198 U.S. 45, 75-76 (1905) (Holmes, O., dissenting).
312. "Conservative Welfare Regime"-an ideal type that captures key features of the German and French welfare systems-and its principal differences from the "liberal welfare regime" and the "social democratic welfare regime,"
313. Gosta Esping Anderson, Social Foundations of Postindustrial Economies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 73-94.
314. Habermas, "Why Does Europe Need a Constitution?"
315. Habermas, "Der 15. Februar," 46.
316. Habermas, "Der 15. Februar," 48.
317. Margarita Estevez Abe and Glyn Morgan, "Varieties of Capitalism: Varieties of Social Justice," Working Paper (2005), Minda da Ginzburg Center for European Studies, Harvard University.
318. Alberto Alesina and Roberti Perotti, "The European Union: APolitically Incorrect View," NBER Working Paper 10342 (available at www.nber.org/papers/w10342.)
319. Noel Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty."
320. Jack Donnelly, Realism and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000);
321. Michael W. Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism,and Socialism (New York: Norton, 2002).
322. Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics among Nations (New York: A. A. Knopf, 1948);
323. the same author's The Purpose of American Politics (New York: Knopf, 1960),
324. Scientific Man vs. Power Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974).
325. Kenneth Waltz's most important writings include Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964),
326. ATheory of International Politics (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1979),
327. "The Emerging Structure of International Politics," International Security 18 (1993): 50-78,
328. "Globalization and Governance," PS 32 (1999): 693-700,
329. "Structural Realism after the Cold War," International Security 25 (2000): 5-41.
330. David A. Baldwin, ed., Neorealism and and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993).
331. Waltz, "Emerging Structure of International Politics," 74.
332. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War," 27.
333. Waltz, A Theory of International Politics, 126;
334. Waltz, "Emerging Structure of International Politics," 38.
335. Robert J. Art, "Why Western Europe Needs the United States and NATO," Political Science Quarterly 111 (1996): 1-39.
336. Waltz, speculated on the likely response to US "unipolarity."
337. Christopher Layne, "The Unipolar Illusion: Why New Great Powers Will Rise," International Security 17 (1993): 5-51;
338. John J. Mearsheimer, "Back to the Future: Instability in Europe after the Cold War," International Security 15 (1990): 5-56;
339. Waltz "Emerging Structure of International Politics." Waltz's more recent contributions to this debate include "Globalization and Governance" and "Structural Realism after the Cold War."
340. G. John Ikenberry, ed., America Unrivaled: The Future of the Balance of Power (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002).
341. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War," 28.
342. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War," 32.
343. Andrew Moravcsik, "Taking Preferences Seriously: A Liberal Theory of International Politics," International Organization 51 (1997): 513-24.
344. Moravcsik, "Taking Preferences Seriously," 519.
345. Moravcsik, The Choice for Europe.
346. Moravcsik, "In Defence of the Democratic Deficit."
347. Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2000), 175-192.
348. Robert Kagan, "Power and Weakness," Policy Review 113 (2002): 6.
349. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993 [1851]), 81.
350. David A. Baldwin, "The Concept of Security," Review of International Studies 23 (1997): 5-26.
351. Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, second edition (Hemel Hempstead, UK: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991);
352. Bary Buzan, Ole Waever, and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998);
353. Ole Waever, "Securitization and Desecuritization," in Ronnie D. Lipshutz, ed., On Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
354. Baldwin, "The Concept of Security"; Stephen M. Walt, "The Renaissance of Security Studies," International Studies Quarterly 35 (1991): 211-39;
355. Bill McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests: A Sociology of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
356. Olav F. Knudsen, "Post-Copenhagen Security Studies: Desecuritizing Securitization," Security Dialogue 32 (2001): 355-68.
357. Emma Rothschild, "What Is Security?" Daedulus 124 (1995): 53-98.
358. I am also indebted to a number of important unpublished writings by Melissa Lane and Jeremy Waldron on the concept of security.
359. Hobbes, Leviathan, 231.
360. Smith, Wealth of Nations, vol. 1, book III, 376-427.
361. John Stuart Mill, Principles of Political Economy (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1909), book 4, ch. 1, 697
362. John Stuart Mill, "Utilitarianism," in On Liberty and Other Essays (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 190.
363. Rothschild, "What Is Security," 59.
364. Rothschild, "What Is Security," 61.
365. Jean Jacques Rousseau, "On the Social Contract," in Basic Political Writings of Jean Jacques Rousseau (Indianapolis: Hacket, 1987), 144.
366. Richard Tuck, "The Dangers of Natural Rights," Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 20 (1997): 683-93.
367. The term "basic societal values" includes but is broader than "political legitimacy." For more on this issue, see Glyn Morgan, "Security and Political Legitimacy," in Melissa Lane and Glyn Morgan, eds., Security: Political and Philosophical Perspectives (Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
368. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (Indianapolis: Hacket, 1987), 50.
369. Cited from an interview in Nation (Bangkok), March 8, 1999, A5.
370. Jeremy Waldron, "Security and Liberty," Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (2003): 191-210.
371. Karl W. Deutsch, Political Community and the North Atlantic Area: International Organization in the Light of Historical Experience (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957).
372. Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, eds., Security Communities (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
373. Baldwin, "The Concept of Security."
374. Van Creveld, Rise and Decline of the State.
375. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
376. While the approach to "world order" adopted here is indebted to Bull's writings, the distinction between "world order," "international state system," and "international society" is not faithful to Bull's own usage of these terms; nor is it meant as either an interpretation or a corrective of Bull's international relations theory. I merely claim that this tripartite distinction is useful for conceptualizing and evaluating arguments that claim that European political integration would bolster security.
377. Bull, Anarchical Society, 4.
378. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg."
379. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty.
380. Among the many contemporary political philosophers who have written favorably about this postsovereign polity, compare William Connolly, Identity/ Difference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002;
381. Bhikhu Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000);
382. Strange Multiplicity; "The Agonic Freedom of Citizens"; and "The Unfreedom of the Moderns."
383. Jo Shaw, "Post-national Constitutionalism in the European Union," Journal of European Public Policy 6 (1999): 479-597,
384. "Flexibility in a Reorganized and Simplified Treaty," Common Market Law Review, 40 (2002): 279-311.
385. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty.
386. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, 128.
387. Neil MacCormick, "A Comment on the Governance Paper," Jean Monnet Working Papers 06/01 (available at http://www.jeanmonnetprogram.org/papers/01/012501.html).
388. Andreas Føllesdal, "Subsidiarity," Journal of Political Philosophy 6 (1998): 231-59.
389. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, ch. 12.
390. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 200;
391. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg."
392. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 343.
393. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, ch 2.
394. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg," 70.
395. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg," 68.
396. The Draft Constitutional Treaty still falls short of providing for an unambiguous pouvoir constituant (or "we the people"). The treaty speaks of European citizens and Europe's member states as cofounders.
397. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg," 68.
398. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 301.
399. Weiler, "Europe's Sonderweg," 66.
400. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 336.
401. Scharpf, Governing in Europe.
402. Peter Wise, "What has the European Union ever done for us?" Financial Times, July 29, 2002, 3.
403. Johann Gottfried Herder: Another Philosophy of History and Selected Political Writings, Ioannis D. Evrigenis and Daniel Pellerin, eds. (Indianapolis: Hackett, 2004).
404. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 338ff.
405. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 342.
406. Weiler, The Constitution of Europe, 342.
407. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, 183.
408. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, 183.
409. Jeremy Waldron, "Multiculturalism and the Cosmopolitan Alternative," in Will Kymlicka, ed., The Rights of Minority Cultures (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
410. Tom Nairn, Scotland and Britain (London: Verso Books, 2000).
411. Schmitter, How to Democratize the European Union.
412. Schmitter, How to Democratize the European Union, 18.
413. Philippe C. Schmiter, "What Is There to Legitimize in the European Union and How Might This Be Accomplished?" Jean Monnet Working Papers 06/01 (available at http://www.jeanmonnetprogram.org/papers/01/011401.html), 7.
414. Tully, Strange Multiplicity;
415. Tully, "The Unfreedom of the Moderns."
416. Tully, Strange Multiplicity, 30.
417. Tully, "The Unfreedom of the Moderns," 4.
418. Philip Pettit, Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997);
419. Philip Pettit, A Theory of Freedom (Oxford: Polity Press, 2003);
420. Bellamy, "Sovereignty."
421. Pettit, A Theory of Freedom, 139.
422. Pettit, A Theory of Freedom, 139.
423. Bellamy, "Sovereignty,"
424. Bellamy, 'The Right to Have Rights.'"
425. Bellamy, "Sovereignty," 184.
426. Bellamy, "Sovereignty," 188.
427. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, J. P. Mayer, ed., George Laurence, trans. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1969), 170.
428. Robert Keohane, "Ironies of Sovereignty": the European Union and the United States, Journal of Common Market Studies 40 (2002): 743-65.
429. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, 142.
430. Schmitter, How to Democratize the European Union, 19.
431. Duchene, "Europe in World Peace," and Duchene, "The EC and the Uncertainities of Interdependence." I have more to say about the concept of "civilian-power Europe" in the next chapter.
432. Therborn, European Modernity and Beyond, and Göran Therborn, "Europe-Superpower or a Scandinavia of the World?" in Mario Tèlo, ed., European Union and New Regionalism: Regional Actors and Global Governance in a Post-hegemonic Era (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001).
433. Jan Zielonka, Explaining Euro-paralysis: Why Europe Is Unable to Act in International Politics (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998).
434. Zielonka, Explaining Euro-paralysis, 229.
435. Hedley Bull, "Civilian Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms," in Loukas Tsoukalis, ed., The European Community: Past, Present and Future (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983).
436. Zielonka, Explaining Euro-paralysis, 228;
437. compare here also Robert Cooper, The Post-modern State and the World Order, second edition (London: The Foreign Policy Centre, 2000),
438. The Breaking of Nations: Order and Chaos in the Twenty- First Century (London: Atlantic Books, 2003).
439. Brendan Simms, Unfinest Hour: Britain and the Destruction of Bosnia (London: Allen Lane, 2001).
440. Stelios Stavridis, "'Militarising' the EU: The Concept of Civilian Power Europe Revisited," International Spectator 36: 43-50.
441. Waltz, "Emerging Structure of International Politics,"
442. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War;"
443. John J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: Norton, 2001).
444. Stanley Benn, "The Uses of Sovereignty," in Anthony Quinton, ed., Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1967), 82.
445. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty."
446. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 352.
447. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 360.
448. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 361.
449. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 362.
450. Neil MacCormick, as we saw in the previous chapter, makes precisely this argument.
451. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty, ch. 12.
452. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 364.
453. Stephen Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999);
454. MacCormick, Questioning Sovereignty.
455. Krasner, Sovereignty, and W. G. Werner and J. H. de Wilde, "The Endurance of Sovereignty," European Journal of International Relations 7 (2001): 283-313.
456. Raymond Geuss, History and Illusion in Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
457. Robert Jackson, Quasi-States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
458. Werner and de Wilde, The Endurance of Sovereignty."
459. Waltz, Theory of International Politics.
460. Krasner, Sovereignty.
461. To recall the distinctions made in the introductory chapter: The term "federal" has two diametrically opposed meanings. I use "federal" here-much in the same way Eurosceptics do-to refer to a relatively unitary and centralized European polity. This usage is a perversion of the original term federal, which referred to a decentralized polity that parceled out powers to different regionally or functionally organized groups.
462. Waltz, "Structural Realism after the Cold War, 915.
463. For a more detailed assessment of the divergences in values between the United States, "Old Europe," and "New Europe,"
464. Glyn Morgan, ed., The Ideas in Anti-Americanism (Princeton University Press, forthcoming).
465. Daalder and Lindsay, America Unbound.
466. Prodi quoted in Economist, April 24, 2003.
467. "Blair calls for Euro 'superpower,'" Guardian, October 7, 2000.
468. H. Beer, To Make a Nation: The Rediscovery of American Federalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993);
469. Keohane, "Ironies of Sovereignty";
470. Fareed Zakaria, From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America's World Role (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998).
471. James Madison, Vices of the Political System of the United States, in William T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1962-77), vol. 9, 348-57.
472. Charles Tilly, Coercion, Capital and European States, AD 990-1990 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990);
473. Mann, Sources of Social Power; Competitors.
474. Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors.
475. In order for the argument to be decisive, it would be necessary to weigh more carefully the relative gravity of the threats that Europeans face from re- taining the current intergovernmental status quo and shifting to a unitary federal Europe. Even if one were to think-as I do-that Europeans could enhance their security in a federal European polity, this does not mean that Europeans ought to immediately set up such a polity. There are more prudent and less prudent ways of planning the process of European political integration. I say more about the process of European integration in the following chapter.
476. Deighton, "The European Security and Defense Policy";
477. Mette Eilstrup Sangiovanni, "Why a Common Military and Defense Policy Is Bad for Europe," Survival 45 (2003): 193-206.
478. I discuss Sangiovanni's argument in detail in the following chapter.
479. Moravcsik, "The Quiet Superpower."
480. Moravcsik, "The Quiet Superpower."
481. Joseph Nye, The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
482. Keohane, "Ironies of Sovereignty," 748.
483. Robert Kagan, Paradise and Power (New York: Knopf, 2003).
484. Keohane, "Ironies of Sovereignty," 762.
485. Tony Judt, "America and the World," New York Review of Books, April 10, 2003.
486. Glyn Morgan, "The Ideas in Anti- Americanism." (Princeton University Press, forthcoming).
487. As Rumsfeld put it, "I said last year [2001] that the mission defines the coalition, and I think that this was not only a correct statement, but it has been an enormously helpful concept in this war on terror."
488. Ivo H. Daalder, "The End of Atlanticism," Survival 45 (2003): 156.
489. Simms, Unfinest Hour.
490. Malcolm, "Sense on Sovereignty," 352.
491. Hobbes, Leviathan, ch. 30, p. 376.
492. Rousseau, "On War," cited from Richard Tuck, The Rights of War and Peace (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 203.
493. Samuel Huntington, American Politics: The Promise of Disharmony (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1981).
494. Sangiovanni, "Why a Common Security and Defense Policy Is Bad for Europe."
495. This document is available at http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.pdf.