Parties and partisanship in Canadian defence policy

International Journal

Volumn 64, Issue 1, 2008, Pages 67-88

  Bow, Brian ^a  

^a DALHOUSIE UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 67650999393     PISSN: 00207020     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/002070200906400105     Document Type: Article

References (27)

1. See, for example, the debate over human security, Fen Osier Hampson and Dean F. Oliver, "Pulpit diplomacy: A critical assessment of the Axworthy doctrine," International Journal 53 (autumn 1998): 379-406.
2. Brian C. Rathbun, Partisan Interventions: European Party Politics and Peace Enforcement in the Balkans (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), 2.
3. Don Munton and Tom Keating, "Internationalism and the Canadian public," Canadian Journal of Political Science 34 (September 2001): 517-49;
4. Adam Chapnick, "Peace, order and good government: The 'Conservative' tradition in Canadian foreign policy," International Journal 60 (summer 2005): 635-50.
5. For example, see Richard Foot, "Voters split over key issues," Ottawa Citizen, 16 September 16, 2008, A10.
6. George Takach, "Moving the embassy to Jerusalem," in Don Munton and John Kirton, eds., Canadian Foreign Policy: Selected Cases (Toronto: Prentice-Hall 1992).
7. David Rudd, "Muddling through on missile defence:" Policy Options 26 (May 2005): 30-34.
8. The fact that there are relatively few nongovernment stakeholders involved in the formulation and implementation of defence policy (as compared with, say, trade or environmental policy) means that the only real avenue for leaking information about government policy is the bureaucracy. The Department of National Defence has had plenty of problems with leaks, but most of these have had to do with bread-and-butter issues like procurement contracts, base closures, or soldiers' pay and benefits, rather than genuinely strategic ones.
9. Kim Richard Nossal, The Politics of Canadian Foreign Policy, third ed. (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1997), pp. 281-282.
10. On the tendency for the intensity of debate about strategies to obscure underlying agreement on basic goals, see Brian Bow and Patrick Lennox, eds., An Independent Foreign Policy for Canada? Challenges and Choices for the Future (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008).
11. For a different kind of argument about an emerging post-9/11, post-Iraq consensus on Canadian foreign policy, see Joseph T. Jockel and Joel J. Sokolsky, "A new continental consensus? The Bush doctrine, the war on terrorism and Canada-US defence cooperation," in Andrew F. Cooper and Dane Rowlands, eds., Canada Among Nations 2005 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2005).
12. J.L. Granatstein and Robert Bothwell, Pirouette: Pierre Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990), 180-87.
13. In addition to détente, momentum for a reduction of the NATO commitment also came from the backlash against the Vietnam War, which raised profound questions about America's alliance leadership. Trudeau's ostensibly radical decision to cut back the commitment must be seen in the light of a growing and increasingly vocal bloc of voters that wanted Canada to pull out of NATO altogether.
14. Norrin M. Ripsman, "Big eyes and empty pockets: The two phases of Conservative defence policy," in Nelson Michaud and Kim Richard Nossal, eds., Diplomatic Departures: The Conservative Era in Canadian Foreign Policy (Vancouver: UBC Press, 2001). The Liberals took advantage of the opportunity to criticize the Conservatives' neglectful and hypocritical approach to defence, but they made it clear in the 1983 and 1988 elections that they were also committed to fiscal restraint, and it seems likely that they would have made similar cuts had they been in power during this period. Dan Middlemiss, "Canadian defence policy: An uncertain transition," in Fen Osier Hampson and Maureen Appel Molot, eds., Canada Among Nations 1989 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1990).
15. Author's calculations, based on NATO figures, 2008.
16. The other main site of massive spending cuts was official development assistance, which was chopped back even more aggressively, in proportional terms.
17. There are some ironic reflections in David Pugliese, "Trudeau was Canada's top defence spender: Study," National Post, 3 December 2007, www.nationalpost.com.
18. David Perry, "Canada's seven billion dollar war," International Journal 63 (summer 2008): 703-25.
19. John G. Diefenbaker, One Canada: Vol. 3 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1977), 44-45, and chapter 3.
20. Basil H. Robinson, Diefenbaker's World: A Populist in Foreign Affairs (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), 295-308.
21. Don Munton, "Going fission: Tales and truths about Canada's nuclear weapons," International Journal 51 (summer 1996): 506-28, 514-20.
22. Denis Smith, Gentle Patriot: A Political Biography of Walter Cordon (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishing, 1973), 119.
23. Miguel de la Larrinaga and Claire Turenne Sjolander, "(Re)presenting landmines from protectorto enemy: The discursive framing of a new multilateralism," in Maxwell A. Cameron, Robert J. Lawson, and Brian W. Tomlin, eds., To Walk without Fear: The Global Movement to Ban Landmines (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
24. Bruce Wallace, "Lloyd Axworthy," Maclean's, December!, 1997.
25. Adam Chapnick has referred to the approach taken by Canada in this case as "take-it-or-leave-it" bargaining. "The Ottawa process revisited: Aggressive unilateralism in the post-Cold War world," International Journal 58 (summer 2003): 281-94.
26. The ends here might be seen as Pearsonian, but the means definitely were not. Pearson was deeply committed to quiet diplomacy, and consistently took a pragmatic approach to managing defence and security relations with the US and other traditional allies.
27. Donald Barry, "Chrétien, Bush and the war in Iraq," American Review of Canadian Studies 35 (summer 2005): 215-46.