State of the Union: A century of American labor

State of the Union: A Century of American Labor

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  Lichtenstein, Nelson ^a  

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References (545)

1. Burger King employment applications, Charlottesville, 1998; Corvallis, 2000; in author's possession.
2. Karen Orren, Belated Feudalism: Labor, the Law, and Liberal Development in the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 176-82.
3. Lloyd quoted in David Montgomery, "Industrial Democracy in Industry?: The Theory and Practice of the Labor Movement, 1870-1925," in Nelson Lichtenstein and Howell John Harris, Industrial Democracy in America: the Ambiguous Promise (New York; Cambridge University Press, 1993), 22.
4. William Forbath, "Caste, Class, and Equal Citizenship," Michigan Law Review 98 (October 1999), 57.
5. William Leiserson, "Constitutional Government in American Industries," American Economic Review 12 (March 1922), 56, 77
6. Forbath, "Caste, Class, and Equal Citizenship," 88.
7. Joseph McCartin, "An American Feeling: Workers, Managers, and the Struggle over Industrial Democracy in the World War I Era," in Lichtenstein and Harris, Industrial Democracy, 73, 76.
8. Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 155.
9. Justice Brewer quoted in Eileen Boris and Nelson Lichtenstein, Major Problems in the History of American Workers (Lexington: D. C. Heath, 1991), 413.
10. The literature is enormous. See for example, Seth Koven and Sonya Michel, Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare States (New York: Routledge, 1993), 1-42
11. and Theda Skocpol, Protecting Mothers and Soldiers: Maternalist Origins of the American Welfare State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
12. Nelson Lichtenstein, Susan Strasser, and Roy Rosenzweig, Who Built America? Working People and the Nation's Economy, Politics, Culture, and Society (New York: Worth Publishers, 2000), 222.
13. William Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), 98-127 passim.
14. Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 214.
15. Fraser, "The 'Labor Question,'" 56.
16. Margo Anderson, "The Language of Class in Twentieth-Century America," Social Science History 12 (Winter 1988), 349-72.
17. Theda Skocpol, Boomerang: Clinton's Health Security Effort and the Turn Against Government in U.S. Politics (New York: W W Norton and Co., 1996)
18. Marie Gottschalk, The Shadow Welfare State: Labor, Business, and the Politics of Health Care in the United States (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2000), 137-76 passim. The health care debacle is discussed at greater length in chapter 7.
19. John Judis, "False Dawn," New Republic (July 29, 1996), 6, 41.
20. Steven Greenhouse, "Unions Hit Lowest Point in Six Decades," New York Times (January 21, 2001), 18
21. Kenneth Jost, "Labor Movement's Future," CQ Researcher 6 (June 28, 1996), 570
22. John Lippert, "Suppliers and Demands," In These Times (July 8, 1996), 26-27.
23. David Gordon, Fat and Mean: The Corporate Squeeze of Working Americans and the Myth of Managerial "Downsizing" (New York: Free Press, 1996), 23-32, 61-90
24. Richard Rothstein, "Toward a More Perfect Union: New Labor's Hard Road," American Prospect (May-June 1996), 42-53.
25. Theoreticians of civil society are willfully ignorant of the union movement. A fine exception is Thomas C. Kohler, "Civic Virtue at Work: Unions As Seedbeds of the Civic Virtues," Boston College Law Review 36 (March 1995), 279-304
26. and see also Michael Yates, Why Unions Matter (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1998).
27. Colin Gordon, New Deals: Business, Labor, and Politics in America, 1920-1935 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 39.
28. Allan Nevins, Ford: Expansion and Challenge, 1915-1933 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1957), 455-56.
29. Anthony Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years, 1933-1940 (London: MacMillan, 1989), 20-22.
30. "Presidential Statement on N.I.R.A.-To Put People Back to Work," June 16, 1933, in Samuel Rosenman, ed., The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 2 (New York: Random House, 1938), 251, 255.
31. Filene quoted in Gordon, New Deals, 195.
32. As quoted in Simon, A Fabric of Defeat, 87.
33. Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 261, 289
34. see also, David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 168.
35. Kennedy, Freedom from Fear, 134, 469-70.
36. Mary Heaton Vorse, Labor's New Millions (New York: Modern Age Books, 1938), 285-86.
37. Irving Bernstein, A Caring Society: The New Deal, the Worker, and the Great Depression (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985), 50.
38. "State of the Union Address to Congress," January 11, 1944, in Samuel Ro-senman, ed., The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 13 (New York: Random House, 1948), 40-41.
39. As quoted in Jennifer Klein, "Managing Security: the Business of American Social Policy, 1910-1960" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1999), 6, 246.
40. Kenneth Casebeer, "Aliquippa: The Company Town and Contested Power in the Construction of Law," Buffalo Law Review 43 (Winter 1995), 618.
41. Kennedy, Freedom from Fear, 280.
42. John L. Lewis, "The Battle for Industrial Democracy," Vita! Speeches of the Day (July 15, 1936), 678.
43. As quoted in William Forbath, "Caste, Class, and Equal Citizenship: An Essay for David Brian Davis," forthcoming in E. Haltennum, L. Perry, S. Wilentz, Mora! Problems in American Life (Yale University Press).
44. William Preston, Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903-1933 (New York: Harvard University Press, 1963), 238-76 passim
45. Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York: Basic Books, 1995), 101 - 106.
46. Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism: The Politics of Labor in a Textile City, 1914-1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 153-95 passim.
47. Francis Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Harper and Row, 1946), 217-20.
48. Sumner H. Slichter, Union Policies and Industrial Management (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1941), 1
49. Wayne Morse, "Address to Photo-Engravers' Union," January 17, 1943, in National War Labor Board, Termination Report, vol. 1 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947), 514.
50. David Brody, The Breakdown of Labor's Social Contract," Dissent (Winter 1992), 36-41
51. and "Labor Elections: Good for Workers?" Dissent 44 (Summer 1997), 71-78
52. Bernstein, Turbulent Years, 318-39 passim. The National Labor Relation Act's Section 8(a)(2) now proscribes company-sponsored employee organizations.
53. Sidney Fine, The Automobile under the Blue Eagle: Labor, Management, and the Automobile Manufacturing Code (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1963), 146-47.
54. Steve Babson, Building the Union: Skilled Workers and Anglo-Gaelic Immigrants in the Rise of the UAW (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1991)
55. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage, 1963), 10. For a contrary view that privileges cultural homogeneity see Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal, 333-49.
56. As quoted in Robert Zieger, John L. Lewis: Labor Leader (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1988), 81.
57. Zieger, The CIO, 25.
58. As quoted in Zieger, John L. Lewis, 101.
59. Roosevelt quoted in Dubofsky, TJie State and Labor in Modern America, 135
60. Badger, The New Deal, 251.
61. Kristi Anderson, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928-1936 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).
62. Samuel Lubell, TJie Future of American Politics (New York: Harper and Row, 1952), 44-60
63. Henry Kraus, Heroes of Unwritten Story: The UAW, 1934-1939 (Ur-bana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 204.
64. Badger, TJie New Deal, 248.
65. Steve Babson, Turning Points: Labor in the Twentieth Century (Lanham: Row-man and Littlefield, 1999), 95.
66. Paul Sultan, Labor Economics (New York: Henry Holt, 1957), 144-45.
67. Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor's War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 8-25.
68. James B. Atleson, Labor and the Wartime State: Labor Relations and Law During World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 55-72
69. Sultan, Labor Economics, 123.
70. Russell Davenport, The Permanent Revolution (New York: Time-Life Books, 1951), 92.
71. Geoffrey Perrett, Days of Sadness, Years of Triumph, the American People, 1939-1945 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 335.
72. UAW, How to Win for the Union (Detroit: UAW Education Department, 1941), 3.
73. UAW, "How to Win for the Union," 4.
74. As quoted in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 136.
75. Meany quoted in Joseph C. Goulden, Meany: The Unchallenged Strong Man of American Labor (New York: Atheneum, 1972), 20.
76. Matt Smith, "Seniority Leads to Serfdom," April 18, 1939, in Accession 1813, box 30, William Harrington Papers, Hagley Museum and Library. Smith was the British-born secretary of the Mechanics Educational Society of America, a radical organization of skilled auto workers crucial to the organization of the early UAW
77. Dorothy Sue Cobble, Dishing It Out: Watresses and Their Unions in the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 137-48.
78. Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen, and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 156-88, 266-73 passim.
79. B. J. Widick, Detroit: City of Race and Class Violence (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 151-59
80. Thomas Sugrue, The Origins of the Urban Crisis: Race and Inequality in Postwar Detroit (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 77-86
81. Nelson, Divided We Stand, 56-61.
82. Melvyn Dubofsky, "Technological Change and American Worker Movements," in Hard Work: The Making of Labor History (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000), 179-200
83. E. Emmett Murray, The Lexicon of Labor (New York: New Press, 1998), 66.
84. Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997), 190-215 passim
85. Harvard Sitkoff, "Harry Truman and the Election of 1948," Journal of Southern History 37 (November 1971), 597-616.
86. Roger Horowitz, "Negro and White, Unite and Fight!": A Social History of Industrial Unionism in Meatpacking, 1930-1990 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997). 63.
87. Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 63-67.
88. Mark Solomon, The Cry Was Unity: Communists and African-Americans, 1917-1936 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998), 102-23
89. Robin Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), 57-116.
90. Rick Halpern, Down on the Killing Floor: Black and White Workers in Chicago's Packinghouses, igo4-$4 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 109.
91. Daniel Letwin, "The Specter of 'Social Equality'" (paper in author's possession)
92. Nelson, Divided We Stand, 89-119 passim. Until the 1950s advocacy of "social equality" proved so subversive that the FBI routinely labeled those who advocated such racial mores as ipso facto Communists.
93. As quoted in Roediger, Toward the Abolition of Whiteness, 10.
94. Judith Stein, "History of an Idea," The Nation 267 (December 14, 1998), 12-14. NAACP legal strategy during these years attacked educational segregation by forcing Southern states to equalize teacher salaries and actually fund black schools on a separate but equal basis.
95. Rosenwald Fund report quoted in Richard M. Dalfiume, "The 'Forgotten Years' of the Negro Revolution," Journal of American History 56 (June 1968), 100
96. Harold Preece, "The South Stirs," Crisis 48 (October 1941), 318.
97. Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein, "Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement," Journal of American History 75 (December 1988), 793-99.
98. "20,000 Members in 1943," Crisis 50 (May 1943), 140-41
99. Dominic Capeci, Jr., Race Relations in Wartime Detroit: The Sojourner Truth Housing Controversy of 1942 (Philadephia: Temple University Press, 1984), 75-99, m-13; St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton, Black Metropolis, 341.
100. Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights 137-38.
101. Samuel Lubell, The Future of American Politics (Garden City: Doubleday, 1952), 57.
102. Horowitz, "Negro and White, Unite and Fight!", 150.
103. Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1944), 1962), 416.
104. Allan Winkler, "The Philadelphia Transit Strike of 1944," Journal of American History 59 (July 1972), 73-79
105. William Harris, "Federal Intervention in Union Discrimination: FEPC and West Coast Shipywards during World War II," Labor History 22 (Summer 1981), 325-47.
106. Thomas Sugrue, "The Tangled Roots of Affirmative Action," American Behavioral Scientist 41 (April 1998), 889
107. Eileen Boris, "Fair Employment and the Origins of Affirmative Action in the 1940s," National Women's Studies Association Journal (Fall 1998), 144-46.
108. Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 193-95.
109. Faue, Community of Suffering and Struggle, 100-25 passim; Joshua Freeman, In Transit, 123-26.
110. Faue, Community of Suffering and Struggle, 126-46; This process took place
111. Nancy Gabin, Feminism in the Labor Movement: Women and the United Auto Workers, 1935-1975 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1990), 50-51.
112. As quoted in Karen Anderson, Wartime Women: Sex Roles, Family Relations, and the Status of Women during World War II (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981).
113. Kessler-Harris, A Women's Wage, 108.
114. Margaret C. Rung, "Paternalism and Pink Collars: Gender and Federal Employee Relations, 1941-1950," Business History Review 71(3) (1997), 381-416.
115. Ruth Milkman, Gender at Work: The Dynamics of Job Segregation by Sex during World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 77-83, 99-152;
116. Kessler-Harris, A Women's Wage, 111-12. A somewhat more sanguine reading of postwar progress for women workers is offered in Dennis Deslippe, "Rights, Not Roses": Unions and the Rise of Working-Class Feminism, 1945-1980 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2000).
117. Judith Sealander, "Feminist against Feminist: The First Phase of the Equal Rights Amendment Debate, 1923-1963," South Atlantic Quarterly 81 (1982), 147-61;
118. Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1998), 157-59;
119. Gwendolyn Mink, The Wages of Motherhood: Inequality in the Welfare State, 1917-42 (Ithaca; Cornell University Press, 1995), 31-51.
120. K. R. Willoughby, "Mothering Labor: Difference As a Device toward Protective Labor Legislation for Men, 1930-1938," Journal of Law and Politics 10 (Fall 1994), 445-89; Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 379-423.
121. Alice Kessler-Harris, In Pursuit of Equity: Women, Men and the Quest for Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 17-18, 141-43.
122. Jill Quadagno, "Women's Access to Pensions and the Structure of Eligibility Rules: Systems of Production and Reproduction," Sociological Quarterly 29 (1988), 541-58;
123. Bruce Fehn, "'Chickens Come Home to Roost': Industrial Reorganization, Seniority, and Gender Conflict in the United Packinghouse Workers of America, 1956-1966," Labor History 34 (Spring 1993), 324-41.
124. Bruce Nissen, "A Post-World War II "Social Accord?" in Nissen, ed., U.S. Labor Relations, 1945-1989: Accommodation and Conflict (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990), 174-79;
125. Samuel Bowles, David Gordon, and Thomas Weisskopf, Beyond the Waste Land: A Democratic Alternative to Economic Decline (Garden City: Anchor Press, 1983), 70-75;
126. John Sweeney, "America Needs a Raise," in Steven Fraser and Joshua Freeman, eds., Audacious Democracy: Labor, Intellectuals, and the Social Reconstruction of America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997), 13;
127. Reich was a prolific advocate after he left office as well. See, for example, Robert Reich, "Broken Faith: Why We Need to Renew the Social Compact," The Nation 266 (February 16, 1998), 11-17.
128. C. Wright Mills, The New Men of Power: America's Labor Leaders (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1948), 146-47;
129. Russell Davenport, The Permanent Revolution (New York: Time-Life Books, 1951), 92;
130. Elizabeth Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945-1960 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 108-34.
131. Jack Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000), 58-83, 94-117.
132. Nissen, "A Post-World II "Social Accord?" in U.S Labor Relatons, 193-200. Radicals like Kim Moody and Mike Davis have also accepted the existence of such an accord, even if they have argued that it was designed to serve the interests of elites in both labor and capital. See Kim Moody, An Injury to All: The Decline of American Unionism (London: Verso, 1988), 24-40;
133. Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream (London: Verso, 1986), 102-27.
134. Among the key texts are Clark Kerr, John Dunlop, Frederick Harbison, and Charles Myers, Industrialism and Industrial Man (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960);
135. Derek Bok and John Dunlop, Labor and the American Community (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970).
136. Among recent labor histories that explicate this experience, see Dubofsky, The State and Labor in Modern America, 107-95 passim; Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955, 177-90,212-27;
137. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 154-84; 220-47.
138. Fraser, Labor Will Rule, 503-505.
139. Leo Troy, "The Rise and Fall of American Trade Unions: The Labor Movement from FDR to RR," in Seymour Martin Lipset, ed., Unions in Transition (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1986), 75-89.
140. Proceedings of the Seventh Constitutional Convention of the CIO, Chicago (November 20-24, 1944), 313;
141. Sumner Slichter, The Challenge of Industrial Relations (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1947), 4.
142. This perspective is advanced most forcefully in Theda Skocpol and Kenneth Finegold, "State Capacity and Economic Intervention in the Early New Deal," Political Science Quarterly 97 (Summer 1982), 255-78;
143. A useful critique is found in Peter Swenson, "Arranged Alliance: Business Interests in the New Deal," Politics and Society 25 (March 1997), 66-116.
144. Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" in Trends toward Corporatist Intermediation, Philippe Schmitter and Gerhard Lehmbruh, eds. (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1982);
145. Wyn Grant, ed., The Political Economy of Corporatism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983);
146. Leo Panitch, Working-Class Politics in Crisis: Essays on Labor and the State (London: Verso, 1980), 132-86;
147. Ronald Schatz, "From Commons to Dunlop: Rethinking the Field and Theory of Industrial Relations," in Lichtenstein and Harris, eds., Industrial Democracy in America, 87-112.
148. Nelson Lichtenstein, "From Corporatism to Collective Bargaining: Organized Labor and the Eclipse of Social Democracy in the Postwar Era," in Fraser and Gerstle, The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 122-34;
149. Zieger, The CIO, 1935-1955, 141-252 passim;
150. George Lipsitz, Rainbow at Midnight: Labor and Culture in the 1940s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 45-68, 99-119;
151. Andrew Workman, "Manufacturing Power: The Organizational Revival of the National Association of Manufacturers, 1941-1945," Business History Review 78 (Summer 1998), 279-301.
152. U.S. Department of Labor, Termination Report of the National War Labor Board (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1947), 150-55, 211-91, 338-402; Sultan, Labor Economics, 71.
153. Meg Jacobs, "How about Some Meat?": The Office of Price Administration, Consumption Politics, and State Building from the Bottom Up, 1941-1946," Journal of American History 84 (December 1997), 910-41;
154. National Association of Manufacturers, "Would You Like Some Butter or a Roast of Beef " (newspaper advertisement), reproduced in Jacobs, "How about Some Meat?" 935;
155. Horowitz, Beyond Left and Right: Insurgency and the Establishment (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 112.
156. This was certainly Walter Reuther's perspective as well as that of labor-liberal policy makers like Leon Keyserling. See Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 220-47;
157. Jacobs, "The Politics of Purchasing Power," 255-320;
158. and even Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform, 157-61, who argues that while a "reform" in the structure of capitalism was indeed off the agenda, the Keynesian redistribution of income was still a viable liberal project.
159. Daniel Fox, Health Policies, Health Politics: The British and American Experience, 1911-1965 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986);
160. Alan Derickson, "Health Security for All? Social Unionism and Universal Health Insurance, 1935-1958," Journal of American History 81 (March 1994), 1333-56.
161. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 270.
162. Zieger, The CIO, 227-41;
163. Barbara S. Griffith, The Crisis of American Labor: Operation Dixie and the Defeat of the CIO (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989);
164. Robert Korstad, Daybreak of Freedom (University of North Carolina Press, forthcoming), chapters 4-7.
165. "Unionized South Will Oust Reaction, Murray Declares," Wage Earner April 12, 1946.
166. Gilbert Gall, The Politics of Right to Work: The Labor Federation As Special Interest, 1943-1979 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 55-93;
167. David Brody, "The Uses of Power II," Workers in Industrial America: Essays on the Twentieth-Century Struggle (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), 215-21;
168. David Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in the 1930s and 1940s (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 190-226;
169. Kevin Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945-1968 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 35-82;
170. and Joshua Freeman, Working-Class New York: Life and Labor since World War II (New York: The New Press, 2000).
171. See generally Sanford Jacoby, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: the Importance of Management,' in Jacoby, ed. Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 173-200;
172. David Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State: The Political Consciousness of American Corporate Executives," in British Journal of Political Science 8 (January 1978), 45-78;
173. Gordon, New Deals, 5-34.
174. Mills, The New Men of Power, 223-50;
175. Howell John Harris, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 23-40;
176. Thomas Ferguson, "Industrial Conflict and the Coming of the New Deal: The Triumph of Multinational Liberalism in America," in Gerstle and Fraser, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 3-31.
177. This paragraph relies heavily on Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State," 45-78; see also Jacoby, "American Exceptionalism Revisited," 173-200.
178. Sloan quoted in Joshua Freeman et al., American Social History Project, Who Built America? Working People and the Nation's Economy, Politics, Culture and Society (New York: Pantheon, 1991), 472.
179. Gordon, New Deals, 35-86; and Vogel, "Why Businessmen Distrust Their State," 62-71.
180. Catherine McNicol Stock, Main Street in Crisis: The Great Depression and the Old Middle Class on the Northern Plains (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992);
181. Peter Irons, The New Deal Lawyers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
182. Kazin, The Populist Persuasion, 78-133 passim; for the argument that the Court's "four horsemen" were accommodating themselves to a more expansive interpretation of the commerce clause well before 1937, see Barry Cushman, Rethinking the New Deal Court: The Structure of a Constitutional Revolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998)
183. All histories of the New Deal contain an account of FDR's "Court-packing" debacle. A fine one is found in David Kennedy's Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), 331-40.
184. See especially, David Horowitz, Beyond Left and Right: Insurgency and the Establishment (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 159, 203;
185. and also Leo Ribuffo, "Why Is There So Much Conservatism in the United States and Why Do So Few Historians Know Anything about It?" American Historical Review 99 (April 1994), 409-49.
186. Charles S. Maier, "The Two Postwar Eras and the Conditions for Stability in Twentieth-Century Western Europe," in Maier, In Search of Stability: Explorations in Historical Political Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 153-84;
187. Anthony Carew, Labor Under the Marshall Plan: the Politics of Productivity and the Marketing of Management Science (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987);
188. Guido Baglioni and Colin Crouch, eds., European Industrial Relations: The Challenge of Flexibility (London: Sage Publications, 1990), 127-53.
189. As quoted in Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise, 22.
190. As quoted in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 230.
191. As quoted in Lawrence Richards, "The Culture of Anti-Unionism, 1943- 1963," (seminar paper in author's possession, 1998).
192. For a discussion of the impact of Hayek and The Road to Serfdom, see Brinkley, The End of Reform, 157-61.
193. V. O. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Knopf, 1949);
194. Steven Lawson, Black Ballots: Voting Rights in the South, 1944-1969 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 23-115 passim.
195. Ira Katznelson and Bruce Pietrykowski, "Rebuilding the American State: Evidence from the 1940s," in Studies in American Political Development 5 (Fall 1991), 301-39.
196. Ira Katznelson, Kim Geiger, and Daniel Kryder, "Limiting Liberalism: The Southern Veto in Congress, 1933-1950," Political Science Quarterly (Vol. 108, No. 2, Summer 1993), 283-306.
197. Michael Brown, Race, Money, and the American Welfare State (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 99-134.
198. Daniel Clark, Like Night and Day: Unionization in a Southern Mill Town (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 168-98;
199. Timothy Minchin, What Do We Need a Union For?: The TWUA in the South, 1945-1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997) 69-98;
200. Daniel Kryder, Divided Arsenal: Race and the American State during World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 168-206.
201. F. Ray Marshall, Labor in the South (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), 229-66, 276;
202. Griffith, Operation Dixie, 22-45, 161-76.
203. James C. Foster, The Union Politic: The CIO Political Action Committee (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1975), 108-75, 196-207 (quote on p. 199); Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 83-106.
204. Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York: Basic Books, 1986), 226-69 passim;
205. Margaret Weir and Theda Skocpol, "State Structures and the Possibilities for a 'Keynesian' Response to the Great Depression in Sweden, Britain, and the United States," in Peter B. Evans et al., Bringing the State Back In (New York: Norton, 1984), 143-45.
206. Quotation taken from Joseph Huthmacher, ed., The Truman Years (Hillsdale: Franklin Watts, 1972), 111.
207. Tom Sugrue, Origins of the Urban Crisis, 125-77;
208. Jefferson Cowie, Capital Moves: RCA's Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (Ithaca; Cornell University Press, 1999), 41-99;
209. Bruce Schulman, From Cotton Belt to Sun Belt (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 127-66;
210. and Tami Friedman, "Communities in Competition: Capital Migration across the North-South Divide, 1935-1995" (paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians, April 1998).
211. James Boylan, The New Deal Coalition and the Election of 1946 (New York, 1981), 151-67;
212. Joel Seidman American Labor from Defense to Reconversion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), 233-44; Jacobs, "How about Some Meat?" 940-
213. Even unionists like Walter Reuther, who had been among the most outspoken corporatists and planning advocates, made a rhetorical about-face. After the Republican congressional sweep, he adopted much of the language of the anti-New Deal right, now urging "free labor" and "free management" to join in solving their problems, or a "superstate will arise to do it for us." Still later, after the Taft-Hartley restrictions were in place, Reuther put the issue even more bluntly: "I'd rather bargain with General Motors than with the government. . . . General Motors has no army," as quoted in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 261.
214. Ellen Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1998), 182-200, 309-58.
215. Zieger, John L. Lewis, 163-67;
216. Louis Stark "CIO to Follow AFL on Anti-Red Order" New York Times (September 11, 1947), 9.
217. The Cold War literature is huge. An excellent survey that avoids the usual bipolar focus is James E. Cronin, The World the Cold War Made: Order, Chaos, and the Return of History (New York: Routledge, 1996), 33-61.
218. Sidney Lens, The Counterfeit Revolution (New York: Beacon Press, 1952), 1-2. The abrupt Communist shift from shrill anti-interventionism to militant pro-war enthusiasm after the German invasion of the Soviet Union was long Exhibit A in the liberal brief against the party. For anti-Stalinist left-wing laborites, the party's unconditional defense of the World War II no-strike pledge was an equally potent Exhibit B.
219. Stuart Ball, "A Balance of Power: The Prerequisite to True Collective Bargaining," Vital Speeches of the Day 13 (March 1, 1947), 303.
220. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise, 53-55; Minchin, What Do We Need a Union For?, 32-47; and throughout, Griffith, Operation Dixie.
221. See Mary Sperling McAuliffe, Crisis on the Left: Cold War Politics and American Liberals, 1947-1954 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978), 33-47;
222. Harvey A. Levenstein, Communism, Anticommunism, and the CIO (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981), 208-29;
223. Ellen Schrecker, "McCarthyism and the Labor Movement: The Role of the State," in Steve Rosswurm, ed., The CIO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 139-57.
224. Studies that see U.S. Communism largely as the Stalinist product of Soviet foreign policy include Theodore Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia (New York: Viking, 1960);
225. Irving Howe and Lewis Coser, The American Communist Party: A Critical History (New York: Praeger, 1957);
226. Harvey Klehr et al., The Secret World of American Communism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).
227. Social and labor historians of the current generation recognize the weight of Moscow's heavy hand, but most also assert the complex, indigenous sources of Communist influence within the United States during the 1930s and 1940s. See for example, Michael Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993);
228. Maurice Isserman, Which Side Were You On?: The American Communist Party during the Second World War (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 1982);
229. Robin Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990). And for an exhaustive, balanced survey, see Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes, 1-33.
230. Sanford Jacoby, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism since the New Deal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 172-78, for an account of how Fred Crawford of Thompson Products used employer "free speech" to defeat the UAW.
231. Among the classic essays on this subject are F. J. Roethlisberger, "The Foreman: Master and Victim of Double Talk," Harvard Business Review 23 (1945), 283-98;
232. Donald E. Wray, "Marginal Men of Industry: The Foreman," American Journal of Sociology 54 (1949), 298-301;
233. and see Lichtenstein, "'The Man in the Middle': A Social History of Automobile Industry Foremen," in Lichtenstein and Stephen Meyer, On the Line: Essays in the History of Autowork (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), 153-89.
234. Charles P. Larrowe, "A Meteor on the Industrial Relations Horizon," Labor History 2 (Fall 1961), 259-87;
235. Virginia A. Seitz, "Legal, Legislative and Managerial Responses to the Organization of Supervisory Employees in the 1940s." American Journal of Legal History 28 (January 1984), 218-35.
236. Lichtenstein, "'The Man in the Middle': A Social History of Automobile Industry Foremen," 177-78;
237. "Testimony of George Kennedy," Hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 80th Congress, 1st Sess., "Amendments to the NLRA," February 20, 1947, 1074.
238. "The Foreman Abdicates," Fortune 32 (September 1945), 38.
239. As quoted in Seitz, "Legal, Legislative, and Managerial Responses to the Organization of Supervisory Employees in the 1940s," 240.
240. Peter DeChiara, "Rethinking the Managerial-Professional Exemption of the Fair Labor Standards Act," The American University Law Review 43 (Fall 1993), 139-
241. The classic discussion of white-collar status and mentality is found in C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), especially 289-323, where Mills examines and then rejects the possibility that a union white-collar breakthrough could transform American politics.
242. Howell Harris, The Right to Manage, 159-75; Lichtenstein, "The Man in the Middle," 167-90;
243. Charles T. Joyce, "Union Busters and Front-Line Supervisors: Restricting and Regulating the Use of Supervisory Employees by Management Consultants during Union Representation Election Campaigns," University of Pennsylvania Law Review 135 (1987), 493.
244. Joyce, "Union Busters and Front-Line Supervisors," 453-93.
245. Alonzo Hamby, Beyond the New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 293-310;
246. Robert Griffith, "Forging America's Postwar Order: Domestic Politics and Political Economy in the Age of Truman," in Michael Lacey, ed., The Truman Presidency (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 72-78.
247. "UAW Press Release on GM Contract," May 25, 1948, file 5, box 72, UAWDonald Montgomery Collection, Archives of Labor History, Wayne State University; and see also W. S. Woytinsky, Labor and Management Look at Collective Bargaining: A Canvas of Leaders' Views (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1949), 105-109.
248. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 279-80. See also two excellent books that put the domestic political economy firmly within Cold War debates over the specter of a looming "garrison state": Michael Hogan, A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945-1954 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 265-314;
249. Aaron Friedberg, In the Shadow of the Garrison State: America's Anti-Statism and Its Cold War Grand Strategy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 40-61, 98-115.
250. Daniel Bell, "The Treaty of Detroit," Fortune (July 1950), 53.
251. George Ruben, "Major Collective Bargaining Developments-A Quarter Century Review," reprinted from Bureau of Labor Statistics, Current Wage Developments (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1974), 46-47.
252. Katherine Van Wezel Stone, "The Post-War Paradigm in American Labor Law," Yale Law Journal 90 (June 1981), 1509-80;
253. Tomlins, The State and the Unions, 258-81 passim. A longer discussion of "industrial pluralism" and its difficulties is found in chapter 4.
254. James Atleson, Labor and the Wartime State: Labor Relations and Law during World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 221-71 passim; and Tomlins, The State and the Unions, 317-28.
255. B. J. Widick, "A Shop Steward on the Frustrations of the Contract System, 1954," in Eileen Boris and Nelson Lichtenstein, Major Problems in the History of American Workers (Lexington: D.C. Heath and Co., 1991), 506.
256. Katherine Van Wezel Stone, "The Legacy of Industrial Pluralism: The Tension between Individual Employment Rights and the New Deal Collective Bargaining System," University of Chicago Law Review 59 (1992), 575-644.
257. Thomas Geoghegan, Which Side Are You On? Trying to Be for Labor When It's Flat on Its Back (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1991), 164.
258. Klein, "Managing Security: The Business of American Social Policy," 409. And see also, Joel Rogers, "In the Shadow of the Law: Institutional Aspects of Postwar U.S. Union Decline," in Christopher Tomlins and Andrew King, eds. Labor Law in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 283-302.
259. As quoted in Klein, "Managing Security," 410, 426; see also Jacoby, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism since the New Deal, especially his chapter on Kodak, 57-94.
260. Brown, Race, Money, and the American Welfare State, 135-64; Jennifer Klein, "The Business of Health Security: Employee Health Benefits, Commercial Insurers and the Reconstruction of Welfare Capitalism, 1945-1960," International Labor and Working Class History 58 (Fall 2000), 293-313. Brown argues that the political threat posed by Taft-Hartley pushed unionists and their Democratic Party allies toward a collectively bargained welfare state, as a new source of union legitimacy and institutional support.
261. Statistics taken from Klein, "Managing Security," 473.
262. David Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, New Deal Liberal (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 120-53;
263. Jack Stieber et al., eds, U.S. Industrial Relations 1950- 1980: A Critical Assessment (Madison: Industrial Relations Research Association, 1981), 1-46;
264. Robert Sobel, IBM: Colossus in Transition (New York: Times Books, 1981), 138-84.
265. Klein, "Managing Security," 506.
266. Minchin, What Do We Need a Union For? 119-68; Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison, The Deindustrialization of America: Plant Closings, Community Abandonment, and the Dismantling of Basic Industry (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 6-8, 25- 27, 118-29.
267. See articles by Joel Rogers, "In the Shadow of the Law"; "Divide and Conquer: Further Reflections on the Distinctive Character of American Labor Laws," Wisconsin Law Review 1 (1990), 11-147; and "A Strategy for Labor," Industrial Relations 34 (July 1995), 367-81.
268. U.S. Department of Labor, Handbook of Labor Statistics, Bulletin 2217, Washington, D.C. 1984, 201-203;
269. Harold Levinson, "Pattern Bargaining: A Case Study of the Automobile Workers," Quarterly Journal of Economics (Spring 1959), 299.
270. Thomas Byrne Edsall with Mary D. Edsall, Chain Reaction: The Impact of Race, Rights, and Taxes on American Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991), 116-53;
271. Beth Stevens, "Blurring the Boundaries: How the Federal Government Has Influenced Welfare Benefits in the Private Sector," The Politics of Social Policy in the United States, 123-48.
272. Sanford Jacoby, "Current Prospects for Employee Representation in the U.S.: Old Wine in New Bottles?" Journal of Labor Research 16, (Summer 1995);
273. David Brody, "The Breakdown of Labor's Social Contract," Dissent (Winter 1992);
274. Sanford Jacoby and Anil Verma, "Enterprise Unions in the United States," Industrial Relations 31 (Winter 1992), 137-58.
275. To understand how the works-council system functions, consider the case of Ford in Germany. The corporation has no recognition agreement with IG Metall, the big metal union. Instead Ford deals directly with its works council on plant problems and only indirectly with IG Metall on pay matters via the employers federation of which it is a leading member. The works council members all happen to be IG Metall members, but there is nevertheless a creative tension between the council, the national union, and the company.
276. Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 316-51; Brody, In Labor's Cause: Main Themes on the History of the American Worker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 221-45;
277. Glenn Perusek and Kent Worcester, Trade Union Politics: American Unions and Economic Change, 1960s-1990s (New York: Humanities Press, 1995), 3-56;
278. James D. Rose, "The Struggle over Management Rights at U.S. Steel, 1946-1960: A Reassessment of Section 2-B of the Collective-Bargaining Contract," Business History Review (Autumn 1998), 446-77.
279. W. W. Rostow, The Diffusion of Power (New York: MacMillian, 1972), 138-43;
280. Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 279-315; James Cochrane, "The Johnson Administration: Moral Suasion Goes to War," in Crauford Goodwin, ed., Exhortation and Controls: The Search for a Wage-Price Policy, 1945-1971 (Washington: The Brookings Institution, 1975), 199-214.
281. In his recent Fat and Mean, the late David Gordon argues that from the early postwar years onward managerial ranks and salary costs swelled rapidly, not because of any turn toward an economy of "symbolic analysts"-the Robert Reich description- but because managers needed a thick layer of supervision to maintain their prerogatives and because the proliferation of the managerial strata was one effective way to push income distribution in a more inequitable direction. Historian David Stebenne arrives at similar conclusions using archival, not econometric, data. See Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 188-232; and Gordon, Fat and Mean, 33-60.
282. Julius Rezler, Automation and Industrial Labor (New York: Random House, 1969), 64-79, 197-212;
283. Charles P. Larrowe, Harry Bridges: the Rise and Fall of Radical Labor in the United States (New York: Lawrence Hill, 1972), 345-58.
284. Robert Zieger, "George Meany: Labor's Organization Man," in Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, Labor Leaders in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 324-49;
285. John Berry, "The Pressure Builds for Shorter Workweeks," AFL-CIO News (November 1961).
286. Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: the Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 62-83;
287. Gary Mucciaroni, The Political Failure of Employment Policy, 1945-82 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990);
288. Jonas Pontusson, "Labor, Corporatism, and Industrial Policy: The Swedish Case in Comparative Perspective," Comparative Politics 6 (January 1991);
289. Gosta Esping-Anderson, Politics Against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).
290. Benjamin Hunnicutt, Work without End: Abandoning Shorter Hours for the Right to Work (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), 320-40;
291. Juliet Schor, The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure (New York: Basic Books, 1991), 122-38; Reuther quoted in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 291.
292. Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945-1968, 132-60; Steven Amberg, Labor and the Postwar Political Economy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992), 228-74.
293. Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 291-300; Kennedy quoted in Bernstein, Promises Kept: John F. Kennedy's New Frontier (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 143. Later Kennedy said he had meant to say steel executives, not "all businessmen."
294. Irving Bernstein, Promises Kept: John F. Kennedy's New Frontier, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 145-46;
295. Grant McConnell, Steel and the Presidency (New York: Norton, 1963).
296. Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered, 207. Metzgar offers an insightful guide to the way in which the post-1950 labor movement and its accomplishments have been systematically devalued by liberals and the left in the postwar years. See, especially, the chapter "The Contest for Official Memory," 202-29.
297. Jacoby, Modern Manors, 236-62.
298. Exceptions prove the rule. See Walter Uphoff, Kohler on Strike: Thirty Years of Conflict (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966).
299. Lipsitz, A Rainbow at Midnight, 160; Plotke, Building a Democratic Political Order, 233-36.
300. Clark Kerr, Industrialism and Industrial Man: The Problem of Labor and Management in Economic Growth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960);
301. Reed Larson, Stranglehold: How Union Bosses Have Hijacked Our Government (Ottowa, Ill.: Jameson Books, 1999), 101-107;
302. Gilbert Gall, "Forming Electoral Coalitions; Lessons from Right-to-Work Campaigns" (paper in author's possession).
303. "Testimony of Ira Mosher," hearings before the Committee on Education and Labor, House of Representatives, 80th Congress, 1st Sess., Amendments to the NLRA (March 7, 1947), 2685.
304. Donald Richberg, "How Shall We Deal with Labor Union Monopolies?" Vital Speeches of the Day 22 (December 1, 1955), 125.
305. Meg Jacobs, "The American Middle-Classes and the Fear of Inflation in the 1950s" (paper presented at Harvard Business School, November 1999).
306. Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville, Ky.: Victor Publishing Co., 1960), 56;
307. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 347; Robert Alan Goldberg, Barry Goldwater (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), 67-76;
308. Gilbert Gall, The Politics of Right to Work: The Labor Federations As Special Interests, 1943- 1979 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 93-128.
309. And see in particular Rick Perl stein, Before the Storm: Barry Goldwater and the Unmaking of the American Consensus (New York: Hill and Wang, 2001), 3-67.
310. Paul Jacobs, "Old Before Its Time: Collective Bargaining at Twenty-eight," in Jacobs, The State of the Unions (New York: Atheneum, 1963), 257-93
311. Richard Lester, As Unions Mature: An Analysis of the Evolution of American Unionism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), 29-34.
312. Joel Rogers, "Divide and Conquer: Further 'Reflections on the Distinctive Character of American Labor Laws,' " Wisconsin Law Review 1 (1990), 57-59.
313. Seymour Martin Lipset, The First New Nation: The United States in Historical and Comparative Perspective (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), 191-96.
314. Solomon Barkin, The Decline of the Labor Movement (Santa Barbara: Fund for the Republic, 1961), 55.
315. Aaron Brenner, "Rank-and-File Teamster Movements in Comparative Perspective," in Glenn Perusek and Kent Worcester, eds., Trade Union Politics: American Unions and Economic Change, 1960s-1990s (Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1995), 111-39.
316. Teamster scholarship tilts toward the sensational. Two studies that examine Hoffa as a union strategist are Ralph and Estelle James, Hoffa and the Teamsters: A Study of Union Power (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1965); and Arthur Sloane, Hoffa (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991).
317. Frederick Harbison, "The UAW-General Motors Agreement of 1950," Journal of Political Economy 58 (October 1950), 408
318. see Lichtenstein, "UAW Bargaining Strategy and Shop-Floor Conflict, 1946-1970," Industrial Relations 24 (Fall 1985), 369-79.
319. Arthur Kornhauser, When Labor Votes: A Study of the Auto Workers (New York: University Books, 1956), 19
320. Samuel Lubell, The Future of American Politics (Garden City: Doubleday, 1956), 229.
321. Key quoted in Joel Rogers, "Divide and Conquer," 2.
322. Robert Zieger, "George Meany: Labor's Organization Man," in Labor Leaders in America, Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, eds. (Urbana: University of Illi nois Press, 1987), 328-29
323. Joseph Goulden, Meany: The Unchallenged Strong Man of American Labor (New York: Atheneum, 1972), 271-83
324. Henry Fleisher, interview with Don Kennedy, Washington, D.C. (May 4, 1979), 21-28, AFL-CIO Oral History Project, George Meany Memorial Archives, Silver Spring, Md.
325. As quoted in Reuel Schiller, "From Group Rights to Individual Liberties: Post- War Labor Law, Liberalism, and the Waning of Union Strength," Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 20 (1999), 6; this chapter relies heavily on Schiller's understanding of the relationship between postwar pluralism and the labor law.
326. Robert Dublin, "Constructive Aspects of Industrial Conflict"; and Arthur Ross, "Conclusion"; both in Arthur Kornhauser, Robert Dublin, Arthur Ross, eds., Industrial Conflict (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954), 44, 532.
327. Robert Booth Fowler, Believing Skeptics: American Political Intellectuals, 1945- 1964 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1978), 176-86
328. Lipset quoted in Richard Pells, The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age: American Intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s (New York: Harper and Row, 1985), 141.
329. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Vital Center (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1949), 173.
330. Howard Brick, "Talcott Parson's 'Shift Away from Economics,' 1937-1946," Journal of American History 87 (September 2000), 490-515.
331. Schlesinger, Jr., The Vital Center, 154, 174.
332. Earl Latham, "The Group Basis of Politics: Notes for a Theory," The American Political Science Review 46 (June 1952), 376-97
333. David Truman, "The American System in Crisis," Political Science Quarterly 74 (December 1959), 488.
334. Reinhold Niebuhr, " 'End of an Era' for Organized Labor," New Leader, (January 4, 1960), 18.
335. Kerr, Labor and Management in Industrial Society, 27.
336. Osar Ornati, "Union Discipline, Minority Rights, and Public Policy," Labor Law Journal 5 (July 1954), 473-77
337. "The Text of General Eisenhower's Speech at A.F.L. Convention," New York Times (September 18, 1952), 12.
338. As quoted in Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 169.
339. Louis Stark, "Democracy-and Responsibility-in Unions," New York Times Magazine (May 25, 1947), 58.
340. As quoted in Dubofsky, The State and Labor in Modern America, 213. This was the famous Steelworkers Trilogy ruling of 1960.
341. Staughton Lynd, "Government without Rights: The Labor Law Vision of Archibald Cox," Industrial Relations Law Journal 4, 483-95
342. Ronald Schatz, "From Commons to Dunlop: Rethinking the Field and Theory of Industrial Relations," in Lichtenstein and Harris, Industrial Democracy in America, 87-112.
343. As quoted in Schiller, "From Group Rights to Individual Liberties," 48.
344. David J. Sousa, "'No Balance in the Equities': Union Power in the Making and Unmaking of the Campaign Finance Regime," Studies in American Political Development 13 (Fall 1999), 374-401.
345. Schiller, "From Group Rights to Individual Liberties," 18-29
346. see Clyde Summers, "Individual Rights in Collective Agreements-A Preliminary Analysis," New York University Twelfth Annual Conference on Labor (1959).
347. George Strauss and Don Willner, "Government Regulation of Local Union Democracy," Labor Law Journal 4 (August 1953), 533.
348. Fraser, Sidney Hillman, 332.
349. Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1996), xiii-xx, 3-50
350. Dwight Macdonald, "The World's Biggest Union: How Are the Auto Workers Facing the Future?" Common Sense (November 1943), 411.
351. C. Wright Mills, The New Men of Power: America's Labor Leaders (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1948), 6-7.
352. C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), 318.
353. Gregory D. Sumner, Dwight Macdonald and the Politics Circle (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), 115
354. see also Michael Wreszin, A Rebel in Defense of Tradition (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 160-90.
355. Dwight Macdonald, The Responsibility of Peoples (And Other Essays in Political Criticism) (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1957), 45
356. Sumner, Dwight Macdonald, 85-109.
357. Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmillian, 1962), 6
358. Maurice Isserman, The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington (New York: Public Affairs Press, 2000), 195-98.
359. Harvey Swados, "The UAW-Over the Top or Over the Hill?" Dissent (Fall 1963), 321-43.
360. Thaddeus Russell, "Cleaning the House of Labor: The McClellan Committee and the AFL-CIO, 1956-1959" (Master's thesis, Columbia University, 1992).
361. As quoted in Russell, "Cleaning the House of Labor," 17.
362. Barry Goldwater, The Conscience of a Conservative (Shepherdsville, Ky.: Victor Publishing, 1960), 45.
363. I discuss this political and ideological shift in Walter Reuther, 346-50
364. see also David Reinhard, The Republican Right since 1945 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983), 138-45
365. Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream (London: Verso, 1986), 166-70.
366. Gall, The Politics of Right to Work, 92-128
367. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise, 257-84
368. Reed Larson, "Is Monopoly in the American Tradition?" Vital Speeches of the Day 39 (June 15, 1973), 527-28.
369. Sumner Slichter, "Are We Becoming a 'Laboristic' State?" New York Times Magazine (May 16, 1948), 11, 61-66
370. Slichter, "New Goals for the Unions," Atlantic Monthly (December 1958), 54.
371. Paul Jacobs, "Union Democracy and the Public Good," Commentary (January 1958), 74
372. Paul Jacobs, "Old before Its Time: Collective Bargaining at Twenty-eight," in Jacobs, The State of the Unions (New York: Atheneum, 1963), 257-93.
373. Herbert Harris, "Why Labor Lost the Intellectuals," Harper's Weekly (June 1964), 79.
374. Daniel Bell, "The Subversion of Collective Bargaining," Commentary (March 1960), 185, 195.
375. John Kenneth Galbraith, American Capitalism: The Theory of Countervailing Power (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1952), 114.
376. John Kenneth Galbraith, The New Industrial State (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1967), 263-64, 274, 280-81.
377. "Is Collective Bargaining Dead?" FOCUS, Georgetown University, April 18, 1967 in News From the AFL-CIO (transcript), 2-4, AFL-CIO Press Releases, George Meany Archives, Silver Spring, MD.
378. Levy, The New Left and Labor, 147-66.
379. Stanley Aronowitz "Trade Unionism in America" Liberation (December 1971), 22-27.
380. Alice and Staughton Lynd, Rank and File: Personal Histories by Working-Class Organizers (Boston: Beacon, 1973), 3-4.
381. Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream, 153.
382. Ruth O'Brien, "Duality and Division: The Development of American Labour Policy from the Wagner Act to the Civil Rights Act," International Contributions to Labour Studies 4 (1994), 21-51.
383. Katherine Van Wezel Stone, "The Legacy of Industrial Pluralism: The Tension between Individual Employment Rights and the New Deal Collective Bargaining System," The University of Chicago Law Review 59 (1992), 575-644.
384. Gilbert Gall, "'Rights Which Have Meaning': Reconceiving Labor Liberty in the 1940s." Labor History 39 (August 1998), 273-89.
385. As quoted in Schiller, "Policy Ideals and Judicial Action," 328-30.
386. Emporium Capwell Co. vs. Western Addition Community Org., 420 U.S. 50 (1975), 56, 68-70.
387. Staughton Lynd, "The Right to Engage in Concerted Activity after Union Recognition: A Study of Legislative History," Indiana Law Journal 50 (1974-75), 720, 752
388. E-mail, Reuel Schiller to Lichtenstein (December 5, 2000)
389. E-mail, David Abraham to Lichtenstein (December 22, 2000).
390. Stone, "The Post-War Paradigm in American Labor Law," 1533-34
391. Tomlins, The State and the Unions, 314-28
392. Lynd, "The Right to Engage in Concerted Activity after Union Recognition: A Study of Legislative History," 720-56.
393. Atleson, Values and Assumptions in American Labor Law, 124-30, 130-32
394. Paul C. Weiler, Governing the Workplace: The Future of Labor and Employment Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990), 1-48 passim.
395. Schiller, "Policy Ideas and Judicial Action," 179.
396. Kate Bronfenbrenner, "We'll Close! Plant Closings, Plant-Closing Threats, Union Organizing and NAFTA," Multinational Monitor 18 (March 1997), 10-12.
397. Bill Mesler, "Hotline to the White House: Sprint, Blatantly Anti-Union, Has Drawn N.L.R.B. Censure but Bill Clinton's Praise," The Nation 264 (June 30, 1997), 20-24
398. Kim Phillips-Fein, "A More Perfect Union Buster," Mother Jones 23 (September- October 1998), 62-66.
399. Richard Kahlenberg, "Unionization As a Civil Right," American Prospect (September 11, 2000), 13. In 1997 the median jury award in employment bias and sexual harassment cases was $250,000.
400. Stanley Aronowitz, From the Ashes of the Old: American Labor and America's Future (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1998), 140
401. Joshua Freeman, Working- Class New York: Life and Labor since World War II (New York: The New Press, 2000), 179-200.
402. Irving Bernstein, Promises Kept: John F. Kennedy's New Frontier (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 215-16.
403. Aronowitz, From the Ashes of the Old, 78-79.
404. Stebenne, Arthur Goldberg, 253-304
405. Bernstein, Promises Kept, 133-57.
406. Hobart Rowen, Self-Inflicted Wounds: From LBJ's Guns and Butter to Reagan's Voodoo Economics (New York: Random House, 1994), 49-84
407. Allen Matusow, Nixon's Economy: Booms, Busts, Dollars, and Votes (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 1998), 84-116.
408. As quoted in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 334.
409. This paragraph is taken largely from chapter 14, "An American Social Democracy," in Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 299-326.
410. I discuss these developments in Walter Reuther, but accounts can also be found in Boyle, Heyday of American Liberalism, 161-232 passim
411. Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1987), 151-62.
412. Norman Miller, "Auto Union Ferment," Wall Street Journal (September 24, 1964)
413. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 398-99.
414. This point is very well made in Metzgar, Striking Steel, 1-16.
415. Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 399-401.
416. Gilbert Gall, The Politics of Right to Work: The Labor Federations As Special Interests, 1943-1979 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1988), 172-83.
417. Gary Gerstle, "The Protean Character of American Liberalism," American Historical Review 99 (October 1994), 1070
418. Alan Brinkley, The End of Reform (New York: Knopf, 1995), 201-64.
419. Gary Mucciaroni, The Political Failure of Employment Policy, 1945-1982 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 224-54
420. Walter Heller, New Dimensions of Political Economy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1966), 42-47
421. Bernstein, Promises Kept, 118-59 passim.
422. Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 83-110
423. Ira Katznelson, "Was the Great Society a Lost Opportunity?" in Fraser and Gerstle, Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 185-211.
424. As quoted in Stein, Running Steel, Running America, 28, 75.
425. As quoted in William E. Forbath, "Why Is This Rights Talk Different from All Other Rights Talk? Demoting the Court and Reimagining the Constitution." Stanford Law Review 46 (July 1994), 1804.
426. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker, 3
427. EEOC, Making a Right a Reality: An Oral History of the Early Years of the EEOC, 1965-1972 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1990) (Foshee interview excerpt taken from www.eeoc.gov/35th/voices/making.html).
428. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker, 61
429. The steelworker lawsuit, see Gilbert Gall, Pursuing Justice: Lee Pressman, the New Deal, and the CIO (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999),78-93.
430. Michael Honey, Black Workers Remember: An Oral History of Segregation, Unionism, and the Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 213-36, Eastland quoted on page 230.
431. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker, 243.
432. Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights, 287-91.
433. As quoted in Cynthia Daniels, At Women's Expense: State Power and the Politics of Fetal Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 60.
434. Lise Vogel, Mothers on the Job: Maternity Policy in the U.S. Workplace (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1993), 69-90.
435. John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 1-35.
436. The literature is large. For starters see, Gould, Black Workers in White Unions, 99-135; James E. Jones, Jr., "The Rise and Fall of Affirmative Action," in Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Jr., Race in America: The Struggle for Equality (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993), 345-69; and Paul Moreno, From Direct Action to Affirmative Action: Fair Employment Law and Policy in America, 1933-72 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997).
437. Paul Weiler, Governing the Workplace: the Future of Labor and Employment Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990), 23-24; and Moreno, From Direct Action to Affirmative Action, 267-82.
438. Erin Kelly and Frank Dobbin, "How Affirmative Action Became Diversity Management," American Behavioral Scientist 41 (April 1998), 969-70; and see most recently, David Segal, "Denny's Serves Up a Sensitive Image: Restaurant Chain Goes on PR Offensive to Show Changed Ways with Minorities," Washington Post (April 7, 1999), E1. Only the ideological right still rails against this abandonment of the employment "at-will" doctrine. See the Manhattan Institute's Walter S. Olsen, "How Government Has Created a Hiring Hell for Employers," The American Enterprise 8 (July-August 1997), 50-52.
439. Stein, Running Steel, Running America, 150-52.
440. Brochure, Virginia Manufactures Association, "Employment and the Law," (November 8 and 9, 1995), Richmond Marriott Hotel in Frank Ix and Company (unprocessed box and collection), Alderman Library Special Collections, University of Virginia.
441. This and the following paragraphs rely heavily on Heckscher, The New Unionism, 200-30; Weiler, Governing the Workplace, 48-104; and Richard Edwards, Rights at Work: Employee Relations in the Post-Union Era (Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1993), 102-33.
442. Robert Nelson and William Bridges, Legalizing Gender Inequality: Courts, Markets, and Unequal Pay for Women in America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 205-42. The EEOC case was not aided by the switch in administrations, from that of the Democratic Jimmy Carter, during which the case was filed, to the more unsympathetic Ronald Reagan.
443. Minchin, Hiring the Black Worker, 255-62; Fink and Greenberg, Upheaval in the Quiet Zone, 155-57.
444. David Bensman and Roberta Lynch, Rusted Dreams: Hard Times in a Steel Community (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1987), 1-2.
445. As quoted in Peter Carroll, It Seemed Like Nothing Happened: The Tragedy and Promise of America in the 1970s (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1982), ix.
446. Stein, Running Steel, Running America, 295.
447. Richard K. Lester, The Productive Edge: How U.S. Industries Are Pointing the Way to a New Era of Economic Growth (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998), 34-37; David M. Gordon, "Chickens Home to Roost: From Prosperity to Stagnation in the Postwar U.S. Economy," in Michael A. Bernstein and David E. Adler, Understanding American Economic Decline (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 34-76; an extensive, even alarmist, early survey is found in Ira C. Magaziner and Robert B. Reich, Minding America's Business: The Decline and Rise of the American Economy (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1982), 11-59.
448. Jeffrey Madrick, The End of Affluence: The Causes and Consequences of America's Economic Dilemma (New York: Random House, 1995), 134-46; and see more generally, Edward Wolff, Top Heavy: The Incrasing Inequality of Wealth in American and What Can Be Done about It (New York: New Press, 1995); and Thomas Palley, Plenty of Nothing: The Downsizing of the American Dream and the Case for Structural Keynesianism (Princeton; Princeton University Press, 1998), 58-59.
449. Taylor Dark, The Unions and the Democrats: An Enduring Alliance (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 15-16; Pelley, Plenty of Nothing, 31-38.
450. Howard Brick, "Optimism of the Mind: Imagining Postindustrial Society in the 1960s and 1970s," American Quarterly 44 (September 1992), 348-80; Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (New York: Basic Books, 1973, 1999); a fine discussion of the debate that emerged over the meaning of the rise in white collar and professional work is found in Paul Blumberg, Inequality in an Age of Decline (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 9-64.
451. John Kenneth Galbraith, The New Industrial State (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1967); Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society, 344.
452. Alain Touraine, The Post Industrial Society; Tomorrow's Social History: Classes, Conflicts and Culture in the Programmed Society (New York: Random House, 1971); Andre Gorz, Farewell to the Working Class (Boston: South End Press, 1982); and Barbara and John Ehrenreich, "The New Left: A Case Study in Professional- Managerial Class Radicalism," Radical America (May-June 1977), 7-22.
453. Robert Reich, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for Twenty-first Century Capitalism (New York: Random House, 1991), 182; and see also Chris Toulouse, "Political Economy after Reagan," in Glenn Perusek and Kent Worcester, Trade Union Politics: American Unions and Economic Change, 1960s-1990s (Atlantic Highlands: Humanities Press, 1995), 22-56.
454. Emma Rothschild, Paradise Lost: The Decline of the Auto-Industrial Age (New York: Random House, 1973), 21-23, 245-46; Rothschild's attack on Fordism as an increasingly inefficient production system was soon sustained from within the halls of the Harvard Business School. See William Abernathy, The Productivity Dilemma: Roadblok to Innovation in the Automobile Industry (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978).
455. Charles Sabel and Jonathan Zeitlin, "Alternatives to Mass Production," Past and Present, revised and updated in Zeitlin and Sabel, Worlds of Possibilities: Flexibility and Mass Production (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Michael Piore and Charles Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 19-48.
456. Piore and Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide, 133-64.
457. Robert Reich, The Next American Frontier (New York: Penguine Books, 1983), 246.
458. Piore and Sabel, Second Industrial Divide, 261, 305-306. And see also Shoshana Zuboff, In the Age of the Smart Machine: The Future of Work and Power (New York: Basic Books, 1984). Piore, Sabel, and Zuboff stood on the left but their faith in a technocratic progressivism fed rather easily into the Reaganite optimism of such technomarket futurists as George Gilder and Ben Wattenberg.
459. As quoted in Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (New York: Verso, 1997), 44.
460. William Greider, One World, Ready or Not: The Manic Logic of Global Capitalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), 25.
461. Vincent Cable, "The Diminished Nation-State: A Study in the Loss of Economic Power," Daedalus 124 (Spring 1995), 23-54.
462. David Gordon, Fat and Mean: The Corporate Squeeze of Working Americans and the Myth of Managerial "Downsizing" (New York: Free Press, 1996), 221; Joel Rogers, "In the Shadow of the Law: Institutional Aspects of Postwar U.S. Union Decline," in Christopher Tomlins and Andrew King, Labor Law in America: Historical and Critical Essays (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 283-302.
463. Steve Fraser and Nelson Lichtenstein, "Teamsters and Turtles," New Labor Forum 6 (Spring/Summer 2000), 23-29.
464. Stephen Cohen and John Zysman, Manufacturing Matters: The Myth of the Post-Industrial Economy (New York: Basic Books, 1987), 7.
465. A very fine account of the excitement, skill, and productive potential inherent in tool and die work is found in Steve Babson, Skilled Workers and Anglo-Gaelic Immigrants in the Rise of the UAW (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 15-62 passim.
466. Richard Freeman, "Are Your Wages Set in Beijing?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 9 (Summer 1995), 15-33; "Does Trade Hurt Workers?" The Wilson Quarterly 20 (Winter 1996), 12; Dan McGraw, "Happily Ever NAFTA? So Far the Trade Pact's Impacts Have Been Limited," U.S. News and World Report 121 (October 28, 1996), 46-49.
467. Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," Foreign Affairs 73 (March-April, 1994), 31-33.
468. Cohen and Zysman, Manufacturing Matters, 4, 178-93; Moody, Workers in a Lean World, 6-14.
469. Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," 43.
470. Kate Bronfenbrenner, "We'll Close! Plant Closings, Plant-Closing Threats, Union Organizing and NAFTA," Multinational Monitor 18 (March 1997), 8-14; Bronfenbrenner, "Raw Power: Plant-Closing Threats and the Threat to Union Organizing," Multinational Monitor 21 (December 2000), 24-30.
471. James C. Cobb, The Selling of the South: The Southern Crusade for Industrial Development, 1936-1990 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 35-63, 209- 28; Thomas Hanchett, "U.S. Tax Policy and the Shopping-Center Boom of the 1950s and 1960s," American Historical Review 101 (October 1996), 1082-1110.
472. Jefferson Cowie, Capital Moves: RCA's Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 195; and see also Lichtenstein, "Vanishing Jobs in a Racialized America," Radical History Review 78 (Fall 2000), 178-88.
473. Moody, Workers in a Lean World, 201-26; Peter Lange, Michael Wallerstein, and Miriam Golden, "The End of Corporatism? Wage Setting in the Nordic and Germanic Countries," in Sanford Jacoby, ed., The Workers of Nations: Industrial Relations in a Global Economy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995) 76-100.
474. Jeff Grabelsky and Mark Erlich, "Recent Innovations in the Building Trades," in Bruce Nissen, ed., Which Direction for Organized Labor? (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999), 168; Marc Linder, Wars of Attrition: Vietnam, the Business Roundtable, and the Decline of Construction Unions (Iowa City: Fanpihua Press, 1999), 95-144.
475. Linder, Wars of Attrition, 59-94
476. Joshua Freeman, Working-Class New York, 237-46.
477. An excellent account of corporate political remobilization during the 1970s is found in David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America (New York: Basic Books, 1989), 113-239 passim.
478. Grabelsky and Erlich, "Recent Innovations in the Building Trades," 169-77; quote on page 175. Given the cyclical character of the industry and its relative danger, even non-union contractors have admitted that they face a skill shortage. In the absence of union apprenticeship programs, which constituted a kind of training tax upon the entire industry, non-union contractors have solved their shortage in key crafts, either by allowing skills to erode or pirating labor from each other.
479. As quoted in Roger Alcaly and David Mermelstein, eds., The Fiscal Crisis of American Cities: Essays on the Political Economy of Urban America with Special Reference to New York (New York: Random House, 1976), 126.
480. Studies of the 1970s urban fiscal crisis include Robert Kuttner, Revolt of the Haves: Tax Rebellions and Hard Times (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1980); William Tabb, The Long Default: New York City and the Urban Fiscal Crisis (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1982).
481. Tabb, The Long Default, 5; Nicholas von Hoffman "The Liberal Side," Washington Post (April 2, 1973).
482. Tabb, The Long Default, 27.
483. Joseph McCartin, "Rethinking Liberalism's Decline: What Labor History Can Teach Us," (preliminary notes on book project), 14-18.
484. Robert Reich and John Donahue, New Deals: The Chrysler Revival and the American System (New York: Times Books, 1985), 126.
485. Kim Moody, An Injury to All: The Decline of American Unionism (New York: Verso, 1988), 165-91; Harry Katz, Shifting Gears: Changing Labor Relations in the U.S. Automobile Industry (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), 51-58.
486. Bennett Harrison and Barry Bluestone, The Great U-Turn: Corporate Restructuring and the Polarizing of America (New York: Basic Books, 1988), 38-52.
487. Thomas Byrne Edsall, The New Politics of Inequality (New York: W. W. Norton, 1984), 23-66; Kevin Phillips, The Politics of Rich and Poor: Wealth and the Ameri can Electorate in the Reagan Aftermath (New York: Random House, 1990), 32-53; Robert Kuttner, The Life of the Party: Democratic Prospects in 1988 and Beyond (New York: Penguin Books, 1987), 1-33, 72-109; Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers, Right Turn: The Decline of the Democrats and the Future of American Politics (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986), 78-161. 50. Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, 169-74.
488. Kim Moody, An Injury to All, 146-48; Gary Fink, "Labor Law Revision and the End of the Postwar Labor Accord," in Kevin Boyle, ed., Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894-1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998), 239-57.
489. Dana Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of Economic Nationalism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1999), 160.
490. As quoted in Christoph Scherrer, "Surprising Resilience: The Steelworkers' Struggle to Hang On to the Fordist Bargain," in Persuek and Worcester, Trade Union Politics, 153.
491. As quoted in Mike Parker, "Industrial Relations Myth and Shop-Floor Reality," in Nelson Lichtenstein and Howell Harris, Industrial Democracy in America: The Ambiguous Promise, p. 255.
492. Ephlin quoted in Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of Economic Nationalism, 173.
493. Howell Harris, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 99-123; see also Stephen Waring, Taylorism Transformed: Scientific Management Theory since 1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991).
494. Clark Kerr, "Industrial Conflict and Its Mediation," in Labor and Management in Industrial Society (New York: Anchor Books, 1964), 169-70.
495. Stephen Waring, Taylorism Transformed, 132-59; Sabel and Piore, The Second Industrial Divide, 251-308.
496. Sanford Jacoby, Modern Manors: Welfare Capitalism since the New Deal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 40-156.
497. Steve Fraser, "Industrial Democracy in the 1980s," Socialist Review 72 (November- December 1983), 108.
498. Irving Bluestone, quoted in "Human Dignity Is What It's All About," Viewpoint, AFL-CIO Industrial Union Department, 8 (1978); Barry Bluestone and Irving Bluestone, Negotiating the Future: A Labor Perspective on American Business (New York: Basic Books, 1992), 189-246; Bruce Lee, "Worker Harmony Makes NUMMI Work," New York Times (December 25, 1988).
499. Thomas Kochan and Paul Osterman, The Mutual Gains Enterprise: Forging a Winning Partnership among Labor, Management, and Government (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 1994), 79-109.
500. Richard Freeman and Joel Rogers, What Workers Want (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 101-16.
501. Jonas Pontusson, "Unions, New Technology, and Job Redesign at Volvo and British Leyland," in Miriam Golden and Jonas Pontusson, Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 277-306; Parker, "Industrial Relations Myth and Shop-Floor Reality," in Lichtenstein and Harris, Industrial Democracy in America, 249-74; Ruth Milkman, "Labor and Management in Uncertain Times," in Alan Wolfe, ed., America at Century's End (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 131-51.
502. Richard Gillespie, Manufacturing Knowledge: A History of the Hawthorne Experiments (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Nelson Lichtenstein, "The Union's Early Days: Shop Stewards and Seniority Rights," in Mike Parker and Jane Slaughter, Choosing Sides: Unions and the Team Concept (Boston: South End Press, 1988), 65-73; Parker, "Industrial Relations Myth and Shop-Floor Reality," 271-72.
503. A. B. Cochran, III, "We Participate, They Decide: The Real Stakes in Revising Section 8(a)(2) of the National Labor Relations Act," Berkeley Journal of Employment and Labor Law 16 (1995), 458-519; Jane Slaughter and Ellis Boal, "Unions Slam Dunlop Commission Proposals," Labor Notes, February 1995, 1, 14; and see also, Richard Freeman, ed., Working Under Different Rules (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1994).
504. Thomas Geoghegan, Which Side Are You On? Trying to Be for Labor When It's Flat on Its Back (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1991), 1.
505. Lane Kirkland, "It Has All Been Said Before" in Seymour Martin Lipset, ed., Unions in Transition: Entering the Second Century (San Francisco: Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1986), 393, 404.
506. Bruce Nissen, ed., Which Direction for Organized Labor? (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999), 14.
507. AFL-CIO, The Changing Situation of Workers and Their Unions (Washington, D.C.: AFL-CIO, 1985).
508. Richard Rothstein, "Toward a More Perfect Union," The American Prospect (May-June 1996), 48; Moody, An Injury to All, 314.
509. Moody, An Injury to All, 196-98.
510. Dark, Unions and the Democrats, 133-57 passim.
511. Klein, "Managing Security," 514-23. Klein reports that from the 1930s to the 1970s corporate health and pension coverage rose in tandem with that of government provision and union power. After 1975 the onset of public austerity and union weakness generated a reversal of the whole process.
512. Marie Gottschalk, The Shadow Welfare State: Labor, Business, and the Politics of Health Care in the United States (Ithaca: ILR Press, 2000), 86-113.
513. Theda Skocpol, Boomerang: Clinton's Health Security Effort and the Turn against Government in U.S. Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), 48-73; and see Cathie Jo Martin, Stuck in Neutral: Business and the Politics of Human Capital Investment Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 168-89.
514. Martin, Stuck in Neutral, 168-89; and see also John Judis, "Abandoned Surgery: Business and the Failure of Health Care Reform," The American Prospect (Spring 1995), 65-73.
515. Gottschalk, The Shadow Welfare State, 149-58; Skocpol, Boomerang, 133-88 passim.
516. Kristol quoted in Skocpol, Boomerang, 145. William Kristol was the son of neoconservatives, Irving Kristol and Gertrude Himmelfarb, and the former chief aide to Republican vice president Dan Quayle.
517. Martin, Stuck in Neutral, 185-89.
518. The Tofflers had been Communists, or close to the party, during the late 1940s. They were members of that youthful cohort who worked for Henry Wallace and then industrialized. By the time they came out of a Cleveland factory in the 1950s, they had repudiated Marxism, but not its sense that history moves by grand sociotechnical stages. Gingrich had been a fan since the early 1970s. See the excellent essay by John Judis, "Newt's Not-So-Weird Gurus: In Defense of the Tofflers," New Republic 213 (October 9, 1995), 16-24.
519. Fraser, Sidney Hillman, 324.
520. Steve Babson, The Unfinished Struggle: Turning Points in American Labor, 1877-Present (New York: Roman and Littlefield, 1999), 168-69; Buhle, Taking Care of Business, 244-45; Harold Meyerson, "A Second Chance: The New AFL-CIO and the Prospective Revival of American Labor," in Jo-Ann Mort, Not Your Father's Union Movement: Inside the AFL-CIO (New York: Verso, 1998), 1-26.
521. Bruce Nissen, "Introduction," in Nissen, ed., Which Direction for Organized Labor? (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1999), 12.
522. John Herling, Right to Challenge: People and Power in the Steelworkers Union (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), 41-57; Burton Hall, ed., Autocracy and Insurgency in Organized Labor (New Brunswick: E. P. Dutton, 1972); Samuel Friedman, Teamster Rank and File: Power, Bureaucracy, and Rebellion at Work and in a Union (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 59-91.
523. As quoted in Mike Parker, "Industrial Relations Myth and Shop Floor Reality: The "Team" Concept in the Auto Industry," in Lichtenstein and Harris, Industrial Democracy in America, 252.
524. Thaddeus Russell, "Out of the Jungle: Jimmy Hoffa and the Remaking of the American Working Class," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2000), 211-65; Arthur A. Sloane, Hoffa (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 351-409.
525. Aaron Brenner, "Rank and File Teamster Movements in Comparative Perspective," in Perusek and Worcester, Trade Union Politics, 111-39. The original TDU campus activists actually derived their politics from the "third camp" Trotskyism of Max Schactman, although their spirit was that of the post 1970 New Left turn-tothe- working class.
526. John Sweeney with David Kusnet, America Needs a Raise: Fighting for Economic Security and Social Justice (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1996), 87.
527. These include John Wilhelm of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees (HERE), Andrew Stern of SEIU, and Bruce Raynor of UNITE. See Harold Meyerson, "John Sweeney's Movement Four Years Later," Dissent 47 (Winter 2000), 47-56.
528. Stephen Herzenberg, John A. Alic, and Howard Wial, New Rules for a New Economy: Employment and Opportunity in Postindustrial America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 1-12; Steve Early, "Membership-Based Organizing vs. the Mobile Organizer Model: Worker Empowerment Is the Way to Win" (paper in author's possession); William Forbath, "Will Labor Rise Again? History in the Future Tense" (paper in author's possession); Dorothy Sue Cobble, "Organizing the Postindustrial Work Force: Lessons from the History of Waitress Unionism," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 44 (Summer 1991), 419-36.
529. Mark Fitzgerald, "Temps Step to WashTech," Editor and Publisher (August 28, 1999), 39.
530. Forbath, "Will Labor Rise Again?"
531. Ruth Needleman, "Building Relationships for the Long Haul: Unions and Community-Based Groups Working Together to Organize Low-Wage Workers"; Immanuel Ness, "Organizing Immigrant Communities: UNITE's Workers Center Strategy"; Waldinger et. al., "Helots No More: A Case Study of the Justice for Janitors Campaign in Los Angeles," all in Kate Bronfenbrenner et al., Organizing To Win: New Research on Union Strategies (Ithaca: ILR Press, 1998), 69-119.
532. Robert Pollin and Stephanie Luce, The Living Wage: Building a Fair Economy (New York: New Press, 1998), 1-36 passim.
533. Bernard Weinraub, "New Risks and Venues Emerge in a Multifaceted Business," New York Times (January 1, 2001), C6; Peter Bart, "Hollywood's Strike Zone," Variety (March 27, 2000), 2; "The Entertainment Industry-Cut!" The Economist (October 14, 2000), 79;
534. Harold Meyerson, "A Vision for the City: Introduction," L.A. Weekly (March 9-15, 2001).
535. Meyerson, "Rolling the Union On," 51.
536. Harold Meyerson, "Enter the Janitors, Transforming L.A.," LA Weekly (April 14-20), 2000.
537. Steven Greenhouse, "In Biggest Drive since 1937, Union Gains a Victory," New York Times (February 26, 1999), 1; Nelson Lichtenstein, "Union Gains Echo Old Triumphs and Hopes," Los Angles Times (March 7, 1999), M2.
538. Catherine Romano, "Lazy American Workers? No More," Management Review 83 (December 1994), 5; the popularity of Juliet Schor's The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure (New York: Basic Books, 1991) demonstrated that the work-time issue was a real one, but it has not achieved in the United States the political/cultural visibility that is manifest in France and Germany, where efforts to make shopping a weekend and nighttime activity are highly controversial.
539. For a well-told tale recounting the demise of the shorter-hours idea, see Benjamin Kline Hunnicutt, Kellogg's Six-Hour Day (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996).
540. Elaine Bernard, "Workplace Democracy," Boston Review 21 (Summer 1996), 7.
541. For more on these teach-ins, see Nelson Lichtenstein, "Workers' Rights Are Civil Rights: How to Put the Labor Movement Back at the Center of American Political Culture," WorkingUSA (March/April 1998), 57-66.
542. "Unions Enjoy a Streak of Victories: Adaptation Has Keyed Resurgence," Sacramento Bee (September 6, 2000), 1.
543. Mike Parker and Martha Gruelle, Democracy Is Power: Rebuilding Unions from the Bottom Up (Detroit: Labor Notes, 1999), 25-30.
544. Richard Oestreicher, "The Rules of the Game: Class Politics in Twentieth- Century America," in Kevin Boyle, ed., Organized Labor and American Politics, 1894- 1994: The Labor-Liberal Alliance (Albany: SUNY Press, 1998), 19-50.
545. Julie Greene, Pure and Simple Politics: The American Federation of Labor and Political Activism, 1881-1917 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 142- 214 passim; Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, 350-53; Joseph Goulden, Meany: The Unchallenged Strong Man of American Labor (New York: Atheneum, 1972), 404-29.