Is the world our campus? International students and U.S. global power in the longtwentieth century

Diplomatic History

Volumn 33, Issue 5, 2009, Pages 775-806

  Kramer, Paul A ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 70350733846     PISSN: 01452096     EISSN: 14677709     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-7709.2009.00829.x     Document Type: Article

References (185)

1. The One-Town Skirmish, Time, December 29, 1952.
2. Ibid. I am aware of Time's construction of this particular narrative, and hope in future research to parse in greater detail the space between encounters like this one and media representations of them.
3. For the purposes of this article, the term "student" largely refers to those attending colleges and universities, rather than participating in other kinds of training. Despite their different connotations, I use the terms "foreign student" and "international student" interchangeably; the former term was more commonly used in my sources to refer to students whose origins lay outside the United States. I use the term "student migration" rather than the more common term "student exchange" because of its narrower, and more accurate, sense of the character of international student travel.
4. In my future research, I intend to approach student migration using the lens of empire. For works that examine the relationships between universities, knowledge production, and American foreign relations, see, for example, David C. Engerman, "American Knowledge and Global Power," Diplomatic History 31, no. 4 (September 2007): 599-622
5. Noam Chomsky et al., The Cold War and the University: Toward an Intellectual History of the Postwar Years (New York, 1997).
6. On modernization, see Nils Gilman, Mandarins of the Future: Modernization Theory in Cold War America (Baltimore, 2003)
7. Michael Latham, Modernization as Ideology: American Social Science and "Nation Building" in the Kennedy Era (Chapel Hill, NC, 2000);
8. David C. Engerman et al., eds., Staging Growth: Modernization, Development, and the Global Cold War (Amherst, MA, 2003);
9. David C. Engerman, Modernization from the Other Shore: American Intellectuals and the Romance of Russian Development (Cambridge, MA, 2003). For a recent special issue on the global history of modernization, see Diplomatic History 33, no. 3 (June 2009). On the historiography of "Americanization," see Heide Fehrenbach and Uta G. Poiger, "Americanization Reconsidered," in Transactions, Transgressions, Transformations: American Culture in Western Europe and Japan, ed. Heide Fehrenbach and Uta G. Poiger (New York, 2000), 13-40
10. Mary Nolan, "Americanization as a Paradigm for German History," in Conflict, Catastrophe and Continuity in Modern German History, ed. Mark Roseman, Hanna Schissler, and Frank Beiss (New York, 2006), 200-20
11. Jessica C. E. Gienow-Hecht, "Shame on U.S.? Academics, Cultural Transfer and the Cold War: A Critical Review," Diplomatic History 24, no. 3 (Summer 2000): 465-94, and responses.
12. On the connections between the Cold War, the black freedom struggle and civil rights politics, see especially Thomas Borstelmann, The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (Cambridge, MA, 2001)
13. Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ, 2000)
14. James Meriwether, Proudly We Can Be Africans: Black Americans and Africa, 1935-1961 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2002)
15. Brenda Gayle Plummer, ed., Window on Freedom: Race, Civil Rights and Foreign Affairs, 1945-1988 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2003)
16. Brenda Gayle Plummer, Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Relations, 1935-1960 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1996)
17. Kevin Gaines, American Africans in Ghana: Black Expatriates and the Civil Rights Era (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006)
18. Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, MA, 2004).
19. Some of the key works in the burgeoning field of "cultural diplomacy" and "public diplomacy" studies include Laura A. Belmonte, Selling the American Way: U.S. Propaganda and the Cold War (Philadelphia, 2008)
20. Nicholas Cull, Cold War and the United States Informational Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989 (Cambridge, 2008)
21. Penny Von Eschen, Satchmo Blows Up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge, MA, 2004)
22. Jessica C. E. Gienow-Hecht, Transmission Impossible: American Journalism as Cultural Diplomacy in Postwar Germany, 1945-1955 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1999)
23. Walter Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945-1961 (New York, 1997)
24. The foundational work in this field, Frank Ninkovich, The Diplomacy of Ideas: U.S. Foreign Policy and Cultural Relations, 1938-1950 (Cambridge, 1981).
25. For an exchange on public diplomacy scholarship, see American Quarterly 57, no. 2 (2005).
26. To make U.S.-centered student migrations fully legible will ultimately require rigorous comparative work situating the U.S. case in the context of other educational metropoles. On the British context and colonial and postcolonial student migrations, for example, see Hakim Adi, West Africans in Britain, 1900-1960:
27. Nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Communism (London, 1998)
28. Lloyd Braithwaite, Colonial West Indian Students in Britain (Kingston, Jamaica, 2001)
29. Amar Kumar Singh, Indian Students in Britain (New York, 1963)
30. For comparative approaches, see Hans de Wit, Internationalization of Higher Education in the United States of America and Europe: A Historical, Comparative, and Conceptual Analysis (Westport, CT, 2002)
31. Otto Klineberg et al., International Educational Exchange: An Assessment of Its Nature and Its Prospects (The Hague, 1976).
32. Liping Bu, Making the World Like Us: Education, Cultural Expansion, and the American Century (Westport, CT, 2003)
33. Jennifer Leigh Gold, "Color and Conscience: Student Internationalism in the United States and the Challenges of Race and Nationality, 1886-1965" (Ph.D. dissertation, UC Berkeley, 2002). For a recent textbook overview, see Teresa Brawner Bevis and Christopher J. Lucas, International Students in American Colleges and Universities: A History (New York, 2007).
34. See, for example, Hongshan Li's excellent U.S.-China Educational Exchange: State, Society, and Intercultural Relations, 1905-1950 (New Brunswick, NJ, 2008).
35. The exemplary work here is Weili Ye, Seeking Modernity in China's Name: Chinese Students in the United States, 1900-1927 (Stanford, CA, 2001).
36. The classic example of such an in-house history would be Walter Johnson and Francis J. Colligan, The Fulbright Program: A History (Chicago, 1965).
37. The widely-used phrase apparently originated with Robert Oppenheimer, who was quoted by Time in 1948 as stating, in reference to the international exchange of scholars and, especially, physicists, that "[t]he best way to send information is to wrap it up in a person." "The Eternal Apprentice," Time, November 8, 1948.
38. Clifford Ketzel, "Exchange of Persons and American Foreign Policy: The Foreign Leader Program of the Department of State" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1955), 70, quoted in Giles Scott-Smith, Networks of Empire: The U.S. State Department's Foreign Leader Program in the Netherlands, France, and Britain, 1950-1970 (Brussels, 2008), 28.
39. See, for example, Jonathan Zimmerman, Innocents Abroad: American Teachers in the American Century (Cambridge, MA, 2006)
40. Motoe Sasaki-Gayle, "American New Women Encounter China: The Politics of Temporality and the Paradoxes of Imperialism, 1898-1927,"
41. Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 10, no. 1 (Spring 2009)
42. Elizabeth Cobbs-Hoffman, All You Need is Love: The Peace Corps and the Spirit of the 1960s (Cambridge, MA, 1998)
43. Merle Curti and Kendall Birr, Prelude to Point Four: American Technical Missions Overseas, 1838-1938 (Madison, WI, 1954)
44. U.S. students were, of course, also studying abroad. See, for example, Whitney Walton, "Internationalism and the Junior Year Abroad: American Students in France in the 1920s and 1930s," Diplomatic History 29, no. 2 (2005), 255-78
45. Especially after World War II many programs, notably Fulbright, would sponsor educational travel abroad by American scholars and students as well as travel to the United States.
46. Institutional connections between early twentieth century "internationalist" programs and U.S. government-sponsored ones are also emphasized in both Bu and Gold.
47. On corporatism, see Michael Hogan, "Corporatism," Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Michael J. Hogan and Thomas G. Paterson (New York: 1994), 226-36.
48. Linkages between international students in the United States and U.S. global influence continue to be made down to the present: the Web site of the U.S. Department of State announces that "Tomorrow's Leaders Are Being Educated in the U.S. Today" above a list of 207 current and past foreign leaders who are graduates of U.S. colleges and universities at both the undergraduate and graduate level. See http://www.educationusa.state.gov/home/education-usa/global-left-nav/inf ormation-for-u/international-students-yesterday---foreign-leaders-today3 .
49. Bevis and Lucas, 114.
50. On Nkrumah's career at Lincoln University, see Marika A. Sherwood, Kwame Nkrumah: The Years Abroad, 1935-1947 (Legon, Ghana: Freedom Publications, 1996)
51. John Henrik Clarke, "Kwame Nkrumah: His Years in America," Black Scholar 6, no. 2 (1974): 9-16.
52. The Egyptian philosopher Said Qtub traveled to the United States between 1948 and 1950 on a scholarship to study the U.S. educational system, spending time in Washington, DC, and in Greeley, Colorado, at the Colorado State College of Education. In his writings, he would develop an intensely critical stance on American life and culture, emphasizing its decadence, immorality, and materialism. His work would later inspire Al Qaeda. On Qtub, see Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower: Al Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 (New York, 2007).
53. On Americans in German universities in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and their engagement with European social thought and politics, see Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge, MA, 1998)
54. Dorothy Ross, The Origins of American Social Science (New York, 1991)
55. Christopher John Bernet, 'Die Wanderjahre': The Higher Education of American Students in German Universities, 1870-1914," (Ph.D. dissertation, SUNY Stonybrook, 1984).
56. Two sending societies that would fit this self-strengthening rubric in very different ways would be Japan and Cuba. On Japan, see James Thomas Conte, "Overseas Study in the Meiji Period: Japanese Students in America, 1867-1902," (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1977).
57. On Cuba, see Louis A. Pérez, Jr., On Becoming Cuban: Identity, Nationality and Culture (Chapel Hill, NC, 1999). In the African context, Tuskegee Institute emerged in many settings as what can be called a "self-strengthening" model, despite its accommodationist politics in the United States. See Michael O. West, "The Tuskegee Model of Development in Africa: Another Dimension of the African/African-American Connection," Diplomatic History 16, no. 3 (1992): 371-87.
58. for American figures influenced by Tuskegee, see Richard D. Ralston, "American Episodes in the Making of an African Leader: A Case Study of Alfred B. Xuma (1893-1962),"
59. International Journal of African Historical Studies 6, no. 1 (1973): 72-93
60. Thomas C. Howard, "West Africa and the American South: Notes on James E. K. Aggrey and the Idea of a University for West Africa," Journal of African Studies 2, no. 4 (1975-76): 445-66.
61. On the Chinese Educational Mission, see Thomas LaFargue, China's First Hundred: Educational Mission Students in the United States, 1872-1881 (Pullman, WA, 1987 [1942]).
62. For portraits of its architects and supervisors, see Edmund H. Worthy, Jr., "Yung Wing in America," Pacific Historical Review 34, no. 3 (1965): 265-87;
63. Edward J. M.Rhoades, "In the Shadow of Yung Wing: Zeng Laishun and the Chinese Educational Mission to the United States," Pacific Historical Review 74, no. 1 (2005): 19-58.
64. The mission as intimately tied to China's first diplomatic delegations to the Western hemisphere; see Charles Desnoyers, "'The Thin Edge of the Wedge': The Chinese Educational Mission and Diplomatic Representation in the Americas, 1872-1975," Pacific Historical Review 61, no. 2 (1992): 241-63.
65. "Japan's Annapolis Graduates," New York Times, February 13, 1904, 2.
66. "Costa Rican Middy Let In," New York Times, March 3, 1905, 1;
67. "Chinese at West Point," New York Times, June 16, 1905, 3; "Fears Training Foreigners," Washington Post, March 22, 1912, 4.
68. "Persian for West Point," New York Times, July 13, 1913, 2.
69. LaFargue, China's First Hundred.
70. "Japan's Annapolis Graduates"; "Uriu, Admiral of Japan," New York Times, February 21, 1904, SM7; "Annapolis Graduate Premier of Japan," New York Times, February 13, 1913, 4.
71. Cross-national naval training of this kind was one element of a transnational navalist politics whose German-American axis is explored by Dirk Bönker in "Militarizing the Western World: Navalism, Empire, and State-Building in Germany and the United States before World War I" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2002).
72. Thomas J. Schaeper and Kathleen Schaeper, Cowboys into Gentlemen: Rhodes Scholars, Oxford, and the Question of an American Elite (New York, 1998). On early twentieth-century interimperial dialogue between the British Empire and the United States and its Anglo-Saxonist racial frame, see Paul A. Kramer, "Empires, Exceptions and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule Between the British and U.S. Empires, 1880-1910,"
73. Journal of American History 88 (March 2002): 1315-53.
74. For colonial and neocolonial educational programs between the United States and the Caribbean, see, especially, Louis A. Pérez, Jr., "The Imperial Design: Politics and Pedagogy in Occupied Cuba, 1899-1902,"
75. Cuban Studies/Estudios Cubanos 12 (Summer 1982): 1-19;
76. Edward D. Fitchen, "The Cuban Teachers and Harvard, 1900: A Unique Experiment in Inter-American Cultural Exchange," Horizontes 26 (1973): 67-71;
77. Solsirée Del Moral, "Negotiating Colonialism: 'Race,' Class, and Education in Early Twentieth-Century Puerto Rico," in Colonial Crucible: Empire in the Making of the Modern American State, ed. Alfred W. McCoy and Francisco Scarano (Madison, WI, 2009), 135-44
78. Pablo Navarro-Rivera, "The Imperial Enterprise and Educational Policies in Puerto Rico," in Colonial Crucible: Empire in the Making of the Modern American State, ed. Alfred W. McCoy and Francisco Scarano (Madison, WI, 2009), 163-74.
79. "Work for Islanders," Washington Post, 27
80. "Agree on Filipino Act," Washington Post, March 27, 1908, 4.
81. H. Michael Gelfand, Sea Change at Annapolis: The United States Naval Academy, 1949-2000 (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006), 48.
82. On the pensionado program and Filipino students in the United States, see Kimberly Alidio, "Between Civilizing Mission and Ethnic Assimilation: Racial Discourse, U.S. Colonial Education and Filipino Ethnicity, 1901-1946" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2001), chap. 3; Charles Hawley, "'Savage Gentlemen': Filipinos and Colonial Subjectivity in the United States, 1903-1946" (Ph.D. diss., University of Iowa, 2000), chap. 1; Lawrence Lawcock, "Filipino Students in the United States and the Philippine Independence Movement, 1900-1935" (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Berkeley, 1975);
83. Emily Lawsin, "Pensionados, Paisanos, and Pinoys: An Analysis of the Filipino Student Bulletin, 1922-1939," Filipino American National Historical Society Journal 4 (1996): 33-33P, 50-50G;
84. Noel V. Teodoro, Pensionados and Workers: The Filipinos in the United States, 1903-1956
85. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 8, no. 1-2 (1999): 157-78.
86. for a period sociological report, see Leopoldo T. Ruiz, "Filipino Students in the United States" (master's thesis, Columbia University, 1924).
87. On the role of education in Filipino travel to Seattle, see Dorothy B. Fujita-Rony, American Workers, Colonial Power: Philippine Seattle and the Transpacific West, 1919-1941
88. (Berkeley, CA, 2003), chap. 2. On Filipino students who remained in Chicago
89. Barbara M, Posadas and Roland L. Guyotte "Unintentional Immigrants: Chicago's Filipino Foreign Students Become Settlers, 1900-1941,"
90. Journal of American Ethnic History 9, no. 2 (1990): 26-48.
91. Sutherland quote from Hawley, 35.
92. On the Boxer Indemnity Remission, see Michael Hunt, "The American Remission of the Boxer Indemnity: A Reappraisal," Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 3 (1972): 539-60;
93. Richard H. Werking, "The Boxer Indemnity Remission and the Hunt Thesis," Diplomatic History 2, no. 1 (1978): 103-06;
94. Delber L. McKee, "The Boxer Indemnity Remission: A Damage Control Device?" Newsletter of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations 23, no. 1 (1991): 1-19.
95. On both the Remission and the Qinghua School, see Hongshan Li, U.S.-China Educational Exchange. On returned students, see Edwin Clausen, "The Eagle's Shadow: Chinese Nationalism and American Educational Influence, 1900-1927," Asian Profile 16, no. 5 (1988): 413-28;
96. Edwin Clausen, "Nationalism and Political Challenge: Chinese Students, American Education and the End of an Era," Asian Profile 16, no. 5 (1988): 429-440;
97. Yung-Chen Chiang, "Chinese Students in America in the Early Twentieth-Century: Preliminary Reflections on a Research Topic," Chinese Studies in History 36, no. 3 (2003): 38-62;
98. Yung-chen Chiang, "Chinese Students Educated in the United States and the Emergence of Chinese Orientalism in the Early Twentieth Century," Taiwan Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (2004): 37-76.
99. The literature on the American missionary movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is extensive. For some of the principal works, see William R. Hutchinson, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago, 1987);
100. Daniel H. Bays and Grant Wacker, eds., The Foreign Missionary Enterprise at Home: Explorations in North American Cultural History (Tuscaloosa, AL, 2003); Ussama Makdisi, Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East (Ithaca, NY, 2008). On U.S.-China missions, see Jane Hunter, The Gospel of Gentility: American Women Missionaries in Turn-of-the-Century China (New Haven, CT, 1984);
101. Valentin H. Rabe, The Home Base of America China Missions, 1880-1920 (Cambridge, MA, 1978)
102. Lian Xi, The Conversion of Missionaries: Liberalism in American Protestant Missions in China, 1907-1932 (University Park, PA, 1997).
103. On Chinese-American missionary education, Daniel H. Bays and Ellen Widmer, China's Christian Colleges: Cross-Cultural Connections, 1900-1950 (Stanford, CA, 2009);
104. Jessie Gregory Lutz, China and the Christian Colleges, 1850-1950 (Ithaca, NY, 1971). For one lasting international connection that was inaugurated with missionary work, see David A. Heinlein, "The New Brunswick-Japan Connection: A History," Journal of the Rutgers University Libraries 52, no. 2 (1990): 1-20.
105. The specific mechanisms through which overseas U.S. missionaries channeled students to U.S. colleges remains to be explored further. Dr. L. H. Pammel, president of the Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs of America, noted in the 1925 survey that "foreign students returning to their country often recommended the particular institution they attended, or some missionary in a foreign country speaks highly of a certain institution. The Methodist Church directs foreign students from Methodist missions to attend its institutions in this country. The Presbyterian, Episcopal, and other colleges do likewise." W. Reginald Wheeler, Henry H. King, and Alexander B. Davidson, eds., The Foreign Student in America: A Study by the Commission on Survey of Foreign Students in the United States of America, under the Auspices of the Friendly Relations Committees of the Young Men's Christian Association and the Young Women's Christian Association (New York, 1925), 270.
106. Wheeler, et al., eds., The Foreign Student in America, 8.
107. Walter L. Williams, "Ethnic Relations of African Students in the United States, with Black Americans, 1870-1900,"
108. The Journal of Negro History 65, no. 3 (Summer 1980): 228-49.
109. On African-American missions to Africa, Sylvia M. Jacobs, ed., Black Americans and the Missionary Movement in Africa (Westport CT, 1982).
110. On the Committee on Friendly Relations among Foreign Students, see Bu, Making the World Like Us, especially chap. 1; Gold, "Color and Conscience."
111. See, for example, the annual reports of the Committee on Friendly Relations, which contain reports from Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Filipino Protestant associations: Unofficial Ambassadors (New York, 1929-1953).
112. On the Chinese Students Christian Association (CSCA), see Timothy Tseng, "Religious Liberalism, International Politics, and Diasporic Realities: The Chinese Students Christian Association of North America, 1909-1951,"
113. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 5, no. 3-4 (1996): 305-30.
114. for an account of corporate-internationalist ideology in its Euro-American projections, see Victoria de Grazia, Irresistible Empire: America's Advance through Twentieth-Century Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2005).
115. On the history of the IIE, Stephen Mark Halpern, "The Institute of International Education: A History" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1969); Bu, Making the World Like Us, especially chap. 2.
116. On Rotary, see Brendan Goff, "The Heartland Abroad: The Rotary Club's Mission of Civic Internationalism" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 2008).
117. for German-American encounters, see Mary Nolan, Visions of Modernity: American Business and the Modernization of Germany (New York, 1994).
118. On tensions at the intersection of U.S. and European cultures of commerce, see de Grazia, Irresistible Empire.
119. for worried reflections on precisely these reactions to American culture and society, see Wheeler, et al., eds., The Foreign Student in America.
120. for disillusioned Filipino migrants see, for example, Paul A. Kramer, The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States and the Philippines (Chapel Hill, NC, 2006), 402-07.
121. New York Times, October 24, 1906, 9.
122. "Fears Training Foreigners."
123. "Against Philippine Policy," Washington Post, March 27, 1908;
124. "Filipino Army Officers," Washington Post, May 28, 1908, 6.
125. On the rise of anti-immigrant politics in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1988).
126. On the tensions between exclusionists and promoters of Chinese student migration to the United States, see Qingjia Edward Wang, "Guests from the Open Door: The Reception of Chinese Students into the United States, 1900s-1920s,"
127. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 3, no. 1 (1994): 55-76.
128. On the 1924 Johnson-Reed Act and subsequent exclusionary state, see Mae Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton, NJ, 2004).
129. The IIE, for example, compiled a guide to immigration laws as they applied to foreign students, for the use of both students and their advisers. Ruth Crawford Mitchell, Foreign Students and the Immigration Laws of the United States (New York, 1930).
130. for the pre-1912 period, I rely on the informal surveys published by Rudolf Tombo in 1905, 1906, 1907, 1909, and 1912 in Science. See Tombo's similarly titled articles: Science 22, no. 562, (Oct. 6, 1905): 424-48; Science 24, no. 606 (Aug. 10, 1906): 166-73; Science 26, no. 656 (Jul. 26, 1907): 97-104; Science 30, no. 770 (October 1, 1909): 427-35; Science 36, no. 930 (Oct. 25, 1912): 543-50.
131. As I pursue this research further, I hope to build in both a gender analysis and a discussion of the distinctiveness of female students' experiences in the United States. To date, the historiography of female students from outside the United States is limited. For notable exceptions, see Huping Ling, "A History of Chinese Female Students in the United States, 1880s-1990s," Journal of American Ethnic History 16, no. 3 (1997): 81-109;
132. Ye, Seeking Modernity in China's Name, chap. 4.
133. On U.S.-Latin American cultural programs, see Manuel Espinosa, Inter-American Beginnings of U.S. Cultural Diplomacy, 1936-1948 (Washington, DC, 1976).
134. For an insider's account of wartime Chinese-American educational programs, see Wilma Fairbank, America's Cultural Experiment in China, 1942-1949 (Washington, DC, 1976).
135. On the tensions between U.S. and Chinese officials that surrounded these efforts, see Frank Ninkovich, "Cultural Relations and American China Policy, 1942-1945,"
136. Pacific Historical Review 49, no. 3 (1980): 471-98.
137. On students of Japanese descent, see Gary Okihiro, Storied Lives: Japanese American Students and World War II (Seattle, WA, 1999)
138. Allan W. Austin, From Concentration Camp to Campus: Japanese American Students and World War II (Urbana, IL, 2004).
139. Beginning in 1948, the IIE began publishing its own census of international students in the United States, entitled Open Doors. For additional years, see Open Doors (New York: 1948-present). The initial figures here are drawn from Unofficial Ambassadors, the earlier CFRFS census.
140. Kenneth Holland, "Who Is He?" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 335: The Rising Demand for International Education (May 1961): 9.
141. Ibid.; Ernest Boynton, "African Students Have Their Brushes with American Racial Prejudice," Chicago Daily Defender, March 30, 1968, 11.
142. On the Foreign Leader Program, an exemplary "exchange of persons" program, see Giles Scott-Smith, Networks of Empire.
143. On the MAP, see Chester J. Pach, Arming the Free World: The Origins of the United States Military Assistance Program, 1945-1950 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991).
144. Its specifically educational dimensions, which may have constituted the single largest U.S. government-sponsored educational program in the post-1945 period, remain to be studied. On police training, see Jeremy Kuzmarov, "Modernizing Repression: Police Training, Political Violence and Nation-Building in the 'American Century'," Diplomatic History 33, no. 2 (April 2009): 191-221.
145. Lesley Gill, School of the Americas: Military Training and Political Violence in the Americas (Durham, NC, 2004).
146. Ernest W. Lefever, "The Military Assistance Training Program," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 424 (March 1976): 88.
147. Ibid., 86.
148. for a detailed account of this episode, see Yelong Han, "An Untold Story: American Policy toward Chinese Students in the United States, 1949-1955
149. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 2, no. 1 (1993): 77-99, at 80.
150. On the development of NAFSA, see Bu, Making the World Like Us, especially chap. 5. For work that reflects the new, postwar professionalism, see Cora DuBois, Foreign Students and Higher Education in the United States (Washington, DC, 1956); Edward C. Cieslak, The Foreign Student in American Colleges: A Survey and Evaluation of Administrative Problems and Practices (Detroit, MI, 1955).
151. On postwar German-American programs, see Karl-Heinz Fussl, "Between Elitism and Educational Reform: German-American Exchange Programs, 1945-1970," in The United States and Germany in the Era of the Cold War, 1945-1990:
152. A Handbook (Washington, DC, 2004), 409-416
153. O. Schmidt, "Civil Empire by Cooptation: German-American Exchange Programs as Cultural Diplomacy, 1945-1961" (PhD dissertation, Harvard, 1999);
154. H. Kellerman, Cultural Relations as an Instrument of U.S. Foreign Policy: The Educational Exchange Program between the United States and Germany, 1945-1954 (Washington, DC, 1978).
155. On postwar Japanese-American programs, see Takeshi Matsuda, Soft Power and Its Perils: U.S. Cultural Policy in Early Postwar Japan and Permanent Dependency (Stanford, CA, 2007).
156. New York Times, quoted in Sam Lebovic, "'To Finance Out of the Sale of War Junk a World-Wide System of American Scholarships': The Origins of the Fulbright Program and the Production of American Cultural Globalism, 1945-1950" (unpublished manuscript).
157. Arthur Power Dudden and Russell R. Dynes, The Fulbright Experience, 1946-1986: Encounters and Transformations (New Brunswick, NJ, 1987);
158. Richard T.A., David L.R., eds., The Fulbright Difference, 1948-1992: Studies on Cultural Diplomacy and the Fulbright Experience (New Brunswick, NJ, 1993);
159. Johnson, Colligan, The Fulbright Program: A History. On Senator J. William Fulbright, see Randall Bennett Woods, Fulbright: A Biography (Cambridge, 1995).
160. Colligan, Johnson, 3-4.
161. Lebovic, "'To Finance Out of the Sale of War Junk'."
162. J. William Fulbright, "Open Doors, Not Iron Curtains," New York Times, August 5, 1951, 140.
163. Harold Taylor, "The Student: A Key Man in Asia," New York Times, July 10, 1960, SM11.
164. Seymour M. Rosen, The Development of Peoples' Friendship University in Moscow (Washington, DC, 1973).
165. James H. Meriwether, "'Worth a Lot of Negro Votes': Black Voters, Africa, and the 1960 Presidential Campaign," Journal of American History 95 (December 2008): 737-63.
166. "African Students Play Key Role in Cold War Battle for Minds," Chicago Daily Defender, June 5, 1963, 13.
167. Walter Lippmann, "Today and Tomorrow: Wanton Carelessness," Washington Post and Times Herald, May 27, 1954, 17.
168. Liping Bu discusses these tensions in Making the World Like Us, 157-59.
169. Duggan, quoted in Bu, Making the World Like Us, 159.
170. Quoted in Bu, Making the World Like Us, 233.
171. W. L. White, "Foreign Students: An Opportunity," Reader's Digest 59 (September 1951): 116.
172. "Foreign Students Get Welcome Here," New York Times, August 27, 1949, 15.
173. A few selected works in the much larger genre of social studies of foreign students would include: Richard D. Lambert and Marvin Bressler, Indian Students on an American Campus (Minneapolis, MN, 1956);
174. Franklin Daniel Scott, The American Experience of Swedish Students: Retrospect and Aftermath (Minneapolis, MN, 1956)
175. Ralph L. Beals and Norman D. Humphrey, No Frontier to Learning: The Mexican Student in the United States (Minneapolis, MN, 1957);
176. Institute of International Education, Survey of the African Student: His Achievements and His Problems (New York, 1961);
177. John W. Bennett, et al., In Search of Identity: The Japanese Overseas Scholar in America and Japan (Minneapolis, MN, 1958).
178. Barbara Bundschu, "African Students Find U.S. Friendly, but Rap Apathy, Racial Intolerance," Chicago Daily Defender, December 5, 1961, 9.
179. The incident is described in Ye, Seeking Modernity in China's Name, 81.
180. Gertrude Samuels, "'One World' under One Roof: All Races and Creeds Live at International House and are Inspired to Combat Divisive Prejudices," New York Times, May 8, 1949, SM22.
181. "Foreign Students Query Racial Bias: Negro Leaders Here Concede Weakness in Democracy, but Stress Press, Communism Here Minimized," New York Times, December 29, 1951, 9.
182. "The One-Town Skirmish."
183. The politics of student migration to the United States in the post-9/11 landscape are described in Bevis and Lucas, chapter 8.
184. Powell, quoted in Bevis and Lucas, 210.