The long exception: Rethinking the place of the new deal in American history

International Labor and Working-Class History

Volumn 74, Issue 1, 2008, Pages 3-32

  Cowie, Jefferson ^a   Salvatore, Nick ^a  

^a Department of Obstetrics Gynecology

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 56049097506     PISSN: 01475479     EISSN: 14716445     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0147547908000112     Document Type: Article

References (201)

1. William Graham Sumner, The Forgotten Man and Other Essays, Alert Galloway Keller, ed., (New Haven, 1919), 476, 493, 494.
2. Franklin D. Roosevelt, "The 'Forgotten Man' Speech," Radio Address, Albany, N.Y. April 7, 1932. The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol 1. (New York, 1938), 625.
3. Richard Nixon, "Acceptance Speech," Republican National Convention, 1968; on his adoption of Wallace, see Jefferson Cowie, "Nixon's Class Struggle: Romancing the New-Right Worker, 1969-1973." Labor History 43 (Summer 2002): 257-283.
4. William E. Leuchtenburg, In the Shadow of FDR : From Harry Truman to George W. Bush (Ithaca, 2001). Paul Krugman, "For Richer," New York Times Magazine, October 20, 2002, The "interregnum" largely rested on the foundation of the massive narrowing of wage inequality during the 1940s, which drifted apart slowly in the fifties and sixties. Income inequality then grew rapidly after the 1970s.
5. See Claudia Goldin and Robert A. Margo, "The Great Compression: The U.S. Wage Structure at Mid-Century," Quarterly Journal of Economics 107 (February 1992): 1-34.
6. Robert Leger, The CIO: 1935-1955 (Chapel Hill, 1995), 1.
7. Gary Gerstle, "The Protean Character of American Liberalism," American Historical Review 99 (October 1994): 1043-1073.
8. The literature on the decline of the New Deal order is beyond the scope of a single footnote. As in all of the footnotes in this essay, the citations provide direct sources of quotes, basic introductions to the issues or works that were particularly influential in developing this analysis. No attempt has been made to be exhaustive. For the decline of New Deal liberalism see Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order (Princeton, 1989);
9. Thomas J. Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Post War Detroit (Princeton, 1996);
10. Mathew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton, 2006); Michael Goldfield, The Decline of Organized Labor in the United States (Chicago 1987);
11. Todd Gitlin, Twilight of Common Dreams (New York, 1995);
12. Thomas Byrne Edsall with Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights and Taxes on American (New York, 1991);
13. Robert M. Collins, More: The Politics of Economic Growth in Postwar America (New York, 2000);
14. Richard Oestreicher, "The Rules of the Game: Class Politics in Twentieth-Century America," in Kevin Boyle, ed., Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance (Albany, 1998), 29.
15. By "individualism," we mean to suggest what Wilfred M. McClay has called "the tendency to regard individual men and women as self-contained, contract-making, utility-maximizing, and values-creating actors, who accept only those duties and obligations they elect to accept." See Wilfred M. McClay, "Individualism and Its Discontents," Virginia Quarterly Review 77:3 (Summer 2(8)1): 391-406.
16. See also Robert Wuthnow, American Mythos: Why Our Best Efforts lb Be A Better Nation Fall Short (Princeton, 2006);
17. Michael Sandel, Democracy's Discontents: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (Cambridge, 1996).
18. On Thgwell, see Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine, The People and the President: America's Conversation with FDR (Boston, 2002), 219-220. FDR also rhetorically evoked a more collective vision, but without consistent effort.
19. For a recent effort to revive it, see Cass R. Sunstein, The Second Bill of Rights: FDR's Unfinished Revolution and Why We Need It More Than Ever (New York, 2004).
20. Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream: Politics and Economy in the History of the U.S. Working Class (New York, 1986);
21. Bruce Nelson, Divided We Stand: American Workers and the Struggle for Black Equality (Princeton, 2001); Richard Jules Oestreicher, Solidarity and Fragmentation: Working People and Class Consciousness in Detroit, 1875-1900 (Urbana, 1986);
22. Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy; Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley, 1971);
23. David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York, 1991);
24. Gwendolyn Mink, Old Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party, and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca, 1986);
25. Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton, 2004);
26. Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (New York, 1998);
27. David Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (New York, 1982).
28. Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago (New York, 1991); Vernon M. Briggs, Jr., Immigration and American Unionism (Ithaca, 2001);
29. Daniel Nelson, Frederick W Taylor and the Rise of Scientific Management (Madison, 1980).
30. On new union leadership, Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, John L. Lewis: A Biography (New York, 1977);
31. Steven Fraser, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York, 1991);
32. Nelson Lichtenstein, The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit: Walter Reuther and the Fate of American Labor (New York, 1995).
33. On the changing role of the state, see Melvyn Dubofsky, The State and Labor in Modern America (Chapel Hill, 1994);
34. Christopher L. Tomlins, The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880-1960 (New York, 1985);
35. Zieger, The CIO; David Brody, Workers in Industrial America: Essays on the 20th Century Struggle (New York, 2nd ed., 1993).
36. Nelson Lichtenstein, State of the Union: A Century of America Labor (Princeton, 2002), 52-53.
37. Brody, Labor Embattled: History, Power, Rights (Urbana, 2005), 140; as Brody noted, "The New Deal was only expressing its own essential conservatism." Workers in Industrial America, 126;
38. Andrew Workman, "Creating the Center: Liberal Intellectuals, the National War Labor Board, and the Stabilization of American Industrial Relations," Ph.D., diss., University of North Carolina, :1993.
39. Alan Brinkley, End of Reform: New Deal Liberalism in Recession and War (New York, 1995), 4-7;
40. Jack Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia, 20(X)), 62, 146-147.
41. For Roosevelt's Commonwealth Club address see American Rhetoric On-Line Speech Bank (http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/ fdrcommonwealth.htm);
42. James Mac-Gregor Burns discusses the ambiguities of that 1932 speech in Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (New York, 1956), 142, 180,
43. For FDR's 1936 speech see The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, with a Special Introduction and Explanatory Note By President Roosevelt, Samuel I. Rosenman, complier, (New York. 13 vols., 1938), V: 230-236. As evident in the Commonwealth speech, FDR delivered two messages, one stressing efficient administration and the other an "economic constitutional order." But the bottom line, as David M. Kennedy notes, was ultimately to provide security for the vulnerable, but also for working people, investors, and the corporations.
44. See David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear Freedom: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (New York, 1999), 364-365.
45. James Gregory, The Southern Diaspora: How the Great Migrations of Black and White Southerners Transformed America (Chapel Hill, 2005);
46. St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, .Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York,1945);
47. Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill, 1996);
48. Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth Century America (New York, 2005).
49. Levine and Levine, The People and the President, 250-256.
50. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, Black Detroit and the Rise of the UAW (New York, 1979).
51. On Randolph, FDR, and fair employment, see Paula F. Pfeffer, A. Philip Randolph: Pioneer of the Civil Rights Movement (Baton Rouge, 1990);
52. Merle E. Reed, Seedtime for the Modern Civil Rights Movement: The President's Committee on Fair Employment Practice, 1941-1946 (Baton Rouge, 1991).
53. For a sampling of the racial politics in northern cities during the 1940s, see Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis;
54. Arnold Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940-1960 (New York, 1983);
55. Martha Biondi, To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City (Cambridge, 2003);
56. Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton, 2003).
57. For an interesting discussion of the religious backgrounds and perspectives of New Dealers in Washington, see Colleen McDonnell, Picturing Faith: Photography and the Great Depression (New Haven, 2004).
58. Joel Carpenter, Revive Us Again: The Reawakening of American Fundamentalism (New York, 1997);
59. Edward J. Larson, Summer For the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America's Continuing Debate Over Science and Religion (New York, 1997).
60. John McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York, 2003), 105-114, 130-131, 164.
61. See also the discussion of Baltimore's working-class Catholics during the 1940s in Kenneth D. Durr, Behind the Backlash: White Working-Class Politics in Baltimore, 1940-1980 (Chapel Hill, 2003), especially chaps. 1-3.
62. Neil Betten, Catholic Activism and the Industrial Worker (Gainesville, FL, 1976), 108-123, and especially 110-112;
63. Frank Walsh, Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and the Motion Picture Industry (New Haven, 1996);
64. see also Kenneth J. Heineman, A Catholic New Deal: Religion and Reform in Depression Pittsburgh (University Park, PA, 1999), 133-143, 165-169.
65. On the issue of Catholic sexual practices, see Leslie Woodcock Tentler, Catholics and Contraception: An American History (Ithaca, 2004).
66. On the broad outlines of Catholic popular social thought, see McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom, 127-165;
67. McGreevy, Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter with Race in the Twentieth Century Urban North (Chicago, 1996);
68. Durr, Behind the Backlash; Jay Dolan, In Search of American Catholicism: A History of Religion and Culture in Tension (New York, 2002), 127-'190;
69. David O'Brien, The Renewal of American Catholicism (New York, 1972), passim.
70. John Dewey, Individualism New and Old (New York, 1930), 59-61, 93;
71. for a fuller exploration, see Robert B. Westbrook, John Dewey and American Democracy (Ithaca, 1991).
72. John Dewey; A Common Faith (New York, 1934), 50-51.
73. For a critique of this thinking by a leading American liberal see Reinhold Niebuhr, "Do the State and the Nation Belong to God or the Devil?" (1937) and "Faith and the Sense of Meaning in Human Existence" (1966) in Niebuhr, Faith and Politics: A Commentary on Religion, Social and Political Thought in a Technological Age, ed. Ronald H. Stone, (New York, 1968), 3-13, 83-101;
74. Richard Wightman Fox, Reinhold Niebuhr: A Biography (New York, 1985).
75. See Alexis de Tocqueville's discussion of "self interest properly understood" in Democracy in America, ed. J.P. Mayer (Garden City, NY, 1969), 526.
76. Metzgar, Striking Steel, 6, 39. Others such as Christopher Tomlins see this "liberation" as little more than a trap, a "counterfeit liberty," that boxed unions into a set of rules and power relations under which it could not possibly win. To the extent this is true, it presumes that the possibility for a more radical transformation was possible in the immediate postwar moment-a position we argue against here.
77. See Christopher L. Tomlins, The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized labor movement in America, 1880-1960 (New York, 1985), 326-328;
78. Nelson Lichtenstein, once very critical of the compromises of the Second World War era, recently explained, "in the early years of the twenty-first century, the potential. payoff from the corporatist bargain of the World War II era looks much better than it once did" in the heady years of the early seventies. "Introduction to the New Edition," Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II (Philadelphia, 2003 [1982]), xii.
79. Thomas Piketty and Emmanuel Saez, "Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998," The Quarterly Journal of Economics 118 (2003): 1-39.
80. Claudia Goldin and Robert Margo, "The Great Compression: The Wage Structure in the United States at Mid-century," The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 107 (1992): 1-34.
81. Robert H. Frank, Falling Behind: How Rising Inequality Harms the Middle Class (Berkeley, 2007), 6-14.
82. There are very important but episodic struggles to broaden postwar labor politics. See Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein, "Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement," Journal of American History 75 (December 1988), 786-811;
83. Robert Rodgers Korstad, Civil Rights Unionism: Tobacco Workers and the Struggle for Democracy in the Mid-Twentieth-Century South (Chapel Hill, 2003);
84. Timothy Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker: The Racial Integration of the Southern Textile Industry, 1960-1980 (Chapel Hill, 1999);
85. George Lipsitz, Rainbow at Midnight: Labor and Culture in the 1940s (Urbana, 1994);
86. Howell John Harris, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison, 1982);
87. Lichtenstein, Labor's War at Home. The CIO in World War JI (New York, 1982);
88. Barbara S. Griffith, The Crisis of American Labor. Operation Dixie and the Defeat of the CIO (Philadelphia, 1988);
89. Michael K. Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana, 1993).
90. See H.W. Brands, The Strange Death of American Liberalism (New Haven, 2001).
91. On the merger, see Zieger, The CIO, 305-371;
92. Philip A. Taft, Organized Labor in American History (New York,1964).
93. On the emerging challenge to mainline protestant establishment, see William Martin, A Prophet with Honor: The Billy Graham Story (New York, 1991);
94. Carpenter, Revive Us Again; on racial issues, see Kevin Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton, 2005);
95. Richard Kluger, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality (New York, 1977);
96. Taylor Branch, Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, 1954-1963 (New York, 1988).
97. Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology: On Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (New York, 1960),
98. Godfrey Hodgson, America in Our Time: From World War 11 to Nixon What Happened and Why (New York, 1976), 74-79;
99. Clark Kerr, Industrialism and Industrial Man; The Problems of Labor and Management in Economic Growth (Cambridge, 1960);
100. Derek Bok and John T. Dunlop, Labor and the American Community (New York, 1970);
101. Katherine Stone, "The Post-War Paradigm in American Labor Law," Yale Law Journal 90 (June 1981), 1509-1580.
102. Students for a Democratic Society, "The Port Huron Statement" (1962) in James Miller, "Democracy is in the Streets:" From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York, 1987), 344.
103. As Patrick Buchanan recalled of his and others' experiences in the late 1950s, ". . .what National Review did was to take the word conservatism, then a synonym for, and convert it into the snapping pennant of a fighting faith."
104. Buchanan is quoted in John A. Andrew, The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative Politics (New Brunswick, 1997), 63.
105. On the origins of the conservative movement, see Lisa McGirr, Suburban Warriors: The Origins of the New American Right (Princeton, 2001);
106. Rick Perlstein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York, 2001);
107. John Micklethwait and Adrian Woolridge, The Right Nation: Conservative Power in America (New York, 2004);
108. George H. Nash, The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945 (New York, 1976);
109. Kruse, White Flight.
110. On the ongoing debate over sex education see Kristin Luker, When Sex Goes to School. Warring Views on Sex - and Sex Education - Since the Sixties (New York, 2006);
111. on school prayer, see Bruce J. Dierenfield, The Battle over School Prayer: How Engel v. Vitale Changed America (Lawrence, KS, 2007).
112. Richard Hofstadter, "A Long View: Goldwater in History," New York Review of Books, October 8, 1964,
113. as quoted in Perlstein, Before the Storm, 452.
114. See also Gary Donaldson, Liberalism's Last Hurrah: The .Presidential Campaign of 1964 (Armonk, NY; 2003).
115. Randall B. Woods, LBJ: .Architect of American Ambition (New York, 2006), 449, 451.
116. See also Robert Dallek, Flawed Giant Lyndon Johnson and His Times, 1961-1973 (New York, 1998), 79;
117. James T. Patterson, America's Struggle Against Poverty, 1900-1985 (Cambridge, 1986), 141. In his footnote (p. 259), Patterson identifies the staffer as Adam Yarmolinsky and quotes his recollections from the unpublished transcript of a 1973 panel discussion at the John F. Kennedy Library, "Poverty and Urban Policy," 287.
118. Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s (New York, 3rd ed., 2007), 110, 192;
119. Paterson, America's Struggle Against Poverty, 151. Had the money spent on the war on poverty in the sixties gone directly to those living below the poverty line, it has been calculated that everyone would have received a mere $70 per year. The welfare debate tipped further away from the New Deal heritage by riding the resurgence of individual rights in the divisive "welfare rights" debates.
120. Robert Dallek, Lyndon B. Johnson: Portrait of a President (New York, 2004), 155-157, 234-239, 373-374;
121. Bruce J. Schulman, Lyndon B. Johnson and American Liberalism. A Brief Biography with Documents (New York, 1995), 99-102 (Johnson's Great Society speech is reprinted at 174-177);
122. Barbara C. Jordan and Elspeth D. Rostow (eds.), The Great Society A Nenty Year Critique (Austin, 1986), particularly the comments of Bill Moyers (35-37, 171-179) and Ray Marshall (53-56).
123. For a detailed narrative of the Great Society's legislative efforts, see Irving Bernstein, Guns or Butter: The Presidency of Lyndon Johnson (New York, 1996).
124. Jennifer Klein, For All These Rights: Business Labor, and the Shaping of America's Public-Private Welfare State (Princeton, 2003), 257.
125. On the unique aspects of the US welfare state, see Jacob S. Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States (New York, 2002);
126. Peter A. Swenson, Capitalists Against Markets: The Making of Labor Markets and Welfare States in the United States and Sweden (New York, 2002).
127. See David L. Chappell, A Stone of Hope: Prophetic Religion and the Death of Jim Crow (Chapel Hill, 2004);
128. John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana, 1994);
129. Charles Marsh, God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights (Princeton, 1997);
130. Alton Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York, 1984).
131. See Martin Luther King, "A Time to Break Silence" and "Black Power Defined," both delivered in 1967, in James M. Washington, ed., A Testament of Hope: The Essential Writings of Martin Luther King, Jr, (San Francisco, 1986), 231-244, 303-312, respectively;
132. Taylor Branch, At Canaan:v Edge: America in the King Years; 1965-68 (New York, 2006), 581-604, 625.
133. On King and Debs, see Thomas F. Jackson, From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle from Economic Justice (Philadelphia, 2007), 320;
134. Sugrue, Origins of the Urban Crisis.
135. Branch, At Canaan's Edge, 511;
136. Thomas J. Sugrue, "Affirmative Action from Below: Civil Rights, the Building Trades, and the Politics of Racial Equality in the Urban North, 1945-1969," Journal of American History 91 (June 2004): 145-173;
137. Dennis A. Deslippe, '"Do Whites Have Rights?': White Detroit Policemen and 'Reverse Discrimination' Protests in the 1970s," Journal of American History 91 (December 2004): 932-960;
138. Durr, Behind the Backlash;
139. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto;
140. Jonathan Rieder, Canarsie: The Jews and Italians of Brooklyn Against. Liberalism (Cambridge, 1985);
141. Self, American Babylon.
142. Kevin Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945-1968 (Ithaca, 1995);
143. Lewis Chester, Godfrey Hodgson, and Bruce Page, An American Melodrama: The Presidential Campaign of 1968 (New York, 1969);
144. Ronald P. Formisano, Boston Against Busing: Race, Class and Ethnicity in the 1960s and 1970s (Chapel Hill, 1991).
145. Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950s (Baton Rouge, 1997/1969);
146. Kevin Phillips, The Emerging .Republican Majority (Garden City, NY, 1970);
147. Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics (Baton Rouge, 1995);
148. Earle Black and Merle Black, The Rise of Southern Republicans (Cambridge, 2002);
149. Kruse, White Flight; Lassiter, The Silent Majority.
150. Raymond Price, With Nixon (New York, 1977), 121-122;
151. Robert Mason, Richard Nixon and the Quest for New Majority (Chapel Hill, 2004);
152. Cowie, "Nixon's Class Struggle."
153. Patrick J. Buchanan, The New Majority: President Nixon at Mid-passage (Girard Bank, 1973), 63-64.
154. Sugrue, Origins of the Urban Crisis, 268.
155. McCarthy speech in Proceedings of the 46th National Convention of the United Mine Workers of America (Indianapolis, 1973), 276;
156. a similar argument about coasting on one-time success is Rick Perlstein, The Stock Ticker and the Superjumbo: How the Democrats Can Once Again Become America's Dominant Political Party (Chicago, 2005).
157. Daniel H. Weinberg, "A Brief Look at Postwar U.S. Income Inequality," Current Population Reports June 1996, Bureau of the Census (pp. 60-191);
158. Daniel H. Weinberg, Charles T. Nelson, Edward J. Welniak Jr., "Economic Well-Being in the United States: How Much Improvement - Fifty Years of U.S. Income Data from the Current Population Survey: Alternatives, Trends, and Quality," American Economic Review (May 1999): 18-22;
159. Wall Street Journal, October 12, 2007; Francine D. Blau and Lawrence M. Kahn, "Gender Differences in Pay," Journal of Economic Perspectives 14 (Fall 2000: 84-85); Goldin and Margo, "The Great Compression."
160. Brinkley; End of Reform, 3-10, 268-271, and passim;
161. Katherine Van Wezel Stone, "The Legacy of Industrial Pluralism: the Tension between Individual Employment Rights and the New Deal Collective Bargaining System," The University of Chicago Law Review 59 (Spring 1992): 576;
162. Michael J. Piore and Sean Safford, "Changing Regimes of Workplace Governance, Shifting Axes of Social Mobilization, and the Challenge to Industrial Relations Theory," Industrial Relations 45 (July 2006): 299-325;
163. for the post-civil rights opening of the workplace, see Nancy MacLean, Freedom Is Not Enough: The Opening of the American Workplace (Cambridge, 2006);
164. Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, 95.
165. William Saletan discusses the role of individualism in the pro-choice movement in Bearing Right: How Conservatives Won the Abortion War (Berkeley, 2003).
166. For an incisive critique of liberalism in this era, see Michael Sandel, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy (Cambridge, 1996);
167. alternatively, see Michael Walzer, Politics and Passion: Toward a More Egalitarian Liberalism (New Haven, 2004)
168. and Walzer, "The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism," Political Theory 18, i (February 1990), 6-23.
169. There was precious little history of planning in the postwar era to build upon when the crisis of the seventies hit. Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States Material (Princeton, 1002);
170. Otis L. Graham, Toward a Planned Society: From Roosevelt to Nixon (New York, 1976);
171. quote on Weberian rationality from Piore and Safford, "Changing Regimes of Workplace Governances," 319.
172. Brody, Workers. in Industrial America, 78;
173. Sanford M. Jacoby, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism Since the New Deal (Princeton, 1998).
174. Richard Viguerie quoted in The Guardian, April 1, 1981, 5.
175. Chuck Smith began his ministry to former hippies, surfers, and other countercultural types in Southern California in 1966, and membership doubled almost monthly at first. Thirty years later, the Calvary Chapel movement Smith started had sponsored more than 6(X) loosely affiliated domestic churches, another 201) abroad, and a splinter movement, the Vineyard Church, with another 600 congregations. See Randall Balmer, Mine Eyes Have Seen the Glory: A Journey into the Evangelical Subculture in America (New York, 2000/1993), 12-30;
176. Donald E. Miller, Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium (Berkeley, 1997), 17-20, 29-34, and passim.
177. On the continued dramatic growth of these and other similar congregations in the decade following 1996, see Lauren Sandler, Righteous: Dispatches from the Evangelical Youth Movement (New York, 2006)
178. and Jeffrey L. Sheler, Believers: A Journey into Evangelical America (New York, 2006);
179. Michael Harrington, Fragments of the Century (New York, 1973), 231.
180. Premilla Nadasen, Welfare Warriors: The Welfare Rights Movement in the United States (New York, 2005);
181. Jane J. Mansbridge, Why We Lost the ERA (Chicago, 1986);
182. Matthew Frye Jacobson, Roots Too: White Ethnic Revival in Post-Civil Rights America (Cambridge, 2006);
183. Rieder, Canarsie.
184. Governor William Jefferson Clinton, "We Must Speak to America," Democratic National Convention, August 14, 1980, reprinted in Stephen A, Smith, ed., Preface to the Presidency: Selected Speeches of Bill Clinton, 1974-1992 (Fayetteville, 1996), 24-25.
185. William Jefferson Clinton, "State of the Union Address," January 23, 1996, Washington, D.C. downloaded November 27, 2007, http://clinton4.nara.gov/WH/New/other/sotu.html.
186. David A. Stockman, Triumph of Politics: How The Reagan Revolution Failed (New York, 1986);
187. Theodore J. Lowi, The End of the Republican Era (Norman,1995), 25.
188. On Louis Hartz and "American exceptionalism," see Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York, 1955);
189. Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword (New York, 1996),
190. and the enormous literature that has grown around Hartz' analysis. On the contradictions of disparaging the state while expanding it in the Reconstruction and Gilded Ages, see Heather Cox Richardson, West from Appomattox: The Reconstruction of America After the Civil War (New Haven, 2007).
191. "Rights consciousness" is critiqued in Nelson Lichtenstein, State of the Union, 209-11;
192. for the tension between competing versions of the women's movement see Dorothy Sue Cobble, The Other Women's Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modern America (Princeton, 2004);
193. see also Todd Gitlin, "Beyond Identity Politics: A Modest Precedent" and the response of Michael Eric Dyson, "The Labor of Whiteness, the Whiteness of Labor, and the Perils of Whitewashing," in Steven Fraser and Joshua B. Freeman, eds., Audacious Democracy: Labor, intellectuals, and the Social Reconstruction of American (New York, 1997), 153-172.
194. On the relevance of pre-New Deal tactics, see Clayton Sinyai, "Change to Win: A Gomperism for the Twenty-First Century?" New Labor Forum 16 (Spring 2007): 73-;
195. Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Lost Ways of Organizing: Reviving the AFL's Direct Affiliate Strategy," Industrial Relations 36 (July 1997): 278-301;
196. on unions' future as coalition partners, see Rebecca Kolins Givan, "Side by Side We Battle Onward? Representing Workers in Contemporary America," British Journal of Industrial Relations 45 (December 2007): 829-854.
197. On union power in an exceptional time of closed borders see Vernon M. Briggs, Immigration and American Unionism (Ithaca, NY, 2001);
198. on de-globalization see Jeffry A. Frieden, Global Capitalism: Its Fall and Rise in the Twentieth Century (New York, 2006).
199. Barrington Moore, Injustice: The Social Bases of Obedience and Revolt (New York, 1979), 376.
200. Michael Kazin, "A People Not a Class: Rethinking the Political Language of the Modern US Labor Movement," in Mike Davis and Michael Sprinker, eds., Reshaping the U.S Left: Popular Struggles in the 1980s (London, 1988), 257-286.
201. Ulrich Beck, Democracy Without Enemies (Cambridge, 1998).