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Volumn 18, Issue 2, 2009, Pages 183-213

Introduction to security studies: Feminist contributions

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EID: 70449574227     PISSN: 09636412     EISSN: 15561852     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09636410902900129     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (108)

References (229)
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    • I do not use this term with any essential content and am hesitant to use it at all for fear of reifying/reproducing a dichotomy the existence of which is problematic for me and for the other authors in this special issue. Still, as discussed below, there are problems with ignoring disciplinary power dynamics and terminology as well. The mainstream for the purposes of this article refers to what Ole Waever labels the neo-neo synthesis where during the 1980s, realism became neo-realism and liberalism neoliberal institutionalism. Both underwent a self-limiting redefinition towards anti-metaphysical, theoretical minimalism, and they became thereby increasingly compatible... no longer were realism and liberalism 'incommensurable'-on the contrary they shared a 'rationalist' research programme. See Ole Waever, The Rise and Fall of the Interparadigm Debate, in International Theory: Positivism and Beyond, eds., Steve Smith, Ken Booth, and Marysia Zalewski (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 149-85.
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    • Cynthia Weber argues that wherever the feminist body of literature threatens to overflow the boundaries within which the discipline of International Relations has sought to confine it... [the mainstream] works to reimpose these boundaries or invent new ones. See Cynthia Weber, Good Girls, Little Girls, Bad Girls: Male Paranoia in Robert Keohane's Critique of Feminist International Relations, Millennium: Journal of International Studies 23, no. 2 (June 1994): 337-49, 337.
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    • note
    • Women in privileged positions in international security policy making remain rare (and are often identified primarily by their gender when they do reach those positions), and entire scholarly texts can be found with no reference to women or gender at all.
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    • note
    • This statistic counts International Security, Security Studies, International Security Review, Issues in International Security, and Security Dialogue as of early 2006. The statistic makes it appear as if the first four journals do a better job on this issue than they do and is unfair to Security Dialogue, which published more than half of the security work which addressed issues of gender. These observations are the result of a personal count and any counting error is mine alone.
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    • Concerning Iraq, see Judy El-Bushra, Feminism, Gender, and Women's Peace Activism, Development and Change 38, no. 1 (January 2007): 131-47
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    • note, eds., Dubravka Zarkov and Cynthia Cockburn, London: Lawrence and Wishart
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    • ed. Laura Sjoberg, New York: Routledge, forthcoming
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    • Most typologies leave out a feminist/realist approach from their list of types of feminist theories. Still, several feminists have suggested that the research programs have potentially fruitful commonalities- for example, Sandra Whitworth, Gender and the Interparadigm Debate, Millennium: Journal of International Studies 18, no. 2 (June 1989): 265-72
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    • For example, liberal feminists have tested the relationship between woman-inclusive policies at the domestic level and a state's violence internationally, arguing that states will be less violent if and when women are integrated into their structures. See Mary Caprioli and Mark Boyer, Gender, Violence, and International Crisis, Journal of Conflict Resolution 45, no. 4 (August 2001): 503-18.
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    • Feminists have argued that Carpenter's approach to studying gender from a non-feminist perspective relies on failing to interrogate the naturalness of sex, making it fundamentally at odds with feminist approaches whose work is built on a critique of the assumed immutability of the male/female dichotomy. Lauren Wilcox makes this argument most articulately in a yet-unpublished manuscript, What Difference Gender Makes: Ontologies of Gender and Dualism in IR.
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    • Marysia Zalewski explains the problem as an issue of not paying attention to existing theorizing, asserting that to suggest that one might make scholarly inquiries about woman or man through gender that do not engage the abundance of existing theoretical analyses runs the risk of saying nothing at all. Zalewski's concern is that (when it is not about feminism) entirely ignoring a canon of literature decades in the making is generally a losing method for theoretical development. See Marysia Zalewski, 'Women's Troubles' Again in IR, International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 287-302.
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    • Alexander Wendt, On Constitution and Causation in International Relations, Review of International Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1998), 105. As such, Wendt argues, the answers to constitutive questions must support a counterfactual claim of necessity, namely that in the absence of the structures to which we are appealing the properties in question would not exist.
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    • Alexander Wendt, On Constitution and Causation in International Relations, Review of International Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1998), 105-106.
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    • note, January
    • Still, the counterfactual proof for constitutive claims is different than that for causal claims, it is conceptual or logical, not causal or natural. Alexander Wendt, On Constitution and Causation in International Relations, Review of International Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1998), 106.
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    • Alexander Wendt, On Constitution and Causation in International Relations, Review of International Studies 24, no. 1 (January 1998) 105.
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    • See also Susan B. Boyd, ed. Challenging the Public/Private Divide (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997).
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    • Golan, Militarization and Gender, 582. Additionally, it is easier for women to get an exemption from service, women serve far less time, women complete a shorter basic training, and women do virtually no reserve duty (while men are obligated to the reserves for thirty years). The result is that even this military, which conscripts women, is male-dominated, both in absolute numbers and in terms of positions of power.
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    • Golan1
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    • Catherine Hoskyns and Shirin Rai, Recasting the Global Political Economy: Counting Women's Unpaid Work, New Political Economy 12, no. 3 (September 2007): 297-317.
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    • Summer, 1,290
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    • eds., Steven Lee and Sohail Hashmi, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
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    • Robert Keohane, in his 1988 International Studies Association Presidential Address, International Institutions: Two Approaches, described a divide between rationalists and reflectivists.
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    • Jill Steans, Engaging from the Margins: Feminist Encounters with the Mainstream of International Relations, British Journal of Politics and International Relations 5, no. 3 (August 2003): 428-54.
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    • Marysia Zalewski, Do We Understand Each Other Yet? Troubling Feminist Encounters With(in) International Relations, British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 2 (May 2007): 302-12.
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    • note
    • Tickner, Continuing the Conversation, 207. Tickner notes these difficulties, explaining, in the U.S. at least, where to locate oneself epistemologically or methodologically depends not only on the condition of world politics, the state of knowledge, and the nature of the problem to be investigated, as Keohane claims, but also on deeper issues of disciplinary legitimacy and career risks to which I referred earlier.
    • Continuing the Conversation , pp. 207
    • Tickner1
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    • note
    • For example, in Gender in International Relations, Tickner uses a wealth of examples in chapters on security, political economy, and the environment. This constructive engagement strategy (my words, not theirs) was common in early work in feminist IR, including (but not limited to) the work of Spike Peterson, Anne Runyan, Sandra Whitworth, Cynthia Enloe, and Francine D'Amico.
  • 187
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    • Marianne H. Marchand, Different Communities/Different Realities/Different Encounters: A Reply to J. Ann Tickner, International Studies Quarterly 42, no. 1 (March 1998): 199-204.
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    • C.A.S.E. Collective, December
    • C.A.S.E. Collective, Critical Approaches to Security in Europe: A Networked Manifesto, Security Dialogue 37, no. 4 (December 2006): 443-87.
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    • Christine Sylvester, Anatomy of a Footnote, Security Dialogue 38, no. 4 (December 2007): 547-58.
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    • United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Human Development Report 1994: New Dimensions of Human Security, accessed at http://hdr.undp.org/en/reports/global/hdr1994/, 19 October 2008.
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    • Thanh-Dam Truong, Saskia Wieringa, and Amrita Chhachhi, ed., Engendering Human Security (London: Zed Books, 2006), xii.
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    • Gunhild Hoogensen and Svein Rottem, Gender Identity and the Subject of Security, Security Dialogue 35, no. 2 (June 2004): 155-71
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    • Gunhild Hoogensen and Kirsti Stuvoy, Gender, Resistance, and Human Security, Security Dialogue 37, no. 2 (June 2006): 207-28.
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    • Roland Paris, Human Security: Paradigm Shift or Hot Air? International Security 26, no. 2 (Fall 2001): 87-102.
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    • September
    • Barry Buzan, What is Human Security? A Reductionist, Idealistic Notion that Adds Little Analytical Value, Security Dialogue 35, no. 3 (September 2004): 369-70.
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    • Identity and Security: Buzan and the Copenhagen School
    • note, January
    • This term was coined in Bill McSweeney, Identity and Security: Buzan and the Copenhagen School, Review of International Studies 22, no. 1 (January 1996): 86-93.
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    • Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2, note
    • Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983), 1, 2. This book has been republished (edited, with different subtitles) several times since its original publication. I use this version to chronicle the development of the Copenhagen School.
    • (1983) People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations , pp. 1
    • Buzan, B.1
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    • Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983) 2. This book has been republished (edited, with different subtitles) several times since its original publication. I use this version to chronicle the development of the Copenhagen School.
    • (1983) People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations , pp. 2
    • Buzan, B.1
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    • Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, note
    • Barry Buzan, People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1983) 19. This book has been republished (edited, with different subtitles) several times since its original publication. I use this version to chronicle the development of the Copenhagen School.
    • (1983) People, States, and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations , pp. 19
    • Buzan, B.1
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    • Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and International Politics,
    • December
    • Michael C. Williams, Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and International Politics, International Studies Quarterly 47, no. 4 (December 2003): 511-31.
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    • Williams, M.C.1
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    • note
    • Securitizing actors are defined by Buzan et al. as someone, or a group, who performs the speech act. This could be governments, individuals, military groups, etc.
  • 216
    • 18844384385 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Blair's Africa: The Politics of Securitization and Fear
    • January-March
    • Rita Abrahamson, Blair's Africa: the Politics of Securitization and Fear, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 30, no. 1 (January-March 2005): 55-80
    • (2005) Alternatives: Global, Local, Political , vol.30 , Issue.1 , pp. 55-80
    • Abrahamson, R.1
  • 217
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    • The House of IR: From Family Power Politics to the Poisies of Worldism
    • note, December
    • See for example, Anna M. Agathangelou and L. H. M. Ling, The House of IR: From Family Power Politics to the Poisies of Worldism, International Studies Review 6, no. 4 (December 2004): 21-50.
    • (2004) International Studies Review , vol.6 , Issue.4 , pp. 21-50
    • Agathangelou, A.M.1    Ling, L.H.M.2
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    • The Little Mermaid's Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School
    • note, June
    • See Lene Hansen, The Little Mermaid's Silent Security Dilemma and the Absence of Gender in the Copenhagen School, Millennium: Journal of International Studies 29, no. 2 (June 2000): 285-306
    • (2000) Millennium: Journal of International Studies , vol.29 , Issue.2 , pp. 285-306
    • Hansen, L.1
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    • note
    • Hansen, The Little Mermaid, 286. Here, Hansen is interested in how securitization is consumed-arguing that emotion is necessary to understand how people come to believe something is a security issue.
    • The Little Mermaid , pp. 286
    • Hansen1


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