Personal Equations: Reflections on the history of fieldwork, with special reference to sociocultural anthropology

ISIS

Volumn 102, Issue 1, 2011, Pages 1-33

  Kuklick, Henrika ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY; HISTORY; HUMAN; INFORMATION PROCESSING; RESEARCH; SOCIAL STATUS; UNITED STATES;

ANTHROPOLOGY, CULTURAL; DATA COLLECTION; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; RESEARCH; SOCIAL CONDITIONS; UNITED STATES;

EID: 79955125565     PISSN: 00211753     EISSN: 15456994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/658655     Document Type: Article

References (301)

1. David Sharp to Alfred Russel Wallace, 1 Nov. 1905, Wallace Papers, British Library, London, Additional Manuscript 46437.
2. There are some apparent parallels between present and past conditions. Today, commercial collectors can earn considerable sums in the fossil market, and their finds figure in the general marketplace, often removed from scientific spheres. See Lewis M. Simons, "Fossil Wars," National Geographic, May 2005, 207:48-67.
3. "Let's Get Smaller," New York Times Magazine, 12 Jan. 1997, p. 6.
4. David Iams, "Auctions: Fossils, Paintings, and Prints," Philadelphia Inquirer, 5 Mar. 2010, p. E6. Productive relationships still flourish between amateurs and professionals in such enterprises as archaeology, astronomy, and ornithology. And amateurs collect data for professionals in varieties of survey research.
5. see, e.g., the preparation of the Atlas of British Flora (1962), described by Jon Agar, "What Difference Did Computers Make?" Social Studies of Science, 2006, 36:874-879.
6. The conspicuous historical exceptions to my generalizations were museum collectors in diverse national contexts, who were trained and respected prior to-and subsequent to-the reorganization of the natural history sciences that I describe. For collectors in German museums, arguably the first to professionalize fully, see H. Glenn Penny, "Traditions in the German Language," in A New History of Anthropology, ed. Henrika Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 79-95, esp. pp. 83-89 By contrast, in the early twentieth century the association of the knowledgeable collector Emil Torday and the British Museum was merely a "special relationship".
7. see John Mack, Emil Torday and the Art of the Congo, 1900-1909 (London: British Museum Publications, 1990), p. 6.
8. On the assistance Stevens offered see Hugh Raffles, In Amazonia: A Natural History (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2002), pp. 114-149.
9. Peter Raby, Alfred Russel Wallace: A Life (London: Chatto & Windus, 2001), pp. 44, 83-84.
10. On the paid work entrusted to Bates see Raffles, "The Uses of Butterflies," American Ethnologist, 2001, 28:513-548, esp. pp. 515-516.
11. Unless otherwise specified, my references to "anthropology" are to its sociocultural subspecies, not other subspecies (in the United States, biological anthropology, linguistic anthropology, and archaeology; disciplinary arrangements vary from one country to another). In Britain and British-influenced places, this was called "ethnology" in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; "cultural anthropology," "social anthropology," and (sometimes) "sociology" during the interwar period; and (usually) "social anthropology" after the Association of Social Anthropologists was founded in 1946-an event denoting the complete differentiation of its members' professional lives, although the Royal Anthropological Institute (founded in 1871 as the Anthropological Institute) continued to incorporate all varieties of anthropologists (and the differentiation of social anthropology had been long in the making). In the United States and its intellectual sphere of influence, the subspecialty has been called "cultural anthropology" or "sociocultural anthropology." Unless a specific circumstance requires a specific reference, I use the term "sociocultural" to refer to all variants. The word "ethnography" denotes straightforward data collection. At different moments, there have been distinctly different analytic emphases in different national contexts. For example, as David Mills argues in Difficult Folk? A Political History of Social Anthropology (New York: Berghahn, 2008), the identification of explicitly British social anthropology originated with a 1951 dispute between the British Raymond Firth and the American George Murdock in the pages of the American Anthropologist; British anthropologists' insistence on their distinctiveness became especially intense during the 1960s (see esp. pp. 25-26, 160-162). But the enterprise had an international character at many moments prior to its mid-twentieth-century squabbles, and it is arguably relatively international today.
12. Georges Cuvier, quoted in Dorinda Outram, "On Being Perseus: New Knowledge, Dislocation, and Enlightenment Exploration," in Geography and Enlightenment, ed. David N. Livingstone and Charles W. J. Withers (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 281-294, on p. 286. High status was long associated with personal detachment from data collection. Note Isaac Newton's boast in 1695: "All the world knows I make no observations myself ".
13. quoted in Simon Schaffer, "Newton on the Beach: The Information Order of Principia Mathematica," History of Science, 2009, 47:243-276, on p. 252.
14. See Jim Endersby, "A Garden Enclosed: Botanical Barter in Sydney, 1818-1839," British Journal for the History of Science, 2000, 33:313-334, esp. p. 327.
15. Anne Larsen, "Not since Noah: The English Scientific Zoologist and the Craft of Collecting, 1800-1840" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton Univ., 1993), Chs. 4, 6.
16. Michael Shortland, "Darkness Visible: Underground Culture in the Golden Age of Geology," Hist. Sci., 1994, 32:1-60, esp. pp. 38-39.
17. Endersby, "Garden Enclosed," p. 321.
18. See also the early twentieth-century backwoods trappers hired by Berkeley's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, discussed in Susan Leigh Star and James R. Griesemer, "Institu-tional Ecology, 'Translations,' and Boundary Objects: Amateurs and Professionals in Berkeley's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907-39," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1989, 19:387-420, esp. pp. 402-403.
19. There were some celebrated collectors; for examples see Paul Lawrence Farber, Discovering Birds: The Emergence of Ornithology as a Scientific Discipline, 1760-1850 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1982), pp. 34-38.
20. On Cope and Marsh see Keith Thomson, The Legacy of the Mastodon: The Golden Age of Fossils in America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2008), p. 169.
21. Lynn K. Nyhart, Modern Nature: The Rise of the Biological Perspective in Germany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2009), p. 43.
22. F. O. Bernhard, ed. and trans., Karl Mauch, African Explorer (Cape Town: Struik, 1971), p. 109 (this volume collects Mauch's journal and letters). In 1980, the country in which the ruins are located took the name "Zimbabwe," the Shona word for a chief's court, house, or grave; the ruins have constituted a major archaeological problem since Mauch stumbled upon them.
23. The "frontier" designation is sociological, not chronological: in Mauch's day, there were established African colonies, but Anglophone Africa was not fully pacified (nominally) until a 1928-1930 military campaign defeated the Sudanese Nuer, soon to be studied by the anthropologist E. E. Evans-Pritchard.
24. In at least some minds, scientists competed to exploit colonies effectively for their purposes. See an 1838 letter from W. H. Fitton, a British geologist, to the anatomist Richard Owen: "the use the Dutch have made of their colonies [sic], for the benefit of Natural History, puts England to shame".
25. quoted in Donna C. Mehos, Science and Culture for Members Only (Amsterdam: Amsterdam Univ. Press, 2006), p. 80.
26. On the role of improved communications systems see Duncan S. A. Bell, "Dissolving Distance: Technology, Space, and Empire in British Political Thought, 1710-1900," Journal of Modern History, 2005, 77:523-562.
27. Regarding precarious colonial rule consider early twentieth-century Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), described in Jan-Bart Gewald, "Researching and Writing in the Twilight of an Imagined Conquest: Anthropology in Northern Rhodesia, 1930-1960," History and Anthropology, 2007, 18:459-487, esp. p. 471.
28. on North American frontier conflict see Keith Thomson, The Legacy of the Mastodon: The Golden Age of Fossils in America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2008), p. 174. For quasi-military scientific research see the 1908-1910 Südsee (South Sea) expedition to German New Guinea and Melanesia, organized by Hamburg's Museum für Völkerkunde, which included Melanesian "police soldiers" who defended researchers when indigenes attacked on land and water.
29. See Gustav Jahoda, "Anthropologist and 'Native' in Early Twentieth-Century New Guinea: Malinowski and Thurnwald," Hist. & Anthropol., 2007, 18:11-24, esp. p. 15.
30. Andrew D. Evans, Anthropology at War: World War I and the Science of Race in Germany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2010), Ch. 4.
31. On militarized North American frontier science see Thomson, Legacy of the Mastodon, p. 175.
32. For example, when Margaret Mead and her then-husband Reo Fortune were unable to staff their New Guinea household in 1932, Fortune uncovered the local people's "darkest secrets" and threatened to reveal his findings to colonial authorities unless potential servants came forward; described in Margaret Mead, letter of 15 Jan. 1932, reproduced in her "Field Work in Pacific Islands, 1925-1967," in Women in the Field, ed. Peggy Golde (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1970), pp. 293-331, on p. 308.
33. These constraints have caused much distress among anthropologists, who have (mistakenly) believed that they alone are restricted as punishment for their discipline's colonial taint. For anxieties that anthropology has been a colonial creature see Talal Asad, ed., Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (London: Ithaca, 1973).
34. For other field scientists bound by official restrictions see Kate Jackson, Mean and Lowly Things: Snakes, Science, and Survival in the Congo (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2008).
35. Paige West, "Tourism as Science and Science as Tourism: Environment, Society, Self, and Other in Papua New Guinea," Current Anthropology, 2008, 49:597-626, esp. pp. 603-604.
36. The quest for universals was especially important to the British.
37. for their generic argument see Godfrey Leinhardt, Social Anthropology (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1964), p. 2: "The fundamental features of social institutions will be more apparent... [in 'primitive' (sic) societies] than in modern metropolitan communities."
38. For other testimonials to the centrality of the exotic subject see Evon Z. Vogt, Fieldwork among the Maya (Albuquerque: Univ. New Mexico Press, 1994), p. 52.
39. Sidney Mintz, "Sows' Ears and Silver Linings," Current Anthropol., 2000, 41:169-189, esp. p. 171. Until the 1980s, anthropologists who worked in nonexotic places courted professional disaster.
40. see Suzanne R. Kirschner and Emily Martin, "From Flexible Bodies to Fluid Minds: An Interview with Emily Martin," Ethnos, 2000, 27:247-282, esp. pp. 249-254. Fieldwork close to home has been less problematic outside the United States, however.
41. see J. Spencer, A. Jepson, and D. Mills on an international population of students, "Career Paths and Training Needs of Social Anthropology Research Students: ESRC [Economic and Social Science Research Council] Research Grant RES-000-23-0220, End of Award Report" (unpublished), 2005, p. 9.
42. That colonial experience facilitated advancement in all sorts of knowledge-based careers in the metropoles is almost a scholarly cliché. See, e.g., Roy MacLeod, "'Instructed Men' and Mining Engineers: The Associates of the Royal School of Mines and British Imperial Science, 1851-1920," Minerva, 1994, 32:422-439.
43. Lewis Pyenson, "Cultural Imperialism and the Exact Sciences: German Expansion Overseas, 1900-1930," Hist. Sci., 1982, 20:1-43.
44. Gwendolyn Wright, "Tradition in the Service of Modernity: Architecture and Urbanism in French Colonial Policy, 1900-1930," J. Mod. Hist., 1987, 59:291-316.
45. For discussions of Dutch colonialism and science (rare in Anglophone scholarship) see Donna C. Mehos, Science and Culture for Members Only (Amsterdam: Amsterdam Univ. Press, 2006), esp. pp. 73-76.
46. Sharon Kingsland considers twentieth-century Dutch botanists, who routinely took their first positions in the colonies following the receipt of their doctorates, in "Caltech's Atomic Age Greenhouse: Exploring the Laboratory Side of the Lab-Field Borderland," paper presented to the Philadelphia Area Consortium for the History of Science, 23 Jan. 2009.
47. Colonial opportunities for extravagant self-reinvention, demonstrated by the likes of Henry Morton Stanley (born John Rowlands), are well known. Just as significant is the colonial element in upward mobility among the upper-middle classes.
48. see Noel Annan, "The Intellectual Aristocracy," in The Dons (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 304-341. Persons fairly low on the social scale also found opportunities in colonial places, although scholars have paid little attention to them. For example, at the turn of the twentieth century the Torres Strait Islands were places of refuge from desperate circumstances in Glasgow for the Bruce brothers-Robert, a shipbuilder and wheelwright, and J. S. (Jack), a schoolmaster who became an important informant for A. C. Haddon-although Robert suffered from downturns in the islands' economy, dependent on the international pearl trade; see their letters to Haddon, dated 1894-1905, Haddon Papers, Cambridge University Library, Envelopes 1004, 1006.
49. Regarding Haddon's first Torres Strait venture see Sandra Rouse, "Ethnology, Ethnobiography, and Institution: A. C. Haddon and Anthropology at Cambridge, 1880-1926" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Cambridge, 1996), p. 55.
50. On his later conflict with the missionaries see Jeremy Beckett, "Haddon Attends a Funeral: Fieldwork in Torres Strait, 1888, 1898," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Anita Herle and Rouse (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 23-49, esp. p. 42.
51. For similar conflicts see Geoffrey Gray, "Dislocating the Self: Anthropological Field Work in the Kimberly, Western Australia, 1934-1936," Aboriginal History, 2002, 26:23-50, esp. pp. 34-37. Conflicts between missionaries and anthropologists could also be about expertise.
52. See the debate over whether the long-serving German missionary Carl Strehlow had knowledge of Central Australian Aborigines' religious beliefs superior to that of Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen (although his religious commitments precluded attendance at ceremonies they witnessed): Henrika Kuklick, "'Humanity in the Chrysalis Stage': Indigenous Australians in the Anthropological Imagination, 1899-1926," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 2006, 39:535-568.
53. Franz Boas, Franz Boas among the Inuit of Baffin Island, 1883-1884: Journals and Letters, ed. Ludger Müller-Wille, trans. William Barr (Toronto: Univ. Toronto Press, 1998), esp. pp. 132, 147, 191.
54. Keith Thomson, The Legacy of the Mastodon: The Golden Age of Fossils in America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2008).
55. Topographer Henry Custer, quoted in Linda Nash, "The Changing Experience of Nature: Historical Encounters with a Northwest River," Journal of American History, 2000, 86:1600-1629, on p. 1606.
56. Boas, Franz Boas among the Inuit of Baffin Island, 1883-1884.
57. By this standard, the elimination of interracial sex from the behaviors (tacitly if not explicitly) acceptable in official colonial circles marks the closing of the colonial frontier, and it has a date in the British Empire: in 1909, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Lord Crewe, whose jurisdiction was all British colonies save those managed by the India Office or the Foreign Office (only the Sudan), issued an order saying that colonial employees who had liaisons with indigenes would suffer "disgrace and official ruin." The secret memorandum, Confidential Enclosure "A" in Crewe's circular of 11 Jan. 1909, is unavailable in the British National Archives, but the Oxford University Colonial Records Project, Rhodes House Library, Oxford, holds a copy.
58. Sol Tax to Robert Redfield, 3 Nov. 1934, in Doing Fieldwork: The Correspondence of Robert Redfield and Sol Tax, ed. Robert A. Rubinstein (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 2002), p. 45.
59. See also Kate Jackson, Mean and Lowly Things: Snakes, Science, and Survival in the Congo (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2008).
60. Nancy J. Jacobs, "The Intimate Politics of Ornithology in Colonial Africa," Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2006, 48:564-603.
61. Linda Nash, "The Changing Experience of Nature: Historical Encounters with a Northwest River," Journal of American History, 2000, 86:1600-1629, p. 1612.
62. Robert E. Kohler, All Creatures: Naturalists, Collectors, and Biodiversity, 1850-1950 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2006), pp. 156-162.
63. See Bronislaw Malinowski, A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term (1967; Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1989), entry for 2 Sept. 1915, p. 84.
64. For one discussion of colonial sanitation measures developed at the very end of the nineteenth century see Patrick F. D'Arcy, Laboratory on the Nile (New York: Pharmaceutical Products Press, 1999), pp. 69-78.
65. For late nineteenth-century arguments that Europeans could not survive in the tropics see Mary Kingsley, West African Studies (London: Macmillan, 1899), p. 367.
66. Marilyn Lake, "The White Man under Siege: New Histories of Race in the Nineteenth Century and the Advent of White Australia," History Workshop Journal, 2008, 58:41-62.
67. See also Alfred Russel Wallace's counterargument, "White Men in the Tropics," in Studies Scientific and Social (London: Macmillan, 1900), Vol. 1, pp. 99-108.
68. As an example of the gap between the new scientific and conventional views see the judgment that European children reared in the tropics would not develop properly, which had currency (even in medical circles) long after it had been scientifically discredited. For example, in the post-World War I period, members of the British medical service in West Africa were forbidden to keep their offspring with them beyond the age at which they could be dispatched to boarding school: Colonial Office, "Information for the Use of Candidates for Appointments on the West African Medical Staff," Africa (West) No. 678 (25th ed.), June 1923, p. 3.
69. William Ritter, writing in 1912 about the San Diego marine biological station; quoted in Robert E. Kohler, Landscapes and Labscapes: Exploring the Lab-Field Border in Biology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2002), p. 29.
70. See Emily A. Nunn, "The Naples Zoological Station, II," Science, 1883, 1(18):507-510, esp. p. 508.
71. Walter T. Swingle, "Facilities for Botanical Research at the Naples Zoological Station," International Journal of Plant Sciences, 1897, 23:278-281, esp. p. 278.
72. On the cultivation of sea creatures see the efforts of the first director of the marine station at Woods Hole, C. O. Whitman, to develop a "Natural History Farm," as he reported in "Natural History Work at the Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Holl," Science, 5 Apr. 1901, N.S., 13(327):539.
73. See also Raf de Bont, "Between the Laboratory and the Deep Blue Sea: Space Issues in the Marine Stations of Naples and Wimereux," Soc. Stud. Sci, 2009, 39:199-227.
74. Kohler, Landscapes and Labscapes, p. 43.
75. Helen M. Rozwadowski, Fathoming the Ocean: The Discovery and Exploration of the Deep Sea (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2005), p. 130.
76. Marion Thomas, "Are Animals Just Noisy Machines? Louis Bouton and the Co-invention of Animal and Child Psychology in the French Third Republic," Journal of the History of Biology, 2005, 38:425-460, esp. p. 427. Note that the study of animal behavior (housed in diverse disciplines) has incorporated the approaches Konrad Lorenz termed "hunting" and "farming"-and that even ethologists inclined to hunt (such as Nico Tinbergen) have also done laboratory work.
77. see Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr., Patterns of Behavior: Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, and the Founding of Ethology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2005), pp. 10ff, 290, and passim.
78. A. C. Haddon, quoted in A. Hingston Quiggin, Haddon, the Head Hunter (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1942), p. 77.
79. For an account of the international debate in which Spencer and Gillen's work was central see Henrika Kuklick, "'Humanity in the Chrysalis Stage': Indigenous Australians in the Anthropological Imagination, 1899-1926," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 2006, 39:535-568.
80. Bronislaw Malinowski reported on Spencer's fieldwork prowess in his letter to C. G. Seligman, 4 May 1915, Malinowski Papers, London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE), File 27/3 (hereafter rendered in the form MP 27/3). On the general point that academic scientists could do research during their summer vacations see Robert E. Kohler, Landscapes and Labscapes: Exploring the Lab-Field Border in Biology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2002), pp. 82-85.
81. Quoted in Sandra Rouse, "Expedition and Institution: A. C. Haddon and Anthropology at Cambridge," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Herle and Rouse (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Cambridge, 1996), pp. 52-76, on p. 61. The expedition's research was conducted from late April through mid-November. The pioneering academic anthropological field study may seem to be the Jesup North Pacific Expedition of 1897-1902, mounted by the American Museum of Natural History and organized by Franz Boas, which plotted human and other connections between the American and Siberian sides of the Bering Strait. But it was episodic, not sustained, and less focused intellectually than the Cambridge expedition.
82. see Douglas Cole, Franz Boas: The Early Years, 1858-1906 (Seattle: Univ. Washington Press, 1999), pp. 188-203.
83. Charles Lyell to Wallace, 2 May 1867, Wallace Papers, British Library, Additional Manuscript 46435. See the 11 July 1867 letter from J. Aspinall Turner (once Stevens's customer) to Wallace, stipulating that he would pay Wallace £50 for an insect collection only if it enlarged his inventory of species: Wallace Papers, British Library, Additional Manuscript 46435.
84. There is still prestige attached to identifying a new species, evidenced by the honor of naming it that routinely accrues to the discoverer, but a potential recipient of this honor may now willingly forego it. For example, employees of the Wildlife Conservation Society who identified a new species of Bolivian monkey allowed the right to name it to be auctioned to fund conservation measures.
85. see Henry Fountain, "Observatory: Have Your Very Own Species for a Price," New York Times, 8 Feb. 2005, p. F3.
86. For a record of one traveling naturalist's observations see Joseph Dalton Hooker, Himalayan Journals; or, Notes of a Naturalist, in Bengal, the Sikkim and Nepal Himalayas, Khasia Mountains etc. (London: John Murray, 1853).
87. On the association between Darwinian argument and biogeographical reasoning see, e.g., Ernst Mayr, One Long Argument (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1991), p. 132.
88. This pattern has been recurrent. See Joshua Blu Buhs, "Building on Bedrock: William Steel Creighton and the Reformation of Ant Systematics, 1925-1970," J. Hist. Biol., 2000, 33:27-70, esp. pp. 51-52, 47-58, describing ant biologists' recognition of variability within a species when they examined nests in the field.
89. See the development of ornithology in its museum context, described in Mark V. Barrow, Jr., A Passion for Birds: American Ornithology after Audubon (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1998), p. 77ff.
90. Consider, by contrast, Jacques Brisson's late eighteenth-century bird arrangements, categorizing creatures by beaks and claws-which expresses the taxidermist's view rather than the naturalist's, according to Paul Lawrence Farber, Discovering Birds: The Emergence of Ornithology as a Scientific Discipline, 1760-1850 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1982), pp. 11, 68. Nyhart's nineteenth-century field-going taxidermists, however, arranged specimens in families, according to predator-prey interactions, in terms of biogeographical associations, and in arrays showing seasonal coat changes.
91. see Lynn K. Nyhart, Modern Nature: The Rise of the Biological Perspective in Germany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2009), pp. 52ff, 78.
92. On the international population of field-going museum workers see H. Glenn Penny, Objects of Culture (Chapel Hill: Univ. North Carolina Press, 2002), p. 89ff.
93. On the shift to geographical organization of anthropological displays see Ira Jacknis, "Franz Boas and Exhibits: On the Limitations of the Museum Method in Anthropology," in Objects and Others: Essays on Museums and Material Culture, ed. George W. Stocking, Jr. (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 75-111.
94. Spencer bested Haddon in competition for Melbourne's biology professorship. After Haddon became Cambridge's first appointment in ethnology, he gave Spencer anthropological advice; see, e.g., A. C. Haddon to Baldwin Spencer, 5 May 1902, Spencer Papers, Box I, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford. Unlike Haddon, Spencer did not have progeny in anthropology; he was unable to persuade Melbourne to permit him to teach the subject, even though he offered to do so gratis.
95. Charles Hercules Read, for example, urged travelers to confine themselves to taking photographs or "making careful drawings," since "even superficial answers" to questions about social relationships required "long-continued residence among a native race": Read, "Prefatory Note," in Notes and Queries on Anthropology, 2nd ed. (London: Anthropological Institute, 1892), p. 87.
96. Huxley not only wrote anthropological analyses but also figured prominently in organized anthropology. On Haddon's career see Henrika Kuklick, "Islands in the Pacific: Darwinian Biogeography and British Anthropology," Amer. Ethnol., 1996, 23:611-638.
97. See Helen M. Rozwadowski, Fathoming the Ocean: The Discovery and Exploration of the Deep Sea (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2005), p. 115ff.
98. Franz Boas, "Arctic Exploration and Its Object," Popular Science Monthly, 1885, 22:78-81.
99. Boas, "Ethnological Problems in Canada," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1910, 40:529-539, on pp. 530, 531.
100. Alexander Lesser, "Franz Boas," in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, ed. David Sills (New York: Macmillan/Free Press, 1968), Vol. 2, pp. 99-110, on p. 101.
101. A. C. Haddon, "Manners and Customs of the Torres Straits Islanders," Nature, 1890, 42:637-642, on p. 638.
102. Ronald Tobey, Saving the Prairies (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1981), pp. 48-75.
103. A. G. Tansley, "The Early History of Modern Plant Ecology in Britain," Journal of Ecology, 1947, 35:130-137.
104. On climatology see Deborah Coen, "A Laboratory of Nature and Culture: Climate Science in a Continental Empire," seminar presentation, 6 Oct. 2008, Department of History and Sociology of Science, University of Pennsylvania.
105. On oceanography see Helen M. Rozwadowski, Fathoming the Ocean: The Discovery and Exploration of the Deep Sea (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2005), p. 130.
106. On geography see the 1925 proclamation of Wellington Jones and Vernor C. Finch: "Sound generalizations about a region should be based on intensive studies of typical small areas".
107. quoted in Alex Checkovich, "Mapping the American Way: Geographical Knowledge and the Development of the United States, 1900-1950" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Pennsylvania, 2004), Ch. 2.
108. On American field biology generally see Robert E. Kohler, "Place and Practice in Field Biology," Hist. Sci., 2002, 40:189-210, esp. pp. 195-196.
109. For the influence of Pound's "Functional School of Jurisprudence" on Bronislaw Malinowski's functionalist theory see A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "A Note on Functional Anthropology," Man, 1946, 46:39.
110. Julian Huxley, ed., T. H. Huxley's Diary of the Voyage of H.M.S. Rattlesnake (London: Chatto & Windus, 1935), p. 252.
111. Edwin Lees, quoted in Anne Secord, "Botany on a Plate," Isis, 2002, 93:28-57, on p. 39.
112. On the problem of verifying information procured indirectly see, e.g., Simon Schaffer, "Newton on the Beach: The Information Order of Principia Mathematica," History of Science, 2009, 47:243-276, p. 244.
113. On the picturesque and spiritual uplift see John Dixon Hunt, Gardens and the Picturesque (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1992), pp. 9-13.
114. David Robbins, "Sport, Hegemony, and the Middle Class: The Victorian Mountaineers," Theory, Culture, and Society, 1987, 4:579-601 (on personal growth through travel to unfamiliar places).
115. Bruce Hevly, "The Heroic Science of Glacier Motion," Osiris, 1996, 2nd Ser., 11:66-86. Tyndall's findings were also relevant to debate about whether nature revealed either the steady operation of identifiable processes or the occasional intervention of a willful deity.
116. see Lyell to Wallace, 24 Mar. 1869, Wallace Papers, British Library, Additional Manuscript 46435. When women became fieldworkers, they were expected to behave as if they were men. See, e.g., Malinowski's letter to his student Audrey Richards, then doing research in Northern Rhodesia; writing that she "always err[ed] on the side of softness and consideration," Malinowski suggested that she permit herself occasional confrontational behavior: Malinowski to Richards, 6 Jan. 1931, Richards Papers, London School of Economics and Political Science, File 17/3.
117. Notions about the improving consequences of sport and outdoor science blended with ideas about the formation of manly character. See, e.g., Roy Porter, "Gentlemen and Geology: The Emergence of a Scientific Career," Historical Journal, 1978, 21:809-836.
118. Robbins, "Sport, Hegemony, and the Middle Class."
119. Seligman to Malinowski, 7 Jan. 1912, quoted in George Stocking, After Tylor (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1995), p. 115. On Malinowski's belief that fieldwork should be uncomfortable see his letter to Jessy Mair about her stepdaughter, Lucy Mair, 3 July 1932, and his letter to Tracy Kittredge of the Rockefeller Foundation, 1 Feb. 1933: MP 8/5. Malinowski's heroic experience as a pioneering fieldworker also figured in his popular image.
120. See, e.g., his obituary in the New York Times.
121. its subheading erroneously reported that he had "Resided with Melanesian Cannibals": New York Times, 17 May 1942, p. 46.
122. Robert E. Kohler, All Creatures: Naturalists, Collectors, and Biodiversity, 1850-1950 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2006), p. 147.
123. For discussion of new leisure-time activities see Samuel J. M. M. Alberti, "Placing Nature: Natural History Collections and Their Owners in Nineteenth-Century Provincial England," Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 2002, 35:291-312, esp. p. 303ff.
124. Mark V. Barrow, Jr., A Passion for Birds: American Ornithology after Audubon (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1998), p. 161.
125. Gregory Radick, The Simian Tongue: The Long Debate about Animal Language (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2008), p. 148; see also pp. 84-158, 231-234. Garner's work attracted attention from figures ranging from Alexander Graham Bell to William Dwight Whitney, professor of philology at Yale, to William James, the Harvard psychologist and philosopher, to Aleš Hrdlička, curator of physical anthropology at the Smithsonian.
126. Selous earned money from his papers and books on natural history and also had a small inherited income; see Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr., Patterns of Behavior: Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, and the Founding of Ethology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2005), esp. pp. 77-83; the quotation is from p. 82.
127. P. J. Hickey, for example, reflecting on the development of the medical specialty of roentgenology at the turn of the twentieth century, argued that its pioneers, who "frequently and willingly brought upon themselves subsequent sufferings," resembled "the explorers of unknown countries who suffer privations and the pangs of hunger and thirst": quoted in Rebecca Herzig, "In the Name of Science: Suffering, Sacrifice, and the Formation of American Roentgenology," American Quarterly, 2001, 51:563-589, on p. 572.
128. The ethologist Peter Marler is one researcher who built his reputation in a comfortable setting: he studied chaffinches in the 1950s in the Ornithological Field Station at Madingley-which was not only located conveniently close to the University of Cambridge but was also a protected environment for its bird residents, with a wire fence to keep out foxes and rats. See Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr., Patterns of Behavior: Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, and the Founding of Ethology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2005), p. 342.
129. Gregory Radick, The Simian Tongue: The Long Debate about Animal Language (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2008), p. 269.
130. For appeals to popular interest see Amanda Rees, "Reflections on the Field: Primatology, Popular Science, and the Politics of Personhood," Soc. Stud. Sci., 2007, 37:881-907.
131. Publicity for Kate Jackson's account of herpetology research in the Republic of Congo, Kate Jackson, Mean and Lowly Things: Snakes, Science, and Survival in the Congo (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2008)
132. Stressed the dangers she encountered, as in an interview with her and commentary by David Malakoff, "A Snake Hunter's Search for 'Lowly Things,'" National Public Radio, 1 June 2008, online at http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId_91047036&sc_emaf. The sociocultural anthropologist Philippe Bourgois, who studies drug addicts, reports that his Philadelphia field site "reminds you of the ninth circle of Dante's 'Inferno'" and notes that because he blends in with his subjects in both dress and body type he has experienced police brutality during arrest and incarceration.
133. see F. H. Rubino, "A Renowned Scholar Takes His Pedigree to the 'Hood," PW [Philadelphia Weekly], 29 Dec. 2009, online at http://www.philadelphiaweekly.com/news-andopinion/Righteous-Dopefiend.html.
134. For emphasis on sheer physical heroism see, e.g., Anton Van Helden, Te Papa's collection manager for marine mammals, who describes scientists "dressed from head to foot in protective gear, which stop us from being infected by the bacteria and muck," online at http://collections.tepapa.govt.nz/exhibitions/whales/segment.aspx?irn_160. Philip N. Lehner's 1979 guide to methods in ethology emphasizes the physical discomfort that attends sustained field observation.
135. it is quoted in Helen Macdonald, "Covert Naturalists," posted 3 Nov. 2009 on her blog: http://fretmarks.blogspot.com/2009/11/covert-naturalists.html.
136. David James Forbes, quoted in Bruce Hevly, "The Heroic Science of Glacier Motion," Osiris, 1996, 2nd Ser., 11, p. 70.
137. A. C. Haddon, "The Secular and Ceremonial Dances of Torres Straits," Archives Internationales d'Ethnographie, 1893, 6:131-162, on p. 131.
138. See Lehner's widely read methodological handbook, quoted in Helen Macdonald, "Covert Naturalists," posted 3 Nov. 2009 on her blog: http://fretmarks.blogspot.com/2009/11/covert-naturalists.html. The student of killer whales is Volker Deecke, a research fellow at the University of St. Andrews Sea Mammal Research Unit in Scotland.
139. he is quoted in a National Public Radio story: "Killer Whales: The Allure of the Search," broadcast on Weekend Edition, 25 Jan. 2009, online at http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php-?storyId_99834201.
140. Macdonald, "Covert Naturalists".
141. Howard Conklin, quoted in Sidney Mintz, "Sows' Ears and Silver Linings," Current Anthropol., 2000, 41:169-189, p. 170.
142. Paige West, "Holding the Story Forever: The Aesthetics of Ethnographic Labour," Anthropological Forum, 2005, 15:267-275, esp. p. 272.
143. Consider Meyer Fortes's generic complaint, in a letter to C. G. Seligman from the Northern Territory of the Gold Coast (now Ghana), 13 Dec. 1934, that "one gets a bit tired of 'natives' after months of intensive work among them": Seligman Papers, London School of Economics and Political Science, File 4/1/2. For efforts to redefine the field see James Ferguson and Akhil Gupta, eds., Anthropological Locations (Berkeley: Univ California Press, 1997).
144. Simon Coleman and Peter Collins, eds., Locating the Field (Oxford: Berg, 2006). Among other field scientists, primatologists seem closest to sociocultural anthropologists, routinely anthropomorphizing their subjects.
145. see Amanda Rees, "Anthropomorphism, Anthropocentrism, and Anecdote: Primatologists on Primatology," Science, Technology, and Human Values, 2001, 26:227-247.
146. Recent research suggests that anthropomorphism is appropriate. Sue Savage-Rumbaugh describes consulting bonobos about their desires. Because they have learned to communicate with humans, the "bonobos have contributed directly, through conversation, to important aspects of this work. Their listing as authors is not a literary technique but a recognition of their direct input to the article." See Sue Savage-Rumbaugh, Kanzi Wamba, Panbanisha Wamba, and Nyota Wamba, "Welfare of Apes in Captive Environments," Journal of Applied Animal Welfare Science, 2007, 10:7-19, on p. 17.
147. See Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885-1945 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), pp. 199-201.
148. Geoffrey Gray, "'Piddington's Indiscretion': Ralph Piddington, the Australian National Research Council, and Academic Freedom," Oceania, 1994, 64:219-221.
149. Jan-Bart Gewald, "Researching and Writing in the Twilight of an Imagined Conquest: Anthropology in Northern Rhodesia, 1930-1960," History and Anthropology, 2007, 18:459-487, pp. 477-478.
150. Jeremy Boissevain, "Fieldwork in Malta," in Being an Anthropologist, ed. George D. Spindler (New York: Holt, Reinhardt & Winston, 1970), pp. 58-84, on p. 72.
151. Mischa Berlinski, Fieldwork (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2007), pp. 190-191.
152. Bronislaw Malinowski, A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term (1967; Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1989) entry for 2 Sept. 1915, p. 84. When Malinowski's diary was first published, twenty-five years after his death, readers were disturbed to learn that his emotional responses to indigenes included some very negative ones. Learning from Malinowski of his discontent, Seligman advised him to take a break: Seligman to Malinowski, 30 Dec. 1915, MP 27/3.
153. The European social roles Malinowski identifies in his "Outline for Chapter on Field Techniques" are those with which non-Westerners were likely to have been familiar-"government official, missionary, school teacher, trader": unpublished and undated typescript, MP 23/26; its presence in the LSE archives dates it before 1939, when Malinowski departed for Yale (taking only some of his papers with him).
154. Lise Dobrin and Ira Bashkow have provided a compelling example-the different conclusions Margaret Mead and Reo Fortune derived from their work among the Mountain Arapesh in Papua New Guinea, not least because Mead's bad ankle confined her to the village that was their headquarters during the eight months they were based there, while Fortune both moved about and was temperamentally inclined to different sorts of interactions; see Dobrin and Bashkow, "'Arapesh Warfare': Reo Fortune's Veiled Critique of Margaret Mead's Sex and Temperament," American Anthropologist, 2010, 112:370-383. Alma Gottlieb observes that ethnography is predicated on the recognition that "data are not just gathered like grapes on a vine but are also created by human effort" and "that scholars who 'produce data' are complex creatures whose perceptions and communications are shaped at every turn by the context in which they find themselves".
155. see Gottlieb, "Ethnography: Theory and Methods," in A Handbook for Social Science Field Research, ed. Ellen Perecman and Sara R. Curran (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage, 2006), pp. 47-84, on p. 48. Gottlieb is tacitly addressing those tempted to dismiss observation as epiphenomenal, as many were in recent decades.
156. A. C. Haddon, Headhunters: Black, White, and Brown (London: Methuen, 1901), p. viii.
157. Haddon is quoted in Peter Gathercole, "Cambridge and the Torres Straits, 1888-1920," Cambridge Anthropology, 1976, 3:22-31, on p. 27. At the time he organized the expedition, Haddon still held the chair in zoology in Dublin, but his teaching required him to be there for only four months of the year, and so since 1893 he had been living in Cambridge for the rest of the year and lecturing on physical anthropology on an authorized freelance basis, collecting fees directly from students.
158. see Sandra Rouse, "Expedition and Institution: A. C. Haddon and Anthropology at Cambridge," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Herle and Rouse (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Cambridge, 1996), pp. 52-55.
159. The expedition team also included C. G. Seligman, a physician who became an anthropologist; the psychologists Charles Meyers and William McDougall, Rivers's former students; Sydney Ray, an expert on languages who worked as a primary school teacher; and Anthony Wilkin, a recent veteran of Haddon's Cambridge undergraduate lectures, who died in 1901 while working on an archaeological dig.
160. W. H. R. Rivers, in Notes and Queries on Anthropology, ed. J. L. Myres and Barbara Freire-Marreco (London: Royal Anthropological Institute, 1912), p. 143. Published jointly or separately by the British Association for the Advancement of Science and the (from 1907 Royal) Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, the manual's original title was Notes and Queries on Anthropology for the Use of Travellers and Residents in Uncivilized Lands, and it was issued in 1874, 1892, 1899, 1912, 1929, and 1951.
161. See Rivers, in Notes and Queries on Anthropology, ed. Myres and Freire-Marreco, p. 143.
162. See also W. H. R. Rivers, "Report on Anthropological Research outside America," in Rivers, A. E. Jenks, and S. G. Morley, The Present Constitution and Future Needs of the Science of Anthropology (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1913), pp. 8-59, on p. 7.
163. For Rivers's concern about observers' influence on laboratory experiments see Rivers, The Influence of Alcohol and Other Drugs on Fatigue (London: Arnold, 1908), p. 71.
164. Rivers did a detailed study of an isolated people in India's Nilgiri Hills, spending "several [unquantified] months" among them in 1901-1902, producing The Todas (London: Macmillan, 1906); but he delegated anthropometric work to Edgar Thurston, superintendent of the Madras Government Museum.
165. Subsequently, he enrolled A. M. Hocart and G. C. Wheeler in a regional study, which yielded his book The History of Melanesian Society (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1914), but his plan for cooperative research was not realized. For his plan see the Rivers Papers within the Haddon Papers, Cambridge University Library, Envelope 12039.
166. See also Richard Slobodin, W. H. R. Rivers, rev. ed. (Phoenix Mill: Sutton, 1997), pp. 28-29, 40-41.
167. For one collaborative enterprise that was successful in its formal organization, paradigmatic cohesion, and problem resolution see Lyn Schumaker, Africanizing Anthropology: Fieldwork, Networks, and the Making of Cultural Knowledge in Central Africa (Durham, N.C.: Duke Univ. Press, 2001).
168. Today, some anthropologists advocate various types of team research, which for some of them means making their research scientific. For diverse programmatic statements see Philip Carl Salzman, "On Reflexivity," Amer. Anthropol., 2002, N.S., 104:805-813, esp. p. 812.
169. Laurence M. Carucci and Michèle D. Dominy, "Anthropology in the 'Savage Slot': Reflections on the Epistemology of Knowledge," Anthropol. Forum, 2005, 15:223-233.
170. Richard Feinberg, "Reflections on the Value of Ethnography," Anthropol. Forum., pp. 297-306.
171. Marianne Gullestad, "Reconfiguring Scholarly Authority," Current Anthropol., 2006, 47:915-931.
172. Luke Eric Lassiter, "Collaborative Ethnography and Public Anthropology," Current Anthropol., 2005, 46:83-106.
173. Matsutake Worlds Research Group [Anna Tsing, Mogu Mogu, Lieba Faier, Michael Hathaway, and Miyako Inoue], "A New Form of Collaboration in Cultural Anthropology: Matsutake Worlds," Amer. Ethnol., 2009, 36:380-403. Note that the "anthropologist effect," which Rivers believed the lone fieldworker would not cause, is still in evidence-seen sometimes as a problem and sometimes as a fruitful reaction, by means of which important features of social life are elicited. For these two positions see Charles F. Keyes, "The Observer Observed: Changing Identities of Ethnographers in a Northeastern Thai Village," in Fieldwork: The Human Experience, ed. Robert Lawless, Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr., and Mario D. Zamora (New York: Gordon & Breach, 1983), pp. 169-194, esp. p. 170.
174. Note that the "anthropologist effect," which Rivers believed the lone fieldworker would not cause, is still in evidence-seen sometimes as a problem and sometimes as a fruitful reaction, by means of which important features of social life are elicited. For these two positions see Charles F. Keyes, "The Observer Observed: Changing Identities of Ethnographers in a Northeastern Thai Village," in Fieldwork: The Human Experience, ed. Robert Lawless, Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr., and Mario D. Zamora (New York: Gordon & Breach, 1983), pp. 169-194, esp. p 170.
175. Jean L. Briggs, Never in Anger (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1970), which explains that the author gained insights because "I was a focus for emotional tension" (p. 4).
176. For most of the expedition's research, cash payments sufficed to elicit information, but cajoling by a government magistrate and Jack Bruce was needed to persuade islanders to become experimental subjects; see Jeremy Beckett, "Haddon Attends a Funeral: Fieldwork in Torres Strait, 1888, 1898," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Anita Herle and Rouse (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), p. 41.
177. For other illustrations of the exchange of cash (or gifts) for information see Franz Boas, Franz Boas among the Inuit of Baffin Island, 1883-1884: Journals and Letters, ed. Ludger Müller-Wille, trans. William Barr (Toronto: Univ. Toronto Press, 1998), pp. 196, 208.
178. Charles Wagley, "Learning Fieldwork: Guatemala," in Fieldwork, ed. Lawless et al., pp. 1-18.
179. Robert Redfield, 3 Nov. 1934, in Doing Fieldwork: The Correspondence of Robert Redfield and Sol Tax, ed. Robert A. Rubinstein (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 2002), p. 68.
180. In Malinowski identifies in his "Outline for Chapter on Field Techniques" Malinowski urged, "Do not bother natives unless you reward them in some way," suggesting "Don't pay in money unless necessary," since persons one paid for other services (such as household servants) would provide information incidentally.
181. W. H. R. Rivers, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, ed. A. C. Haddon, Vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1901), p. 45.
182. Franz Boas, quoted in Gregory Radick, The Simian Tongue: The Long Debate about Animal Language (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2008), p. 194.
183. See also Haddon, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, ed. Haddon, Vol. 4 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1912), p. 359.
184. Rivers, "Observations on the Senses of the Todas," British Journal of Psychology, 1905, 1:321-396, esp. p. 391.
185. Perhaps because he questioned the results of previous research on alcohol's effects, Rivers experimented on himself, concluding that alcohol induced behavioral degeneration-increased muscular strength and decreased intellectual capacity; see Rivers, The Influence of Alcohol and Other Drugs on Fatigue (London: Arnold, 1908), p. 100. In the famous Rivers-Head experiments of 1903-1908, the nerves in Henry Head's left forearm were surgically severed in 1903.
186. Rivers administered tests for the next five years. Supposedly, Head's injury effected a regression to primitive sensibility, and his (incomplete) nerve regeneration recapitulated evolution. For one summary see Ian Langham, The Building of British Social Anthropology (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1981), pp. 57-60.
187. W. H. R. Rivers, Instinct and the Unconscious (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1920), p. 82.
188. See also Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885-1945 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), pp. 165-171.
189. W. H. R. Rivers, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, ed. A. C. Haddon, Vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1901), p. 70. Ranke was the son of Johannes Ranke, the occupant of the first (and for decades the only) full chair in anthropology in Germany (in Munich), a political liberal allied with Rudolf Virchow, who argued that human physical variation had no relation to psychological or cultural variation.
190. See Benoit Massin, "From Virchow to Fischer: Physical Anthropology and 'Modern Race Theories' in Wilhelmine Germany," in Volksgeist as Method and Ethic, ed. George W. Stocking, Jr. (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1996), pp. 79-154, esp. pp. 83-89, 135.
191. Andrew D. Evans, Anthropology at War: World War I and the Science of Race in Germany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2010), esp. Ch. 2.
192. Otniel E. Dror, "Seeing the Blush: Feeling Emotions," in Histories of Observation, ed. Lorraine J. Daston and Elizabeth Lunbeck (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2011), pp. 326-348.
193. Henry Head, "William Halse Rivers Rivers, 1864-1922," Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Series B, 1924, 95:xliii.
194. Michael Foster, "Physiology," in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., Vol. 19 (Philadelphia: J. M. Stoddart, 1885), pp. 12, 13.
195. Alfred C. Haddon, An Introduction to the Study of Embryology (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston, 1887), p. 265ff.
196. On embryology see Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr., Patterns of Behavior: Konrad Lorenz, Niko Tinbergen, and the Founding of Ethology (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2005), p. 2ff.
197. On the wide acceptance of the conceptualization of the organism as an energy system, and on Spencer's definition of life, see Thomas S. Hall, Ideas of Life and Matter (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1969), Vol. 2, pp. 268-273, 317.
198. On Foster's relationship to Rivers see Richard Slobodin, W. H. R. Rivers, rev. ed. (Phoenix Mill: Sutton, 1997), p. 11.
199. See also Roy MacLeod, "Embryology and Empire: The Balfour Students and the Quest for Intermediate Forms in the Laboratory of the Pacific," in Darwin's Laboratory, ed. MacLeod and Philip E. Rehbock (Honolulu: Univ. Hawaii Press, 1994), pp. 140-165.
200. On the gross similarities between Spencer's and Foster's ideas see Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 1978), p. 353n. Spencer was a formative influence on Rivers, both directly and indirectly. After qualifying as a physician, Rivers voyaged to the east as a ship's doctor, occupying his spare time reading Spencer's works. Subsequently, he met Head when he became a resident in the service of the Spencerian neurologist John Hughlings Jackson.
201. see Head, "William Halse Rivers Rivers, 1864-1922."
202. For Rivers's views on Freud see, e.g., W. H. R. Rivers, Conflict and Dream (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1923), p. 144.
203. See, e.g., William Robert Grove, Presidential Address to the British Association for the Advancement of Science in 1866, in Report of the Thirty-sixth Meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (London: John Murray, 1867), p. lxii.
204. See Seligman to William Pember Reeves, Director of the London School of Economics, 20 June 1912, MP 27/1; this is a plea for funds that would enable Malinowski to make his first field trip (which Seligman then hoped would be to the Sudan). On Westermarck see Malinowski to Kittredge, 4 Mar. 1932, MP 8/5. In Westermarck's definition, sociology included anthropology (and Westermarck promoted the young Malinowski in sociological circles). See Edward Westermarck, "Sociology as a University Study," in Inauguration of the Martin White Professorships in Sociology (London: John Murray for the University of London, 1908), pp. 24-32; and Westermarck to Malinowski, 5 July 1923, MP 29/20.
205. Malinowski to Haddon, 1916, quoted in George W. Stocking, Jr., The Ethnographer's Magic and Other Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1992), p. 50.
206. Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922; New York: Dutton, 1961), p. 14.
207. Rivers's influence was evident in Malinowski's earliest reports. See, e.g., Malinowski, "Baloma: The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands," J. Royal Anthropol. Inst., 1916, 46:353-430. Being unobtrusive meant, among other things, avoiding direct questioning about matters of belief-which could be inferred from factual evidence about customary practices-and taking advantage of one's understanding of the local language to eavesdrop rather than ask questions.
208. see Malinowski, The Natives of Mailu (1915; London: Routledge, 1988), pp. 109, 275.
209. See also Malinowski to W. H. R. Rivers, 15 Oct. 1915, in the Rivers Papers within the Haddon Papers, Cambridge University Library, Envelope 12055. For evidence that Malinowski frequently read Rivers for inspiration see Bronislaw Malinowski, A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term (1967; Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1989), entry for 2 Sept. 1915, p. 84.
210. Robert J. Thornton and Peter Skalník, "Introduction," in The Early Writings of Bronislaw Malinowski, ed. Thornton and Skalník, trans. Ludwik Krzyzanowski (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1993), pp. 1-64, on p. 26.
211. Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacific, p. 20. In the early nineteenth century, the term "personal equation" denoted differences in transit times recorded by astronomers observing the same events. Subsequently, experimental psychologists made the phenomenon a subject of inquiry.
212. One account is Simon Schaffer, "Astronomers Mark Time: Discipline and the Personal Equation," Science in Context, 1988, 2:115-145. Note that Franz Boas, whose early activities included psychophysics, also attended to perceptions.
213. see George W. Stocking, Jr., "The Basic Assumptions of Boasian Anthropology," in The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883-1911 (New York: Basic, 1974), pp. 1-20, esp. p. 3.
214. Bronislaw Malinowski, unpublished address given to the Psychological Society of the University of London, 24 Nov. 1935; quoted in Michael W. Young, Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884-1920 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2004), p. 49.
215. On the history of anthropologists' views of language see Thomas Trautmann, "The Whole History of Kinship Terminology in Three Chapters," Anthropological Theory, 2001, 1:268-287, esp. p. 282.
216. Anna Shnukal, "At the Australian-Papuan Linguistic Boundary: Sidney Ray's Classification of Torres Strait Languages," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Herle and Rouse (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 181-200, esp. pp. 190-191.
217. Bronislaw Malinowski, A Diary in the Strict Sense of the Term (1967; Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1989), entries for 11 Feb. 1914 (written during his Mailu fieldwork) and 26 Nov. 1917 (written in the Trobriands), pp. 33, 131.
218. At Cracow's Jagiellonian University, Malinowski initially studied physics and mathematics, but he wrote a Ph.D. thesis in philosophy, supervised by a historian of philosophy. See Andrzej K. Paluch, "The Polish Background to Malinowski's Work," Man, 1981, N.S., 16:276-285, esp. p. 278.
219. Michael W. Young, Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884-1920 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2004), esp. pp. 79-81, 494-492. Malinowski died at fifty-eight, in 1942. He was obsessed with health throughout his life-his own and that of his first wife, Elsie, who succumbed to multiple sclerosis in 1935, at forty-five. Seligman's relationship with Malinowski was evidently sustained by his willingness to dispense medical advice to both husband and wife. Rivers also had a lifetime of health problems; he too died at fifty-eight, in 1922.
220. Bronislaw Malinowski, Sex and Repression in Savage Society (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1927), pp. 182, 176; see also pp. 157-172. Malinowski's differences with Freud were both with Freud's identification of basic drives (he thought Freud exaggerated the importance of sexual impulses and ignored other instincts) and with the Lamarckian evolutionism that underpinned Freud's arguments, making, say, development of an Oedipus complex a universal feature of human males' maturation, built into their developmental program through a specific historical experience at the dawn of the species' existence (an argument substantiated with reference to anthropological texts of the nineteenth-century armchair variety, grounded in a unilinear evolutionary model, which Malinowski's variant of anthropology was designed to discredit). Note that Malinowski agitated to get a Nobel Prize for Freud (for academic and political reasons, it was to be a peace prize).
221. see Malinowski to Seligman, 4 Oct. 1938, MP 27/7. For an account that both chronicles Malinowski's thinking and explains his personality structure in Freudian terms see George W. Stocking, Jr., "Anthropology and the Science of the Irrational: Malinowski's Encounter with Freudian Analysis," in Malinowski, Rivers, Benedict, and Others, ed. Stocking (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1986), pp. 13-49. Malinowski also invoked the British psychologist A. F. Shand, who described the interaction between psychological and sociological factors.
222. see Malinowski, Sex and Repression in Savage Society, p. 175ff.
223. Rivers argued that some social phenomena were irreducible to psychological or biological factors, but his student Radcliffe-Brown made irreducibility a defining property of sociocultural anthropology. Radcliffe-Brown asserted that Malinowski's theory presumed that all societies were essentially identical, precluding understanding of humankind's "manifold diversity".
224. see A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "A Note on Functional Anthropology," Man, 1946, 46:38-41, on p. 40.
225. George W. Stocking, Jr., The Ethnographer's Magic and Other Essays in the History of Anthropology (Madison: Univ. Wisconsin Press, 1992), p. 17.
226. Claude Lévi-Strauss, The Scope of Anthropology (London: Cape, 1967), p. 14.
227. On van Gennep see Emmanuelle Sibeud, "The Metamorphosis of Ethnology in France, 1839-1930," in New History of Anthropology, ed. Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 96-110, esp. p. 101. Note that German anthropologists also took to the field enthusiastically in the early years of the twentieth century, albeit largely in big expeditions mounted by museums.
228. see Andrew D. Evans, Anthropology at War: World War I and the Science of Race in Germany (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 2010), Ch. 4.
229. In general, twentieth-century sociocultural anthropologists turned against previous efforts to plot a unilinear course of evolutionary development that obtained in societies everywhere, at all times. Malinowski's functionalist approach prevailed in Britain and appealed elsewhere; its object was not historical reconstruction but analysis of the ways that any given society's component parts interacted, making the whole what Meyer Fortes memorably termed a "going concern." See Henrika Kuklick, The Savage Within: The Social History of British Anthropology, 1885-1945 (New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1991), pp. 72-73, 120-121
230. passim. For analysis of the differences between British and American approaches see George W. Stocking, Jr., "The Basic Assumptions of Boasian Anthropology," in The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883-1911 (New York: Basic, 1974). Malinowski's problematic personal relationships with some of his students ranged from the intermittently difficult (as with Meyer Fortes) to the consistently antagonistic (as with E. E. Evans-Pritchard). It is of some interest that Evans-Pritchard's differences with Malinowski were purely personal; as Malcolm Crick wrote to Phyllis Kaberry, in Evans-Pritchard's last Oxford lecture he said that though "he hated Malinowski and liked Radcliffe-Brown, Malinowski did a great deal to advance anthropology, whereas Radcliffe-Brown did nothing": Crick to Kaberry, 24 Nov. 1972, Richards Papers, London School of Economics and Political Science, File 17/1. Malinowski's relations with his early mentors worsened over time. Consider their reluctance to endorse his election to the Royal Society. On 21 Nov. 1933 Arthur Keith, an eminent physical anthropologist who judged Malinowski "the keenest brain in anthropology," urged Seligman to propose Malinowski's election, but Seligman refused: Keith to Malinowski, 25 July 1928, Malinowski Papers, Yale University Archives, New Haven, Connecticut, MS 19, Box 4. On 27 Nov. 1933 Haddon told Seligman that he was not prepared to move Malinowski's election himself but would second a motion, saying, "As I have said before, I do not trust Malinowski": Haddon to Seligman, 27 Nov. 1933, MP 27/6. The election became moot. See also Seligman to Haddon, 25 Nov. 1933, MP 27/6. Seligman bore some responsibility for their troubled relationship, however, quarreling with Malinowski over the LSE curriculum and reproaching him for his failures as an academic citizen. Perhaps his most outrageous act was collaborating with Joseph Oldham, director of the International Institute of African Languages and Cultures, in censoring an article of Malinowski's prior to its 1929 publication in the institute journal, Africa; he claimed that they acted to make the article "as little harmful as possible" to the reputation of the discipline of anthropology: Seligman to Malinowski, 5 Aug. 1931, MP 27/4.
231. For posthumous criticisms of Malinowski see, e.g., A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "A Note on Functional Anthropology," Man, 1946, 46:39.
232. Clyde Kluckhohn, "Bronislaw Malinowski, 1884-1942," Journal of American Folklore, 1943, 56:2008-2019, which granted the quality of Malinowski's fieldwork but argued that he had been credited with innovations made by Boasians, who lacked his devotion to self-promotion.
233. For recent anthropologists' perspective see Robert A. Rubinstein, "Introduction," in Doing Fieldwork, ed. Rubinstein (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction, 2002), pp. 1-35, on p. 14.
234. Charles Wagley, "Learning Fieldwork: Guatemala," in Fieldwork, ed. Lawless et al., pp. 1-18.
235. For outlines of anthropology's torturous paths to institutional security in Britain, Germany, and France, respectively, see Henrika Kuklick, "The British Tradition," in New History of Anthropology, ed. Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 52-78.
236. H. Glenn Penny, "Traditions in the German Language," in A New History of Anthropology, ed. Henrika Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 79-95, esp. pp. 83-89
237. Emmanuelle Sibeud, "The Metamorphosis of Ethnology in France, 1839-1930," in New History of Anthropology, ed. Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), pp. 96-110, esp. p. 101. There is no clearer illustration of the difficulties of making an anthropological career in the United States at the turn of the twentieth century than the struggles of Franz Boas.
238. see Douglas Cole, Franz Boas: The Early Years, 1858-1906 (Seattle: Univ. Washington Press, 1999), pp. 188-203. For one illustration of early twentieth-century anthropologists' insecure professional status, note the relatively low pay of the two anthropologists employed by the Geological Survey of Canada's Arctic Expedition of 1913-1918: the Frenchman Henri Beuchat, a recognized scholar (his collaborators included Marcel Mauss) who was doing his first (and last) fieldwork (he disappeared in the field).
239. the New Zealander Diamond Jenness, a relative neophyte. See Stuart E. Jenness, Arctic Odyssey: The Diary of Diamond Jenness, 1913-1916 (Hull, Quebec: Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1991), p. xxxi.
240. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "The Methods of Ethnology and Social Anthropology" (1923), in Method in Social Anthropology, ed. M. N. Srinivas (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 3-38, on p. 34.
241. Radcliffe-Brown's identification as Rivers's student endured to appear on the dust jacket of the posthumously published volume A Natural Science of Society (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1957), collecting his addresses to a 1937 University of Chicago faculty seminar.
242. In 1924, two years after Rivers's death, Malinowski declined to review a posthumous book, even though it was a product of the enthusiasm for the diffusionist school that Rivers developed late in his career and Malinowski engaged in energetic dispute with living diffusionists; see Malinowski to Margaret Green, subeditor of the New Leader, 8 May 1924, MP 18/9. In his teaching he expressed reservations about Rivers's "genealogical method" (to be discussed shortly), which he eventually made public. See lecture notes presumably written in 1926 (Malinowski wrote many notes on the backs of various papers, which date them), MP 23/1 (iii).
243. Bronislaw Malinowski, "Must Kinship Be Dehumanized by Mock Algebra?" Man, 1930, 30:19-29.
244. See A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "The Present Position of Anthropological Studies" (1931), in Method in Social Anthropology, ed. Srinivas (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 42-95, esp. p. 66. During their early careers, Malinowski and Radcliffe-Brown were allies. See Radcliffe-Brown (from Cape Town) to Malinowski, 22 May 1923; and Radcliffe-Brown (from Sydney) to Malinowski, 3 Jan. 1929: MP 7/10. But competition between them grew. See Malinowski to Seligman, 16 Feb. 1932, MP 27/5, saying that Radcliffe-Brown (then at Chicago) ought not to be consulted, since "He thinks only of himself"; and W. Lloyd Warner to Malinowski, 3 Oct. 1932, MP 29/20, attempting to broker peace between the two men for the sake of the discipline. Radcliffe-Brown was no less extravagant a personality.
245. when he became Oxford's professor of social anthropology in 1937 he attempted to impose his will on the discipline, prompting the British Museum's William Fagg to call him "our own sociology Hitler": quoted in David Mills argues in Difficult Folk? A Political History of Social Anthropology (New York: Berghahn, 2008), p. 60.
246. By 1930 Malinowski's work had been translated into French, German, and Spanish, and he thought of himself as an actor on an international stage; see Malinowski to John Van Sickle of the Rockefeller Foundation, 11 Feb. 1932, MP 8/1. For fellowship selection criteria see Kittredge to Malinowski, 6 May 1932, MP 8/5. Malinowski had little enthusiasm for some of the students he owed to Rockefeller largesse, but he turned foundation biases to his own purposes: see Malinowski to Kittredge, 24 June 1933, and Kittredge to Malinowski, 4 Aug. 1933, both in MP 8/5, debating the case of Hilda Beemer (later Kuper), whom Kittredge imagined too consumed by romantic interests to become a serious anthropologist and Malinowski argued had a certain academic future in South Africa.
247. As Maureen Harkin explains, Adam Smith and other Scottish Enlightenment thinkers judged that "savages" lacked "sympathy" owing to their "paucity of resources," because "sympathy, feeling for others, depends on the kind of material surplus that is only possible in the latter stages of historical development": Harkin, "Adam Smith's Missing History: Primitives, Progress, and Problems of Genre," English Literary History, 2005, 72:429-451, on pp. 438, 439.
248. Greg Myers observed that Scottish Enlightenment notions inspired nineteenthcentury physicists: Myers, "Nineteenth-Century Popularizations of Thermodynamics and the Rhetoric of Social Prophesy," Victorian Studies, 1985, 29:35-66.
249. Karl Marx, quoted in Anson Rabinbach, The Human Motor (New York: Basic, 1990), p. 79.
250. Robert Michael Brain, "The Pulse of Modernism: Experimental Physiology and Aesthetic Avant-Gardes circa 1900," Studies in the History and Philosophy of Science, 2008, 39:393-417.
251. Diana Maltz, "Engaging 'Delicate Brains': From Working-Class Enculturation to Upper-Class Lesbian Liberation in Vernon Lee and Kit Anstruther-Thomson's Psychological Aesthetics," in Women and British Aestheticism, ed. Talia Schaffer and Kathy Alexis Psomiades (Charlottesville: Univ. Press Virginia, 1999), pp. 211-229.
252. Susan Lanzoni, "Practicing Psychology in the Art Gallery: Vernon Lee's Aesthetics of Empathy," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences, 2009, 45:330-354.
253. Baron Coubertin (1913), quoted in Robert A. Nye, "Degeneration, Neurasthenia, and the Culture of Sport in Belle Époque France," Journal of Contemporary History, 1982, 17:51-68, on p. 62.
254. Philip J. Pauly, Biologists and the Promise of American Life (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univ. Press, 2000), pp. 179, 182. Coubertin admired the British public school cult of character-building sports.
255. see J. A. Mangan, Athleticism and the Victorian and Edwardian Public School (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981), p. 16. Nye understands the cult of athleticism as international and shows that it grew throughout the nineteenth century, intensifying-along with the fear of degeneration-at the century's end.
256. In this regard, Rivers was more progressive than Haddon in 1898. Haddon granted that the various characteristics of human types were independently assorted, each type having some apparently primitive and some apparently advanced traits, but he argued that "there can be no doubt that, on the whole, the white race has progressed beyond the black race": A. C. Haddon, Study of Man (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898), p. xxii.
257. But by 1935, when the first volume of Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1935) was (finally) published, Haddon had disavowed correlations of race and culture, and the volume-originally intended to be devoted to physical anthropology-contained only three pages on it.
258. see Anita Herle and Sandra Rouse, "Introduction," in Cambridge and the Torres Strait, ed. Herle and Rouse (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 1-22, esp. p. 20ff.
259. W. H. R. Rivers, "The Genealogical Method of Anthropological Inquiry," in Kinship and Social Organization (1910; London: Athlone, 1968), pp. 97-109, on p. 107.
260. Anthropologists' anxieties that their expertise might be challenged by persons with long residence in their research domains persisted as late as 1951; in the sixth edition of Notes and Queries on Anthropology (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1951), an unidentified writer observed, "It is necessary to add a warning that long residence in a community, whether as missionary, government official, medical officer, trader, or settler, does not by itself qualify anyone to speak with authority about its social activities" (p. 31).
261. In order, these quotations come from E. E. Evans-Pritchard, quoted in a film produced and directed by Andre Singer, Strange Beliefs: Sir Edward Evans-Pritchard, shown on television in the 1990s and available online at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v_8q9HyONL_10&feature_email.
262. Tim Ingold, "Anthropology Is Not Ethnography," Proceedings of the British Academy, 2008, 154:69-92, on p. 82.
263. Philip Carl Salzman, "On Reflexivity," Amer. Anthropol., 2002, N.S., 104:805-813, p. 808.
264. Evans-Pritchard, quoted in Strange Beliefs, following his statement that "to understand the Nuer, you've got to learn to think like a Nuer, to feel as a Nuer, in a kind of way to be a Nuer." Coming to anthropology with an undergraduate degree in history, Evans-Pritchard was Seligman's student.
265. in the post-World War II period, he led many British anthropologists to decide that anthropology was not a science. Statements resembling those quoted are found in Evans-Pritchard, "Fieldwork and the Empirical Tradition" (1950), in Social Anthropology and Other Essays (New York: Free Press, 1962), pp. 64-85.
266. I thank Dana Holland for the first observation. The quotation is from Nancy Parezo, "Reassessing Anthropology's Maverick: The Archaeological Fieldwork of Frank Hamilton Cushing," Amer. Ethnol., 2007, 34:575-580, on p. 576.
267. Note, for example, the remarkable careers of students affiliated with the Harvard Chiapas Project from 1957 to 1980.
268. see Evon Z. Vogt, Fieldwork among the Maya (Albuquerque: Univ. New Mexico Press, 1994), pp. 431-437. There are signs of change, however, not least because in the relatively recent past graduate students have demanded that methodological instruction replace the "sink or swim" initiation approach.
269. see Stanley Barrett, Anthropology: A Student's Guide to Theory and Method (Toronto: Univ. Toronto Press, 1996), p. 107. Fieldwork Methods (before 1998, Cultural Anthropology Methods), a nominally international journal (with largely American editors) devoted to field methodology, has been published since 1989. Many departments currently require students to do some sort of fieldwork early in their graduate careers. The American Anthropological Association now publicizes special short-term field method courses for sociocultural anthropologists, at least one of which has been in recurrent operation since 1994.
270. see http://www.qualquant.net/training/. And some departments, including those at Chicago, Illinois (Urbana), the LSE, and Michigan, offer practical courses. But students can complete Ph.D.'s in sociocultural anthropology in high-ranked departments without taking methods courses, and it is still respectable to proclaim to a professional audience that field method cannot be taught.
271. the full gamut of opinion on the teachability of field method was represented at a recent session of the American Anthropological Association, "The 'Training' Problem in Sociocultural Anthropology: Methods Courses and the Politics of Method in Anthropology Today and Tomorrow," 3 Dec. 2009, Philadelphia. For discussion of the persistence of the "sink or swim" approach in the journal of the European Association of Social Anthropologists see Rajni Palriwala, "Fieldwork in a Post-Colonial Anthropology: Experience and the Comparative," Social Anthropology, 2005, 13:151-170, esp. p. 154.
272. The European social roles Malinowski identifies in his "Outline for Chapter on Field Techniques" are those with which non-Westerners were likely to have been familiar-"government official, missionary, school teacher, trader": unpublished and undated typescript, MP 23/26; its presence in the LSE archives dates it before 1939, when Malinowski departed for Yale (taking only some of his papers with him).
273. Both Seligman and Malinowski taught field method. On Malinowski's students' preparation see David Mills argues in Difficult Folk? A Political History of Social Anthropology (New York: Berghahn, 2008), p. 34. For Malinowski's correspondence with his students when they were in the field see MP 7/19 and MP 7/21.
274. Malinowski's notes for a lecture on fieldwork, ca. 1926, in MP 23/1 (iii). See also Malinowski to Lucy Mair, 6 Jan. 1932, Malinowski Papers, Yale University Archives, MS 19, Box 5.
275. For one reiteration of the historical accident that led to Malinowski's extended fieldwork see David M. Hoffman and Andrew M. Gardner, "Fieldwork and Writing from the Field," in Dispatches from the Field (Long Grove, Ill: Waveland, 2006), pp. 1-13.
276. On his funding from the Australian government see Michael W. Young, Malinowski: Odyssey of an Anthropologist, 1884-1920 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 2004), pp. 245ff, 437.
277. See also Malinowski to Atlee Hunt, Secretary, Department of External Affairs, 28 Apr. 1915; and Hunt to Malinowski, 4 May 1915: Malinowski Papers, Yale University Archives, MS 19, Box 4.
278. See Kate Jackson on her lack of preparation for fieldwork in herpetology: Kate Jackson, Mean and Lowly Things: Snakes, Science, and Survival in the Congo (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 2008), p. 12.
279. Consider, by contrast, the standardized training for fieldwork in geology, described in Maxwell Gage and Simon Nathan, A Geologist Remembers (Wellington: Geological Society of New Zealand, 1999).
280. in field linguistics, described in R. M. W. Dixon, Searching for Aboriginal Languages (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1984).
281. in earth science, described in Sara Delamont and Paul Atkinson, "Doctoring Uncertainty: Mastering Craft Knowledge," Soc. Stud. Sci., 2001, 31:87-107.
282. in ethology, described in Helen Macdonald, "Covert Naturalists," posted 3 Nov. 2009 on her blog: http://fretmarks.blogspot.com/2009/11/covert-naturalists.html.
283. See also the painstakingly detailed field instructions available to practitioners of human biology, an interdisciplinary enterprise that includes biological anthropologists-e.g., J. S. Weiner, Human Biology: A Guide to Field Methods (Philadelphia: Davis, 1969). Archaeologists have also been schooled in their subdiscipline's field practices; sociocultural anthropology is the only anthropological subdiscipline that has avoided routinizing formal preparation.
284. On production of this manual see Emmanuelle Sibeud, "The Metamorphosis of Ethnology in France, 1839-1930," in New History of Anthropology, ed. Kuklick (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2008), p. 106.
285. It was republished in Gradhiva, Winter 1988, 5:57-71.
286. I thank Edgar Krebs for the translation and the citation. Alfred Kroeber was responding to Charles Wagley's request for advice about a course in research methods he was developing at Columbia.
287. see Charles Wagley, "Learning Fieldwork: Guatemala," in Fieldwork, ed. Lawless et al., p. 1.
288. Clifford Geertz is quoted in Rena Lederman, "Comparative 'Research': A Modest Proposal concerning the Object of Ethics Regulation," Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 2007, 30:305-327, on p. 305.
289. See Wagley, "Learning Fieldwork," on his years as a graduate student at Columbia in the 1930s.
290. Jeremy Boissevain, "Fieldwork in Malta," in Being an Anthropologist, ed. George D. Spindler (New York: Holt, Reinhardt & Winston, 1970), p. 79. An LSE student, Boissevain consulted the Malinowski archive around 1960. Apparently, apprentice sociocultural anthropologists in Britain were not urged to consult the 1951 edition of Notes and Queries on Anthropology, although notables (including Radcliffe-Brown, Evans-Pritchard, Firth, Fortes, and Daryll Forde) were responsible for its "sociology" section. Lack of pedagogic use may explain why this was the last edition.
291. Chris Shore, "Fictions of Fieldwork," in Being There, ed. C. W. Watson (London: Pluto, 1999), pp. 25-48, on p. 33. Brian Daniels told me the last of Evans-Pritchard's maxims. See the post by "Rex" on the blog written by anthropologists, "Savage Minds," 23 Mar. 2009, http://savageminds.org/2009/03/23/stories-of-the-fieldsome-bibliographic-notes/. Recent aphorisms, apparently often conveyed as asides, reported by "Strong" on "Savage Minds," 29 Apr. 2008, include "Don't eat unwashed lettuce" and "Never refuse an invitation": http://savageminds.org/2008/04/29/fieldwork-aphorisms/.
292. Malinowski to L. Mair, 6 Jan. 1932, Malinowski Papers, Yale University Archives, MS 19, Box 5.
293. Clifford Geertz is quoted in Rena Lederman, "Comparative 'Research': A Modest Proposal concerning the Object of Ethics Regulation," Political and Legal Anthropology Review, 2007, 30, p. 306.
294. Simon Coleman and Peter Collins, eds., Locating the Field (Oxford: Berg, 2006), p. 7.
295. Kim Fortun, "Figuring Out Ethnography," in Fieldwork Is Not What It Used to Be, ed. James D. Faubion and George E. Marcus (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Univ. Press, 2009), pp. 167-183, on p. 171.
296. For one discussion of this issue see Tim Ingold, "Anthropology Is Not Ethnography," Proceedings of the British Academy, 2008, 154:69-92, on p. 82.
297. For a notable early effort to qualify cultural relativism see Edward Sapir, "Culture, Genuine and Spurious," American Journal of Sociology, 1924, 29:401-429.
298. See, e.g., Malinowski, "Baloma: The Spirits of the Dead in the Trobriand Islands," J. Royal Anthropol. Inst., 1916, 46, p. 413
299. (for Malinowski's anxieties about his loss of moral tone see American Journal of Sociology, n. 94).
300. Margaret Read to Malinowski, 22 Jan. 1935, MP 7/21, saying that she hesitated to speak of "progress," knowing that he hated the very word. For specimens of Rivers's thinking about cultural and psychological degeneration, respectively, see W. H. R. Rivers, "The Disappearance of Useful Arts," rpt. in Psychology and Ethnology, ed. G. Elliot Smith (1912; London: Kegan, Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1926), pp. 190-210.
301. Rivers, "The Psychological Factor," in Essays on the Depopulation of Melanesia, ed. Rivers (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1922), pp. 84-113.