Strengthening authoritarian rule through democracy promotion? examining the paradox of the US and EU security strategies: The case of Bin Ali's Tunisia

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 36, Issue 1, 2009, Pages 3-19

  Durac, Vincent ^a   Cavatorta, Francesco ^b  

^a UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN   (Ireland)

^b DUBLIN CITY UNIVERSITY   (Ireland)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRACY; EUROPEAN UNION; INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; POLICY IMPLEMENTATION; REGIONAL SECURITY; TERRORISM;

AFRICA; ASIA; EURASIA; IRAQ; MIDDLE EAST; NORTH AFRICA; NORTH AMERICA; TUNISIA; UNITED STATES;

EID: 67650674645     PISSN: 13530194     EISSN: 14693542     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13530190902749523     Document Type: Article

References (80)

1. An earlier version of the paper was presented at the 2nd World Congress in Middle East Studies, Amman, Jordan in June 2006 and we wish to thank the participants for their insightful comments. We also wish to thank the two anonymous referees for their incisive reviews. Finally, Dr Francesco Cavatorta wishes to express his ratitude to Ms Beatrice Ambrosi for her research work. The usual disclaimers obviously apply.
2. See for instance Arthur Paecht (ed.) Les Relations Transatlantiques (Paris: Presse IRIS, 2003) or, more ecently, Tuomas Forsberg and Graeme P. Herde, Divided West. European Security and the Transatlantic Relationship (London: Blackwell, 2006
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5. See for instance Jeffrey Haynes, 'Comparative Politics and Globalisation', European Political Science, 2 (2003), pp. 17-26; Hakan Yilmaz, 'External-Internal Linkages in Democratization: Developing an Open Model of Democratic Change', Democratization, 9 (2002), pp. 67-84
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7. For a study of US democracy promotion prior to 2001, see Michael Cox, G. John Ikenberry and Takashi Inoguchi (eds.) American Democracy Promotion: Impulses, Strategies, and Impacts (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
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9. See also Dennis Ross, "The Middle East Predicament", Foreign Affairs, 84 (2005), pp. 61-74.
10. Thomas Carothers observes acerbically that this initial policy turn did not sacrifice any US commitment to democracy since for decades the US had already suppressed such concerns in the region, valuing autocratic stability for the sake of various strategic and economic interests. Thomas Carothers, 'Promoting Democracy and Fighting Terror', Foreign Affairs, 82 (2003), pp. 84-104.
11. Thomas Carothers observes acerbically that this initial policy turn did not sacrifice any US commitment to democracy since for decades the US had already suppressed such concerns in the region, valuing autocratic stability for the sake of various strategic and economic interests. Thomas Carothers, 'Promoting Democracy and Fighting Terror', Foreign Affairs, 82 (2003), pp. 84-104.
12. Thomas Carothers observes acerbically that this initial policy turn did not sacrifice any US commitment to democracy since for decades the US had already suppressed such concerns in the region, valuing autocratic stability for the sake of various strategic and economic interests. Thomas Carothers, 'Promoting Democracy and Fighting Terror', Foreign Affairs, 82 (2003), pp. 84-104.
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26. Neep, "Dilemmas of Democratization".
27. Ibid. The authors cite, for instance, the failure of President Bush to raise the question of political reform with President Mubarak of Egypt during their March 2003 meeting at Bush's Crawford ranch, despite landmark references to reform and democracy in the two leaders' prepared statement to the press. Instead, Bush 'fixated' upon Israel's proposal to withdraw from the Gaza Strip.
28. See Ottaway and Carothers, "The Greater Middle East Initiative."
29. Partnership for Progress and a Common Future with the Region of the Broader Middle East and North Africa, Sea Island, Georgia, June 9, 2004. See www.g8usa.gov/d_060904c.htm. Accessed on April 10th, 2005. Note also Bush's remarks on Palestine to the National Endowment for Democracy, when he identified 'Palestinian leaders who block and undermine democratic reform' as the 'main obstacles to peace', and managed to make no reference either to Israel or to the occupation of Palestinian territories in this context, 'Freedom in Iraq and Middle East', Remarks at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, US Chamber of Commerce, Washington, DC, November 6, 2003. See www.state.gov/p/nea/rls/rm/26019.htm. Accessed on April 11th, 2005.
30. See Ottaway and Carothers, "The Greater Middle East Initiative."
31. Commentators such as Dennis Ross express this view clearly. Ross expresses his support for the Bush administrations policy of democracy promotion 'to counteract the popular anger that Islamists exploit' without any acknowledgment that much of that anger is directed at what many see as the results of US policies in the first place. See Ross, "The Middle East Predicament."
32. Neep, 'Dilemmas of Democratization'. See also Steven. 'The Ultimate Test Case: Can Europe and America Forge a Joint Strategy in the Wider Middle East?', International Affairs, 80 (2004), pp 665-686.
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34. Gause, 'Can Democracy Stop Terrorism'. In addition, Robert Jervis has made the same point in expressing doubt that 'democratic regimes will always further American interests'. 'Why the Bush Doctrine Cannot Be Sustained', Political Science Quarterly, 120 (2005), p. 370.
35. Stephen Walt, 'Beyond bin Laden: Reshaping US Foreign Policy', International Security, 26 (2001), pp. 56-78.
36. Ross, "The Middle East Predicament".
37. Thomas Carothers has also warned against the dangers of 'instrumentalisation of pro-democracy policies- wrapping security goals in the language of democracy promotion and then confusing democracy promotion with the search for particular outcomes that enhance those security goals.' See Thomas Carothers, "Promoting Democracy."
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41. Gorm Rye Olsen, 'Promotion of Democracy as a Foreign Policy Instrument of "Europe": Limits to International Idealism', Democratization, 7 (2000), p. 145.
42. Gillespie and Youngs, "Themes in European Democracy Promotion', p. 6.
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45. Rye Olsen, "Promotion of Democracy", p. 146.
46. Rye Olsen, "Promotion of Democracy", p. 146.
47. See also Ricardo Gomez, 'The EU's Mediterranean Policy: Common Foreign Policy by the Back Door?', in John Peterson and Helene Sjursen (eds.) A Common Foreign Policy for Europe? (London: Routledge, 1998), p. 133.
48. Gomez points out the significant differences in approach of the French and Spanish Presidencies in the run up to the Barcelona Conference in 1995.
49. Total aid from the EU and bilateral donors to Algeria doubled between 1990 and 1994, see Rye Olsen, "Promotion of Democracy", p. 156.
50. Richard Gillespie and Lawrence Whitehead, "European Democracy Promotion in North Africa: Limits and Prospects", in Richard Gillespie and Richard Youngs (eds.) The European Union and Democracy Promotion: The Case of North Africa (London: Frank Cass, 2002), p. 198.
51. Ibid, p. 199. See also Kopstein's observation that the EU 'has precious few policy instruments to deal with states not slated to become members in the short or medium term'. Kopstein, "The Transatlantic Divide", p. 92.
52. Gillespie and Youngs, Themes in European Democracy Promotion', p. 6.
53. Gillespie and Youngs, Themes in European Democracy Promotion', p. 6.
54. Gillespie and Whitehead, European Democracy Promotion in North Africa', p. 197.
55. Bechir Chourou, 'Why are Europe's Relations with the Southern Side of the Mediterranean Not as Warm as Europeans Sometimes Like to Think?', American Foreign Service Association, October 2001. Available at www.afsa.org/fsj/oct01/Chourou01.cfm. Accessed on April 5th, 2005.
56. Mohammed Ayoob, "The Future of Political Islam", International Affairs, 81 (2005), p. 959.
57. Volker Perthes, 'Points of Difference, Cases for Coooperation: European Critiques of US Middle East Policy', Middle East Report, 1998. Perthes reasserted this point in 2004: 'Despite all the differences over Iraq or the Middle East peace process, the United States and Europe share key interests with regard to the Middle East', 'America's "Greater Middle East" and Europe: Key Issues for Dialogue, Middle East Policy, 9 (2004), pp. 85-97.
58. The Council of the European Union (2003), 'A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy', Brussels, 12 December 2003. Available at: http://ue.eu.int/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf. Accessed on April 6th, 2005.
59. Ibid, see also the point made by Musu and Wallace that, whereas the European approach to the Middle East has rested on 'civilian power instruments: diplomacy, trade, financial assistance, the American approach 'has rested on all of these and the ability to project credible military power'. See Costanza Musu and William Wallace, 'The Middle East: Focus of Discord', in John Peterson and Mark A. Pollack (eds.) Europe, America, Bush: Transatlantic Relations in the Twenty-first Century (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 101.
60. Asle Toje, 'The 2003 European Security Strategy: A Critical Appraisal', European Foreign Affairs Review, 10 (2005), p. 132.
61. Visit of Condoleeza Rice-Transcript of Press Conference, Brussels, 9 Feb 2005. Available at: http:europa.eu.int/comm/external_relations/news/ferrero/2005/sp0584.htm. Accessed on March 30, 2005.
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63. Larbi Sadiki, 'Bin Ali's Tunisia: Democracy by Non-Democratic Means', British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 29 (2002), pp. 57-78.
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65. Emma Murphy, 'The State and the Private Sector in North Africa: Seeking Specificity', Mediterranean Politics, 6 (2001), pp. 1-28.
66. Stephen King, Liberalisation Against Democracy: The Local Politics of Economic Reform in Tunisia (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2003).
67. Lisa Anderson, "Political pacts, Liberalism, and Democracy: The Tunisian National Pact of 1988", Government and Opposition, 26 (1991), pp. 244-260.
68. Larbi Sadiki, "Political Liberalization in BinAli'sTunisia: Fac ̧adeDemocracy", Democratization, 9 (2002), p. 125.
69. See for instance Nicolas Beau and Jean Pierre Tuquoi, Notre Ami Ben Ali (Paris: La Decouverte, 1999); and Michel Camau and Vincent Geissier, Le Syndrome Autoritaire, (Paris: Presses de Sciences Po, 2003).
70. Valentin Mbougueng, Bin Ali et le Modèle Tunisien (Paris: Editions de l'Orient, 1999).
71. Abdelaziz Testas, 'The Contribution of EU Investment to Tunisia's Economic Development', Journal of North African Studies, 5 (2000), pp. 9-24.
72. A summary of the economic data regarding the EU and Tunisia can be found at http://www.deltun.cec.eu.int/fr/article.asp?ID01/412&ID11/4179&I D1/4179. Accessed July 10th, 2006.
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