"What do you really want in German East Africa, Herr Professor?" Counterinsurgency and the science effect in Colonial Tanzania

Comparative Studies in Society and History

Volumn 48, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 419-461

  Zimmerman, Andrew ^a  

^a GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ANTHROPOLOGY; COLONIALISM; CULTURAL GEOGRAPHY;

AFRICA; EAST AFRICA; SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA; TANZANIA;

EID: 33845207499     PISSN: 00104175     EISSN: 14752999     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0010417506000168     Document Type: Article

References (210)

1. The German colony did not include the island of Zanzibar, as Tanzania does today, but did include the Sultanates that are today Rwanda and Burundi.
2. Karl Weule, Negerleben in Ostafrika: Ergebnisse einer ethnologischen Forschungsreise (Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1908), 15-21.
3. I treat the history of German anthropology in the age before fieldwork in Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001). In chapter 10, I explore the development of fieldwork by Emil Stephan, who traveled to the Bismarck Archipelago the year after Weule's trip, in 1907.
4. See especially Freud's essay "Screen Memories," James Strachey, ed. and trans., Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (London: Random House, 1959), vol. 3, 301-22.
5. See also Freud's discussion of the veracity of the primal scene in From the History of an Infantile Neurosis, Standard Edition, vol. 17, 7-122, 48-60.
6. On Weule's calisthenics accident, see Negerleben, 2.
7. Helpful for this reading has been Kaja Silverman's interpretation of castration in terms of male rather than female lack, in The Acoustic Mirror: The Female Voice in Psychoanalysis and Cinema (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 1-41.
8. For an introduction to these field sciences, see the essays collected in Henrika Kuklick and Robert E. Kohler, eds., Science in the Field, a special issue of Osiris 11 (1997).
9. Suggestive in this regard is the discussion of Kant, Copernicus, and Kuhn in Kojin Karatani, Transcritique: On Kant and Marx, Sabu Kohso, trans. (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2003), 29-44.
10. Such latent ideology is what Louis Althusser called "the spontaneous philosophy of the scientists," in "Philosophy and the Spontaneous Philosophy of the Scientists" (orig. 1967), in Philosophy and the Spontaneous Philosophy of the Scientists and Other Essays, Gregory Elliot, ed., Ben Brewster et al., trans (London: Verso, 1990), 69-165.
11. Awarding the Nobel Prize similarly acknowledges the active role of subjects in scientific knowledge, although the prize committee has aroused less ire than has science studies. Much of the opposition to science studies has, ironically, been profoundly anti-scientific, shouting down social science with calls for defending science. One can hardly think of a better, or more self-revealing, case of the projection of hostility toward science onto science studies than that of the forger Alan Sokal. For a first-rate account of social scientific approaches to science, see David Bloor, Knowledge and Social Imagery (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976).
12. For an excellent example, see Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
13. The problem of the subjectivity of science was posed forcefully by Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Genealogy of Morals, Walter Kaufmann, trans. (New York: Vintage Books, 1969[1887]).
14. See Peter Pels and Oscar Salemink, "Introduction: Locating the Colonial Subjects of Anthropology," in idem, eds., Colonial Subjects: Essays on the Practical History of Anthropology (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 1-52.
15. They develop this notion from James Clifford, "Traveling Cultures" (1990), in Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), 17-46.
16. Oscar Salemink develops an argument about war and ethnography that has been helpful for the present article in his "Ethnography as Martial Art: Ethnicizing Vietnam's Montagnards, 1930-1954," in Colonial Subjects, 282-325.
17. Important for my thinking about the field have been the works of Bruno Latour, especially The Pasteurization of France (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988),
18. and Michel Foucault, especially The Archaeology of Knowledge (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972)
19. and Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Vintage Books, 1977).
20. See George Steinmetz, "'The Devil's Handwriting': Precolonial Discourse, Ethnographic Acuity, and Cross-Identification in German Colonialism," Comparative Studies in Society and History 45 (2003): 41-95
21. and "The Uncontrollable Afterlives of Ethnography: Lessons from 'Salvage Colonialism' in the German Overseas Empire," Ethnography 5 (2004): 255-88.
22. Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses" (1969), in Lenin and Philosophy, Ben Brewster, trans. (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 127-86.
23. Louis Althusser, "Three Notes on the Theory of Discourses" (1966), in François Matheron, ed., The Humanist Controversy and other Writings (1966-67), G. M. Goshgarian, trans. (London: Verso, 2003), 33-84.
24. Louis Althusser, "Marxism and Humanism" (1963), in For Marx, Ben Brewster, trans. (London: Verso, 1990[1965]), 219-47.
25. Bob Jessop, The Capitalist State: Marxist Theories and Methods (New York: New York University Press, 1982), 222.
26. See also Jessop's State Theory: Putting the Capitalist State Back in Its Place (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990)
27. and The Future of the Capitalist State (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), esp. 1-54.
28. Timothy Mitchell, "Society, Economy, and the State Effect," in George Steinmetz, ed., State/Culture: State-Formation after the Cultural Turn (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), 76-97, 91.
29. See also Timothy Mitchell, "The Limits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and Their Critics," The American Political Science Review 85 (1991): 77-96.
30. Discipline, as I use it, is thus close to the mode of regulation described by Jessup and others, including Michel Aglietta, A Theory of Capitalist Regulation: The U.S. Experience, David Fernbach, trans. (London: New Left Books, 1979[1976]).
31. For an excellent account emphasizing the role of discipline in Marx's conception of capital and labor, see Moishe Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination: A Reinterpretation of Marx's Critical Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
32. Dipesh Chakrabarty also emphasizes the identity of Foucauldian discipline and Marxian exploitation in his discussion of the creation of abstract labor in the factory. See Chakrabarty, "Two Histories of Capital," ch. 2 in Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 47-71.
33. For an illuminating comparative case, see Albert Schrauwers, "The 'Benevolent' Colonies of Johannes van den Bosch: Continuities in the Administration of Poverty in the Netherlands and Indonesia," Comparative Studies in Society and History 43 (2001): 298-328.
34. Juhani Koponen, Development for Exploitation: German Colonial Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884-1914 (Helsinki: Tiedekirja, 1994). Koponen treats what has been a, if not the, central theme in studies of German East Africa: Its state-imposed modernization programs.
35. Marcia Wright was perhaps the first to argue that the modernizing colonial policy associated with German Colonial Secretary Bernhard Dernburg after 1907 had been established already in the East African colonial periphery in "Local Roots of Policy in German East Africa," Journal of African History 9 (1968): 621-30.
36. John Iliffe made the related argument that these path-breaking modernization policies in German East Africa were driven not by European colonists but rather by Africans themselves, who embraced modernization but rejected colonial abuses, and who expressed these demands in the Maji Maji uprising. See John Iliffe, Tanganyika Under German rule, 1905-1912 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1969).
37. A number of works in the 1970s and after have given us detailed and critical portraits of the German state in East Africa and its programs for domination and exploitation, including Detlev Bald, Deutsch-Ostafrika 1900-1914: Eine Studie über Verwaltung, Interessengruppen und wirtschaftliche Erschlieβung (Munich: Weltforum, 1970)
38. and Rainer Tetzlaff, Koloniale Entwicklung und Ausbeutung: Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Deutsch-Ostafrikas, 1885-1914 (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1970).
39. Most recently, historians have taken a perspective on East African history skeptical of the modernization theory that had informed earlier historiography. Thaddeus Sunseri, in "Statist Narratives and Maji Maji Ellipses" (The International Journal of African Historical Studies 33 (2000): 567-84), has questioned the role of Maji Maji historiography in postcolonial modernization programs of the TANU state.
40. Following the anti-state liberalism of James Scott, historians have emphasized peasant resistance to colonial and postcolonial modernization programs. See, above all, Steven Feierman, Peasant Intellectuals: Anthropology and History in Tanzania (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1990)
41. and Jonathon Glassman, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1995).
42. Scott himself uses the forced "villagization" programs of independent Tanzania as a case study in Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).
43. Jamie Monson, in "Relocating Maji Maji: The Politics of Alliance and Authority in the Southern Highlands of Tanzania," Journal of African History 39 (1998): 95-120, has pointed to the role of environmental concerns in Maji Maji and, by implication, in Tanzanian history generally.
44. German East Africa has been a rich field for environmental history, which of course also considers the role of the modernizing state in the Tanzanian environment. Pioneering in this regard was the 1977 work by Helge Kjekshus, Ecology Control and Economic Development in East African History: The Case of Tanganyika, 1850-1950, 2d ed. (1977; London: James Currey, 1996).
45. See also the more recent work of James Giblin, The Politics of Environmental Control in Northeastern Tanzania, 1840-1940 (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993)
46. and the essays collected in Gregory Maddox, James Leonard Giblin, and Isaria N. Kimambo, eds., Custodians of the Land: Ecology and Culture in the History of Tanzania (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1996). Recent environmental history, like recent colonial history, rejects what are sometimes called "merrie olde Africa" approaches, as well as approaches exaggerating the degraded state of precolonial Africa.
47. Franciscus Dominicus Huijzendveld's 'Die Ostafrikanische Schweiz': Plantages, Planters En Plattelandsontwiddeling in West- Usambara, Oost-Afrika, ca. 1870-1930 (Amsterdam: N. W. Posthumus Instituut Te Amsterdam, 1997) emphasizes how Germans in the West Usambaras ruled with violence after destroying the legitimate domination of the precolonial political system. He also underscores the destructive nature of German economic and environmental projects in the Usambaras. If there is a current consensus in the historiography of German East Africa it is that non-state or parastatal actors play roles as important as state actors do, and that analysts must attend to environmental factors in explaining economic transformations.
48. Two excellent volumes exemplifying aspects of this new historiography are: Andreas Eckert, Albert Wirz and Katrin Bromber, eds., Alles Unter Kontrolle: Disizplinierungsprozesse im kolonialen Tansania, 1850-1960 (Cologne, 2003)
49. and Thaddeus Sunseri, Vilimani: Labor Migration and Rural Change in Early Colonial Tanzania (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 2002). The historiography of German colonialism has long focused on the metropolitan side and has therefore only begun to catch up with works by historians of Africa.
50. The classic German account of German colonialism is Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Bismarck und der Imperialismus (1969; Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1976)
51. and, in English, Woodruff D. Smith, The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1978).
52. Some historians of German colonialism have drawn attention to the mutual impact of metropole and colony, following the approaches endorsed by John L. Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, in Of Revelation and Revolution, Vol. 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)
53. Vol. 2: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997)
54. and the essays in Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Stoler, eds., Tensions of Empire: Colonial Cultures in a Bourgeois World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).
55. Recent work in this direction on German colonialism includes Elisa von Joeden-Forgey, "Nobody's People: Colonial Subjects, Race Power, and the German State, 1884-1945" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 2004)
56. Bradley D. Naranch, "Colonized Body, 'Oriental Machine': Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906-1910," Central European History 33 (2000): 300-38
57. George Steinmetz, "'The Devil's Handwriting,'" and "The Uncontrollable Afterlives of Ethnography"
58. and Lora Wildenthal, German Women for Empire, 1884-1945 (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001).
59. This work is displacing a historiography that followed Edward W. Said's Orientalism (1978; New York: Vintage Books, 1994) in grasping colonialism primarily as colonial ideas about phantasmic others. Neither Said nor these followers deny the reality of colonialism, but they do emphasize European ideas rather than their application in practice.
60. Good studies of German colonial ideas include Russell A. Berman, Enlightenment or Empire: Colonial Discourse in German Culture (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998)
61. Susanne Zantop, Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, and Nation in Precolonial Germany, 1770-1870 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997)
62. essays collected in Sara Friedrichsmeyer, Sara Lennox, and Susanne Zantop, eds., The Imperialist Imagination: German Colonialism and Its Legacy (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1998)
63. Birthe Kundrus, ed., Phantasiereiche: Zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus (Frankfurt: Campus, 2003)
64. and Dirk van Laak, Imperiale Infrastruktur: Deutsche Planungen für eine Erschlieβung Afrikas 1880 bis 1960 (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2004).
65. Especially relevant for the present argument is van Laak's chapter 3.2, "Die Kolonisation der 'Erhaltungsmittel,'" 130-49.
66. Frederick D. Lugard, The Rise of Our East African Empire, 2 vols. (1893) (London: Frank Cass, 1968), I: 389, 402-3.
67. For a similar comparison of British and German colonial science, especially in East Africa, see C. T. Hagberg Wright, "German Methods of Development in Africa," Journal of the African Society 1 (1901): 23-38.
68. The privileged role that Africa played in the emergence of the modern has been emphasized by a number of authors. Especially helpful for my own thinking on the topic has been the theoretical work done by Peter Pels in his studies of Uluguru in Tanzania. See his "The Pidginization of Luguru Politics: Administrative Ethnography and the Paradoxes of Indirect Rule," American Ethnologist 23 (1996): 738-61
69. and "The Construction of Ethnographic Occasions in Late Colonial Uluguru," History and Anthropology 8 (1994): 321-56.
70. Also important for my thinking about modernity and Africa is Birgit Meyer, Translating the Devil: Religion and Modernity Among the Ewe in Ghana (Trenton, N.J.: African World Press, 1999). The already classic work on the hybridity of African modernity is Comaroff and Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution.
71. Mahmood Mamdani, Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late Colonialism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).
72. Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
73. To Barrington Moore's three types of modernizing processes (liberal, fascist, communist) we could add imperialism as a fourth. Moore himself speaks of former colonies in terms of communist modernization in China and what he perceives as an absence of modernization in India. See Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (1966; Boston: Beacon Press, 1993).
74. While historians have substantially refined the early post-independence nationalist interpretations of Maji Maji, none have challenged the paradigmatic importance of Maji Maji in the history of anti-imperialist insurgencies in Africa. Felicitas Becker has drawn attention to intra-African conflicts in the Maji Maji uprising without denying the importance of its anti-imperialism, in "Traders, 'Big Men' and Prophets: Political Continuity and Crisis in the Maji Maji Rebellion In Southeast Tanzania," The Journal of African History 45 (2004): 1-22.
75. Most recent studies of Maji Maji bring out its diversity and anti-statist tendencies and continue to use the rebellion as a paradigm of African political action, now in the age of the new social movements. See especially Jamie Monson's "Relocating Maji Maji" and Thaddeus Sunseri's "Statist Narratives and Maji Maji Ellipses."
76. The classic article on Maji Maji as paradigm of nationalist insurgency is Terence O. Ranger, "The Connection Between 'Primary Resistance' Movements and Modern Mass Nationalism in East and Central Africa," 2 parts, Journal of African History 9 (1968): 437-53, 631-41.Terence Ranger has used Weule's work in East Africa as an exemplar of counterinsurgent anthropology.
77. See Ranger, "From Humanism to the Science of Man: Colonialism in Africa and the Understanding of Alien Societies," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 26 (1976): 115-41. For Ranger, Maji Maji persuaded Germans that they did not know enough about the societies they ruled, and Weule initiated intensive anthropological study to improve colonial control in Africa.
78. "The state is that human community, which, inside a specific area - this area belongs to the characterization [of the state] - successfully claims a monopoly over legitimate physical violence [Gewaltsamkeit]." Max Weber, "Politik als Beruf" (1919), in Johannes Winckelmann, ed., Gesammelte Politische Schriften, 3d ed. (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1971), 505-60, 506.
79. Antonio Negri, Insurgencies: Constituent Power and the Modern State (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999)
80. Carl Schmitt, Theorie des Partisanen: Zwischenbemerkung zum Begriff des Politischen (Berlin: Duncker and Humblot, 1963).
81. Ranajit Guha, "On the Prose of Counter-Insurgency," in Selected Subaltern Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 45-86.
82. Friedrich Nietzsche, On the Genealogy of Morality, K. Ansell-Pearson, ed., C. Diethe, trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994[1887]), II, 12.
83. I treat the concept of "natural peoples" extensively in Anthropology and Antihumanism.
84. This collecting imperative is well illustrated by Georg Neumayer's, Anleitung zu Wissenschaftlichen Beobachtungen Auf Reisen (Berlin: Verlag von Robert Oppenheimer, 1875), 2d ed. (Berlin: Verlag von Robert Oppenheimer, 1888), 3d ed. (Hannover: Dr Max Jänecke, 1906). The dates of the editions also show, first, that this type of colonial science, like simple exchange, did not require formal colonial rule (Germans were avid colonial collectors and traders well before Germany seized colonies in 1884), and second, that this type of collecting continued to exist alongside the new scientific colonization (as illustrated by the 3d ed., 1906).
85. In the natural sciences, individuals such as Emil du Bois-Reymond, Hermann von Helmholtz, and Rudolf Virchow advocated a strong empiricism and skepticism against general theorizing, at first to combat vitalism but later as a mark of scientific method generally. See Keith M. Anderton, "The Limits of Science: A Social, Political, and Moral Agenda for Epistemology in Nineteenth-Century Germany" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1993).
86. As Lynn Nyhart has demonstrated, despite the great attention given by historians to Darwinian approaches in zoology, German zoologists of the second half of the nineteenth century were also, in fact, quite opposed to what they regarded as teleological theorizing. Lynn K. Nyhart, Biology Takes Form: Animal Morphology and the German Universities, 1800-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).
87. In philosophy, Marburg neo-Kantians such as Hermann Cohen and Paul Natorp adapted Kant to a non-systematic empiricist epistemology consistent with the positivism reigning in the social and natural sciences. See Ulrich Sieg, Aufstieg und Niedergang des Marburger Neukanianismus: Die Geschichte einer philosophischen Schulgemeinschaft (Würzburg: Königshausen und Neumann, 1994).
88. The classic account of this shift away from empiricism in European social thought is H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society: The Reorientation of Social Thought, 1890-1930 (New York: Knopf, 1958).
89. Glassman gives an excellent account of the early relations between German- and Swahili-dominated economies in Feasts and Riot.
90. Bernhard Dernburg, Zielpunkte des Deutschen Kolonialwesens (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1907), 5-9.
91. Dernburg, Zielpunkte, 9.
92. In his 1907 speech, Dernburg used the term "Neger" to refer to African-Americans, but not to Africans. For his use, after his U.S. trip, of the term "Neger" to refer to Africans, as well as African Americans, see Bernhard Dernburg, "Bericht über die Studienreise des Staatssekretärs des Reichs-Kolonialamts Wirklichen Geheimen Rats Dernburg in die Baumwollgebiete von Nordamerika 1909," in Reichskolonialamt, Die Baumwollfrage: Denkschrift über Produktion und Verbrauch von Baumwolle Massnahmen gegen die Baumwollnot (Jena: Gustav Fischer: 1911), 219-60.
93. As early as 1885, the German East Africa Company held an essay contest to answer this question, which produced the prize winning essay by Alexander Merensky, Wie erzieht man am besten den Neger zu Plantagen-Arbeit? (Berlin: Walther and Apolant, 1886).
94. For a survey of the literature on this topic, see Anton Markmiller, 'Die Erziehung des Negers zur Arbeit'. Wie die koloniale Pädagogik afrikanische Gesellschaften in die Abhängigkeit führte (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1995).
95. Booker T. Washington collaborated with German colonists in Togo directly, sending Tuskegee students and faculty member to set up a cotton school in that colony. See my "A German Alabama in Africa: The Tuskegee Expedition to German Togo and the Transnational Origins of West African Cotton Growers," American Historical Review 110 (2005): 1362-1398.
96. See also Louis R. Harlan, "Booker T. Washington and the White Man's Burden," The American Historical Review 71 (1966): 441-67
97. and Kendahl L. Radcliffe, "The Tuskegee-Togo Cotton Scheme, 1900-1909" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1998).
98. This shift in German colonial science was a particular variant in a larger reorientation of anthropology. In the preface to the second edition of The Andaman Islanders, for example, A. R. Radcliffe Brown looks back on the period of his 1906-1908 fieldwork as one when anthropologists were "content to record myths and describe ceremonies without concerning themselves with the meanings." Later, the author explains, anthropologists learned to take a functionalist approach, considering how individuals fit into their societies and the societies fit into their environments. See A. R. Radcliffe Brown, The Andaman Islanders, 2d ed. (1922; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1933), viii-ix.
99. Other prominent, later examples of such "sociological" anthropologists included Richard Thurnwald and Georg Thilenius. See, for example, Richard Thurnwald, "Die eingeborenen Arbeitskräfte im Südseeschutzgebiet," Koloniale Rundschau 2 (1910): 607-32
100. and Georg Thilenius, "Arbeitsweise der Naturvölker," Deutsches Kolonial-Lexikon, 3 vols. (Leipzig: Quelle and Meyer, 1920), vol. 1, 79-81.
101. Frederick Cooper connects the formation of a proletariat to the regularization of work in the Mombasa docks in the 1940s and 1950s. He argues that increasing control of labor time required decreasing the area in which this control could be applied, leading to the distinction between the so-called formal and informal sectors. See his "Colonizing Time: Work Rhythms and Labor Conflict in Colonial Mombasa," in Nicholas B. Dirks, ed., Colonialism and Culture (Ann Arbor: Comparative Studies in Society and History Book Series, University of Michigan Press, 1992), 209-45.
102. Ernst Vohsen, "Bericht über die Baumwollenkultur in den deutschen Schutzgebieten," Kolonialrath, 1. Sitzungsperiode 1891/92 (vertraulich) (printed), BArch R1001/8144, Bl 7-12.
103. Reichskolonialamt, Baumwollbau in den deutschen Schutzgebieten: Seine Entwicklung seit dem Jahre 1910 (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1914), 290.
104. See, for example, Georg Thilenius, "Bericht über die Konferenz im Kolonial-Amt am Freitag den 10. Mai 1907," 14 May 1907, HStA, 364-66
105. A I 1, "Einrichtung eines Kolonialinstitutes in Hamburg," 24-28.
106. See Wright, "Local Roots."
107. See Franz Stuhlmann, "Übersicht über Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika im Berichtsjahre vom 1. Juli 1900 bis 30. Juni 1901," Berichte über Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika 1 (1902-1903): 1-23
108. and "Auszüge aus den Berichten der Bezirksämter, Militärstationen und anderer Berichtsstellen über die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung im Berichtsjahr vom 1. Apr. 1901 bis 31 März 1902," Berichte über Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika 1 (1902-1903): 205-323.
109. For more general formulations of Kultur and Hebung by Stuhlmann, see his Beiträge zur Kulturgeschichte von Ostafrika (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1909)
110. and Handwerk und Industrie in Ostafrika: Kulturgeschichtliche Betrachtungen (Hamburg: L. Friederichsen, 1910)
111. see also the programmatic statements by the editors of the Tropenpflanzer and Koloniale Rundschau, such as Ferdinand Wohltmann, "Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung unserer Kolonien," Der Tropenpflanzer 7 (1903): 53-66
112. Otto Warburg, "Zum neuen Jahr," Der Tropenpflanzer 12 (1908): 1-22
113. and Ernst Vohsen and Diedrich Westermann, "Unser Programm," Koloniale Rundschau 1 (1909): 1-7.
114. See, for example, "Auszüge aus den Jahresberichten der Bezirksämter und Militärstationen für die Zeit vom 1. Juli 1900 bis 30. Juni 1901," 26-27, 28
115. "Auszüge aus den Berichten der Bezirksamter, Militärstationen und anderer Berichtsstellen über die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung im Berichtsjahr vom 1. April 1901 bis 31 März 1902," 216-23.
116. Friedrich Wohltmann, "Neujahrsgedanken 1905," Der Tropenpflanzer 9 (1905): 1-19, 17.
117. Kulturstation Kwai to the Imperial Government of German East Africa (hereafter, GEA Government), "Einiges über die Entwickelung und wirtschaftlichen Erfahrungen der Station Kwai," Received 9 Jan. 1901, Tanzania National Archives, Dar es Salaam (hereafter, TNA), G8/37, Bd. 4, Bl. 21-24.
118. "Versuchs-Arbeitern der Kulturstation Kwai," [n.d., but position in file suggests around 1901], TNA, German Records, G8/37, Bl. 25.
119. On Nyamwezi workers in precolonial and colonial Tanzania, see Stephen J. Rockel, "'A Nation of Porters': The Nyamwezi and the Labour Market in Nineteenth-Century Tanzania," Journal of African History 41 (2000): 173-95.
120. For example, when the British took over the Institute after the First World War, the Director of Kew Gardens praised Amani as the most important scientific institute in Africa and compared it favorably with these Dutch and British institutes. D. Prain, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, [to Milner], 28 June 1920, sent by Milner to Governor H. A. Byatt, 12 Aug. 1920, TNA, Early Secretariat Files, AB 607.
121. On the decision to hire Zimmermann, see Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee to Deutsch-Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft, 7 Dec. 1901, TNA, German Records, G8/42, 32. On Stuhlmann's role at Amani, see Albrecht Zimmermann, "Zweiter Jahresbericht des Kaiserl. Biologisch-Landwirtschaftlichen Instituts Amani für das Jahr 1903/ 04," Berichte über Land- und Forstwirtschaft in Deutsch-Ostafrika 2 (1904-1906): 204-63.
122. See [Stuhlmann], Press Release, "Die Zentralstelle des Hamburgischen Kolonialinstituts" [1908], HStA 364-8, Weltwirtschaftsarchiv A 2.
123. On Amani, see Christopher A. Conte, "Imperial Science, Tropical Ecology, and Indigenous History: Tropical Research Stations in Northeastern German East Africa, 1896 to the Present," in Gregory Blue, Martin Bunton, and Ralph Crozier, eds., Colonialism and the Modern World (Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2002), 246-61
124. and Detlef Bald and Gerhild Bald, Das Forschungsinstitut Amani: Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft in der deutschen Kolonialpolitik Ostafrika 1900-1918 (Munich: Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung, 1972). Conte points to the environmental changes wrought by the research stations, which are evident to this day. Bald and Bald place Amani science in the often hostile relations between German planters and the state. They note the tension between the director's interest in pursuing pure research, and the more practical demands of planters and the Government. This is confirmed, for example, in Zimmermann to the GEA Government, 18 July 1902, TNA, German Records, G8/42, 127-30.
125. Bald and Bald, Das Forschungsinstitut Amani, 88.
126. On science and colonialism in British East Africa, see Helen Tilley, "Africa as a Living Laboratory: The African Research Survey and the British Colonial Empire: Consolidating Environmental, Medical and Anthropological Debates 1920-1940" (D. Phil. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001). My assertions about the history of Amani under the British are based on records in the Tanzania National Archives. I plan to develop these ideas more fully in future publications.
127. See Amani Institute, Note, 18 July 1902, TNA, G8/42, Bl. 94-95; Zimmermann to GEA Government, 14 Aug. 1902, TNA, G8/42, Amani (1902), Bl. 147-48. Walter von St. Paul-Illaire, et al., Taschenbuch für Deutsch-Ostafrika (Berlin: Wilhelm Weicher, 1911), 331.
128. District Officer in Tanga to Governor, Dar es Salaam, 11 Jan. 1902, TNA, G8/42, Amani (1902), Bl. 25.
129. See, for example, Zimmermann, "Bericht über die Pflanzungen der Muhesa-Rubber-Plantations," (n.d.), copy sent by Zimmermann to GEA Government, 29 Jan. 1913, TNA, G8/163, Bl. 8-12.
130. Zache to GEA Government, 23 Jan. 1900, sent by the Governor of East Africa to the Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 27 June 1900, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 12-83.
131. Wegerdt, "Mitteilungen über den Sisalagavenbau aus der Praxis," Der Tropenpflanzer 9 (1905): 375-85.
132. See also the report of Feb. 1905 in Lindi-Handels- und Pflanzungs-Gesellschaft m.b.H.Koblenz, BArch, R8024/111.
133. For an excellent account of cotton in Tanzania, as well as of German colonialism generally, see Thaddeus Sunseri's Vilimani, and his "The Baumwollfrage: Cotton Colonialism in German East Africa," Central European History 34 (2001): 31-51.
134. The Germans and the British had recently began negotiations about the future of Mozambique, and the Germans eventually developed colonial ambitions for the Portuguese territory. Portugal was, like the Ottoman Empire, a weakening imperial power, and its poorly administered territories both concerned and enticed other European states. See Rolf Peter Tschapek, Bausteine eines zukünftigen deutschen Mittelafrika: Deutscher Imperialismus und die portuguesischen Kolonien (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2000).
135. Zache to GEA Government, 23 Jan. 1900.
136. Ibid.
137. On Mataka and the history of the Yao, see Edward A. Alpers, "Trade, State, and Society among the Yao in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of African History 10 (1969): 405-20.
138. On Southwestern Tanzania in this period, see Felicitas Becker, "A Social History of Southeast Tanzania, ca. 1890-1950" (Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University, 2001)
139. and her "Traders, 'Big Men' and Prophets."
140. Contract between Mataka and Bezirksamtmann Zache, 20 Sept. 1900, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 102-4.
141. On Mataka's preparations: GEA Government to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 27 Dec. 1900, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 85. On Ewerbeck's suspicions: Report of Ewerbeck, Lindi, 30 Jan. 1901 (Copied excerpts), BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 110-12.
142. See the copied extracts from Ewerbeck's reports to the GEA Government of 11 and 13 Apr. 1901, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 112-13.
143. On the famine and drought: Ewerbeck (Lindi) to GEA Government, 29 July 1901, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 114-16.
144. On Mataka deciding against moving to German East Africa: Mataka to Ewerbeck, 28 July 1901, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 116.
145. German Consulate, Portuguese East Africa, to Bülow in Berlin, 3 Jan. 1902 (copy); German Consulate, Portuguese East Africa, to Governor Götzen, Dar es Salaam, 9 Jan. 1902, TNA, G1/13, Bl. 68-69, 67.
146. Governor Götzen, German East Africa, to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 4 Sept. 1903, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 125.
147. Franz Stuhlmann to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 7 Jan. 1905, BArch, R1001/220, Bl. 126-27. The concerns of the Foreign Office are expressed in marginalia.
148. Götzen, Denkschrift über die Ursachen des Aufstandes in Deutsch-Ostafrika 1905, 26 Dec. 1905, printed for the German Reichstag, BArch, R1001/724, Bl. 30-35. The official report was sent by Götzen to the Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 10 Nov. 1905, BArch, R1001/723, Bl. 149-53.
149. Haber (Dar es Salaam) to Götzen, 9 Sept. 1905, BArch, R1001/726, Bl. 80-90.
150. For an account of the concentration of power, knowledge, and control in laboratories, see Bruno Latour, "Give Me a Laboratory and I'll Raise the World," in Karin Knorr-Cetina and Michael Mulkay, eds., Science Observed: Perspectives on the Social Study of Science (London: Sage Publications, 1983), 115-40.
151. See especially the circular by Governor Rechenberg to all administrators, 15 Feb. 1909, BArch, R1001/701, Bl. 150-54. Michael Pessak argues that the Mecca-Letter Affair was a turning point in German-Muslim relations in East Africa in "Islam und Politik in Deutsch-Ostafrika," in Wirz, et al., Alles Unter Kontrolle, 99-140.
152. Sunseri, Vilimani, 55-56.
153. Johanna K. Bockman, "Espionage and Social Science in Historical Perspective" (Unpub. MS).
154. See also Peter Pels, "Professions of Duplexity: A Prehistory of Ethical Codes in Anthropology, Current Anthropology 40 (1999): 101-36.
155. Winterfeld, "Bericht der zur Erforschung der Ursachen des Aufstands eingesetzten Kommission," 4 Nov. 1905, BArch, R1001/723, Bl. 91-101. Sent with Götzen to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 15 Mar. 1906, BArch, R1001/726, Bl. 80.
156. Runderlass an sämtliche Bezirksämter, Bezirks-Nebenämter, Militär-Stationen und Militär-Posten, 15 Nov. 1905, BArch, R1001/724, Bl. 118.
157. Haber to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 16 July 1906, BArch, R1001/724, Bl. 115-17.
158. Karl Weule, Negerleben in Ostafrika, 80.
159. On this plague of pigs, and much more, see Thaddeus Sunseri, "Famine and Wild Pigs: Gender Struggles and the Outbreak of the Maji Maji War in Uzaramo (Tanzania)," Journal of African History 38 (1997): 235-59.
160. On the use of slavery in German East Africa, including the practice of purchasing slaves free, see Thaddeus Sunseri, "Slave Ransoming in German East Africa, 1885-1922," The International Journal of African Historical Studies 26 (1993): 481-511.
161. For a report by a firm that used the practice of slave ransoming to make up for labor shortages after Maji Maji, see "Geschäftsbericht der Lindi-Handels und Pflanzungs-Gesellschaft mb.H. zu Coblenz über das Jahr 1906," BArch, R8024/111.
162. Ludwig Kindt, Lindi-Handels u. Pflanzungs-Gesellschaft, Coblenz, to Dernburg, 15 Sept. 1906 (copy), BArch, R1001/523, Bl. 9-10.
163. For the founding of the Lindi-Kilindi Company, including the plans to use government connections to recruit labor, see the minutes of their founding meeting in Berlin, 4 Mar. 1908, BArch, R1001/549, Bl. 4-6
164. and B. C. Ewerbeck to Reichskolonialamt, 15 Mar. 1908, BArch, R1001/549, Bl. 2-3.
165. On the especially plentiful labor supplies of the Lindi-Kilindi Company, see its annual reports of 1909-1912, BArch, R1001/549, Bl. 58-59, 61-62, 66-67, 69. While the Lindi-Kilindi Company could boast an excess supply of labor that they could sometimes subcontract to other firms, the Lindi Company complained of labor shortages in its reports. See "Geschäftsbericht der Lindi-Handels und Pflanzungs-Gesellschaft m.b.H. zu Coblenz über das Jahr 1910."
166. Hans Meyer et al., "Denkschrift der Landeskundlichen Kommission des Kolonialrates über eine einheitliche landeskundliche Erforschung der Deutschen Schutzgebiete," 16 Oct. 1905, sent by the Colonial Section of the Foreign Office to the Governor of German East Africa, 16 Dec. 1905, TNA, G8/4, Bd. 1, 1-15.
167. Hans Meyer later popularized this view of geography as a total science of the colonies by editing Das Deutsche Kolonialreich: Ein Länderkunde der deutschen Schutzgebiete, 2 vols. (Leipzig: Verlag des Bibliographischen Instituts, 1909-1910).
168. Karl Weule, "Ziele und Arbeiten einer ethnographischen Forschungsexpedition in den Süden des abflusslosen Gebietes von Deutsch-Ostafrika," BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 16-20.
169. Weule's expedition forms an interesting contrast with the trip of Leonhard Schultze through Southwest Africa during the genocidal war against the Herero and Nama. Schultz's account of his trip, Aus Namaland und Kalahari (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1907), focused much less on the transformation of Africans than did Weule's account of his own expedition. Schultze lamented "that one more race of men disappears from the face of the earth" (p. 549) but also took advantage of this 'disappearance' to measure prisoners and collect the heads and other body parts of recently killed Herero and Nama.
170. See Leonard Schultze, ed., Zoologische und Anthropologische Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise im westlichen und zentralen Südafrika ausgeführt in den Jahren 1903-1905 (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1908). Southwest Africa appears to have been marked more by genocide and colonial settlement - like the western United States during the same period - than by the development of racist divisions of labor, as in Tanzania and other tropical German colonies.
171. Hans Meyer to Colonial Section, Foreign Office, 4 Apr. 1906, BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 4-5.
172. Weule to Hans Meyer, 17 June 1906, BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 57-58. The view that the northern uprising was relatively minor, and restricted to cattle requisitioning and stealing, was echoed by the district officer there. See Stationschef Abel, Iraku, 22 July 1906, BArch, R1001/725, Bl. 11-15.
173. Weule (in Lindi) to Hans Meyer, 9 July 1906, BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 59-62.
174. Weule (in Newala) to Meyer, 7 Oct. 1906 (copy), BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 84-98.
175. Weule, Negerleben, 69.
176. Weule, Negerleben, 47-48.
177. Weule recorded these songs on wax cylinders, which were analyzed by Erich M. von Hornbostel, "Wanyamwezi-Gesänge," Anthropos 4 (1909): 781-800, 1033-52.
178. On Hornbostel, see Eric Ames, "The Sound of Evolution," Modernism/Modernity 10 (2003) 297-325.
179. Weule to Meyer, 7 Oct. 1906.
180. On Knudsen in the Maji Maji uprising, see Ewerbeck (in Lindi) to GEA Government, 19 Sept. 1905 (copy), BArch, R1001/723, Bl. 56-57.
181. Weule to Meyer, 30 Nov. 1906, BArch, R1001/5637, Bl. 76-82.
182. On the police commando, see Weule to Hans Meyer, 9 July 1906.
183. Karl Weule, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse meiner ethnographische Forschungsreise in den Südosten Deutsch-Ostafrikas, Ergänzungsheft der Mitteilungen aus den Deutschen Schutzgebieten, vol. 1 (Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, 1908), 5. On the punishments, see the drawings by Weule's porters (figures 1-5).
184. Weule to Meyer, 7 Oct. 1906.
185. On project Camelot, which eventually caused a major crisis in the American anthropological profession, see Irving Louis Horowitz, ed., The Rise and Fall of Project Camelot: Studies in the Relationship Between Social Science and Practical Politics (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967).
186. On the use of anthropology against decolonization in Vietnam by both the French and the United States, see Oscar Salemink, "Mois and Maquis: The Invention and Appropriation of Vietnam's Montagnards from Sabatier to the CIA," in George W. Stocking, Jr., ed., Colonial Situations: Essays on the Centextualization of Ethnographic Knowledge (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 243-84
187. and Salemink, "Ethnography as Martial Art."
188. On the close relation between the social sciences and the U.S. military in the Cold War, see Ron Robin, The Making of the Cold War Enemy: Culture and Politics in the Military-Industrial Complex (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
189. Karl Weule, "Ostafrikanische Eingeborenen-Zeichnungen: Psychologische Einblicke in die Künstlerseele des Negers," Ipek: Jahrbuch für Prähistoirsche und Ethnographische Kunst 2 (1926): 87-127. One of these drawing is reproduced on the cover of Koponen's Development for Exploitation. Hornbostel notes that Pesa Mbili led the songs.
190. Weule, "Ostafrikanische Eingeborenen-Zeichnungen," 105.
191. This is what Fanon called "restoring dreams to their proper time and place." See Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 1967), 101-4.
192. Karl Weule and Fritz Jäger, "Zweiter Bericht über die landeskundlichen Expeditionen der Herrn Dr. Fritz Jäger und Prof. Dr. Karl Weule in Deutsch-Ostafrika," Mitteilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus den deutschen Schutzgebieten 20 (1907): 106-14.
193. See Becker, "A Social History of Southeast Tanzania."
194. Weule, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse, 140.
195. See ibid., 139-46.
196. Ibid., 140.
197. Ibid., 143.
198. Ibid., 143.
199. Weule, Negerleben, 511.
200. Foreign Office, Colonial Division to Luschan, 7 May 1906, Archiv des Museums für Völkerkunde, Berlin (MfV), IB78, 1009/06.
201. Luschan to the Director of the Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 15 Mar. 1907
202. Luschan to the Director of the Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, 12 Apr. 1907
203. Colonial Section of the Foreign Office to Luschan, 18 Apr. 1907 MfV, IB 78, 308/07; Luschan to the Secretary of the Imperial Colonial Office, 3 June 1907
204. Luschan to Wilhelm Foy, Director of the anthropology museum in Cologne, 13 July 1907
205. Luschan, Memo, 30 July 1907
206. Luschan, Memo, 30 July 1907.
207. See, for example, Felix von Luschan, "Ziele und Wege der Völkerkunde in den deutschen Schutzgebieten," Verhandlungen des Deutschen Kolonialkongresses 1902 zu Berlin am 10. und 11. Oktober 1902 (Berlin, Dietrich Reimer, 1902), 163-74. Luschan still regarded anthropology as salvaging the remnants of natural peoples, but also recognized that these natural peoples were undergoing historical changes.
208. Lacan has argued that surplus enjoyment is the general form of which surplus value, as described by Marx, is an example. Since, for Lacan, the essence of the superego is the command to enjoy, that is, that enjoyment is the essence of modern coercion, it makes sense in the present context to use the term "surplus discipline." See especially the explication of Lacan's seventeenth seminar offered by Mark Bracher, "On the Psychological and Social Functions of Language: Lacan's Theory of the Four Discourses," in Mark Bracher, Marshall W. Alcorn, Ronald J. Corthell, and Françoise Massardier-Kenney, eds., Lacanian Theory of Discourse: Subject, Structure, and Society (New York: New York University Press, 1994), 107-28.
209. See footnote 29.
210. Jeremy Bentham was perhaps the first to recognize the identity of laboratory, factory, and state in his "Panopticon, or, the Inspection House," in John Bowring, ed., The Works of Jeremy Bentham, vol. 4 (reprint, New York: Russel and Russel, 1962[1843]), 37-172.