A German Alabama in Africa: The Tuskegee expedition to German Togo and the transnational origins of West African cotton growers

American Historical Review

Volumn 110, Issue 5, 2005, Pages 1362-1398

  Zimmerman, Andrew ^a  

^a GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 33749828615     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.110.5.1362     Document Type: Review

References (418)

1. Edgar Allen Poe, "The Purloined Letter" (1844), in Tales of Terror and Detection (New York, 1995), 76-91, 85.
2. Poe's story was the focus of a seminar by Jacques Lacan that is an important source for this article: Lacan, "Seminar on 'The Purloined Letter,' " trans. Jeffrey Mehlman, Yale French Studies 48 (1972): 38-72.
3. Most importantly in David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History: Bourgeois Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germany (Oxford, 1984).
4. Recently, historians in Germany have called for a more thoroughly transnational account of German history. See Jürgen Osterhammel, Geschichtswissenschaft jenseits des Nationalstaats: Studien zu Beziehungsgeschichte und Zivilizationsvergleich (Göttingen, 2001)
5. and Sebastian Conrad, "Doppelte Marginalisierung: Plädoyer für eine transnationale Perspektive auf die deutsche Geschichte," Geschichte und Gesellschaft 28 (2002): 145-169.
6. The classic statement of this Africanist position is T. O. Ranger, "Introduction," in Ranger, ed., Emerging Themes of African History (Nairobi, 1968), ix-xxii.
7. For a recent statement of the Africanist position, see Allen Isaacman, "Peasants and Rural Social Protest in Africa," African Studies Review 33 (1990): 1-120.
8. For examples of Africanist approaches that attack Marxism for denying African agency, see Jonathon Glassman, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888 (Portsmouth, N.H., 1995)
9. and Alan Isaacman, Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty: Peasants, Work, and Rural Struggle in Colonial Mozambique, 1938-1961 (Portsmouth, N.H., 1996).
10. Steven Feierman has warned against allowing world history to swallow up African history in "Africa in History: The End of Universal Narratives," in Gyan Prakash, ed., After Colonialism: Imperial Histories and Postcolonial Displacements (Princeton, N.J., 1995), 40-65.
11. For surveys of the controversy between Africanist and political-economic approaches, see Ralph A. Austen, "Africanist Historiography and Its Critics: Can There Be an Autonomous African History?" in Toyin Falola, ed., African Historiography: Essays in Honour of Jacob Ade Ajayi (Ikeja, Nigeria, 1993), 203-217
12. and Bill Freund, "Africanist History and the History of Africa," chap. 1 in The Making of Contemporary Africa (Bloomington, Ind., 1981), 1-15.
13. For important critiques of the anti-Marxist Africanist position, see E. A. Alpers, "Re-Thinking African Economic History," Kenya Historical Review 2 (1973): 163-188;
14. Henry Bernstein and Jacques Depelchin, "The Object of African History: A Materialist Perspective," 2 pts., History in Africa 5 (1978): 1-19 and 6 (1979): 17-43;
15. Frederick Cooper, "Africa and the World Economy," African Studies Review 24 (1981): 1-86;
16. Bridget O'Laughlin, "Proletarianisation, Agency and Changing Rural Livelihoods: Forced Labour and Resistance in Colonial Mozambique," Journal of Southern African Studies 28 (2002): 511-530;
17. and Arnold Temu and Bonaventure Swai, Historians and Africanist History: A Critique (London, 1981).
18. There has been excellent work refusing the false opposition between African agency and political economy, including Megan Vaughan, The Story of an African Famine: Gender and Famine in Twentieth-Century Malawi (Cambridge, 1987)
19. and Sara Berry, No Condition Is Permanent: The Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change in Sub-Saharan Africa (Madison, Wis., 1993).
20. Historians focusing on Togo have thus given little attention to the expedition as an external influence on internal African history. See C. Adick, Bildung und Kolonialismus in Togo (Weinheim, 1981), 192-193;
21. Arthur J. Knoll, Togo under Imperial Germany, 1884-1914: A Case Study in Colonial Rule (Stanford, Calif., 1970), 144-147;
22. Donna J. E. Maier, "Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production: Cotton in German Togoland, 1800-1914," in Allen Isaacman and Richard Roberts, eds., Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa (Portsmouth, N.H., 1995), 71-95, 82;
23. and Edward Graham Norris, Die Umerziehung des Afrikaners: Togo, 1895-1938 (Munich, 1993), 141-149.
24. See Robin D. G. Kelley, "How the West Was One: The African Diaspora and the Re-Mapping of U.S. History," in Thomas Bender, ed., Rethinking American History in a Global Age (Berkeley, Calif., 2002), 123-147.
25. For a brilliant account of modernization in the United States and the Atlantic world in the transnational context of the African diaspora, see David McBride, Missions for Science: U.S. Technology and Medicine in America's African World (New Brunswick, N.J., 2002).
26. Louis R. Harlan, "Booker T. Washington and the White Man's Burden,"AHR 71, no. 2 (January 1966): 441-467.
27. See also Harlan's excellent two-volume biography of Washington, Booker T. Washington: The Making of a Black Leader, 1856-1901 (London, 1972)
28. and Booker T. Washington: The Wizard of Tuskegee, 1901-1915 (London, 1983).
29. The most recent scholarship on the expedition, by the Togolese historian Pierre Ali Napo, has focused on its African American participants, applauding this first Tuskegee involvement in African development projects. Professor Napo's monograph marked the centenary of the expedition, for which Tuskegee University signed a Convention of Cooperation with the University of Lomé and unveiled a plaque dedicated to the members of the expedition at the University's École Superior d'Agronomie. Pierre Ali Napo, Togo, Land of Tuskegee Institute's International Technical Assistance Experimentation: 1900-1909 (Accra, 2002)
30. translation of Le Togo, Terre d'Expérimentation de l'Assistance Technique Internationale de Tuskegee University en Alabama, USA 1900-1909 (Lomé, 2001).
31. Like Napo, Kendahl L. Radcliffe treats the expedition as a case of African American assistance to Africa in "The Tuskegee-Togo Cotton Scheme, 1900-1909" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1998).
32. Booker T. Washington enjoys a better reputation in Africa, where he has long been regarded as an advocate of black self-help, than he does in the United States, where he is often blamed for accommodating white racism. See W. Manning Marable, "Booker T. Washington and African Nationalism," Phylon 35 (1974): 398-406;
33. Donald Spivey, "The African Crusade for Black Industrial Schooling," Journal of Negro History 63 (1978): 1-17;
34. and Michael O. West, "The Tuskegee Model of Development in Africa: Another Dimension of the Africa/African-American Connection," Diplomatic History 16 (1992): 371-387.
35. For a recent collection of generally laudatory accounts of Washington, see W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Booker T. Washington and Black Progress: Up from Slavery 100 Years Later (Gainesville, Fla., 2003).
36. For more negative appraisals of Washington, see James D. Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860-1935 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988);
37. Brian Kelly, "Sentinels for New South Industry: Booker T. Washington, Industrial Accommodation and Black Workers in the Jim Crow South," Labor History 44 (2003): 337-357;
38. and Donald Spivey, Schooling for the New Slavery: Black Industrial Education, 1868-1915 (Westport, Conn., 1978).
39. On Tuskegee in Africa after the Togo expedition, see Kenneth James King, Pan-Africanism and Education: A Study of Race Philanthropy and Education in the Southern States of America and East Africa (Oxford, 1971)
40. and Donald Spivey, The Politics of Miseducation: The Booker T. Washington Institute of Liberia, 1929-1945 (Lexington, Ky., 1986).
41. For the influence of Tuskegee in South Africa, see James Campbell, "Models and Metaphors: Industrial Education in the United States and South Africa," in Ran Greenstein, ed., Comparative Perspectives on South Africa (New York, 1998), 90-134.
42. For Booker T. Washington in the larger context of African American interest in Africa, see Tunde Adeleke, Un-African Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission (Lexington, Ky., 1998)
43. and Elliot P. Skinner, African Americans and U.S. Foreign Policy toward Africa, 1850-1924: In Defense of Black Nationality (Washington, D.C., 1992).
44. See Joan Wallach Scott, "Women's History," "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," and "Some More Reflections on Gender and Politics," in Scott, Gender and the Politics of History, rev. ed. (New York, 1999), 15-50, 199-222.
45. For Scott's most recent treatment of Lacanian psychoanalysis for history, see "Fantasy Echo: History and the Construction of Identity," Critical Inquiry 27 (2001): 284-304.
46. See especially James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, Conn., 1985).
47. "Peasants," Christine Pelzer White has observed, "do not necessarily want to remain peasants, and do not necessarily place highest priority on preserving their status as poor petty commodity producers in a richer world." White, "Everyday Resistance, Socialist Revolution and Rural Development: The Vietnamese Case," Journal of Peasant Studies (hereafter JPS) 13 (1986): 49-63, 62.
48. The JPS has generally been so critical of peasant essentialism that one of its editors, Henry Bernstein, eventually bade "farewell to the peasantry," leaving the journal to locate the "economic form agricultural petty commodity production" (formerly known as peasant production) in "the shifting places of agriculture in the international divisions of labour of imperialism." Henry Bernstein, "Farewells to the Peasantry," Transformation 52 (2003): 1-19, 14, and
49. Bernstein and Terence J. Byres, "From Peasant Studies to Agrarian Change," Journal of Agrarian Change 1 (2001): 1-56. Bernstein had long maintained that there was no peasant mode of production, and that peasants in Africa were, in fact, "wage labor equivalents."
50. See Bernstein, "African Peasantries: A Theoretical Framework," JPS 6 (1979): 421-443.
51. Under the editorship of Tom Brass, the JPS has turned even more fiercely against peasant essentialism. See collected JPS articles by Tom Brass in Towards a Comparative Political Economy of Unfree Labour: Case Studies and Debates (London, 1999)
52. and Peasants, Populism and Postmodernism: The Return of the Agrarian Myth (London, 2000).
53. Other excellent work on the political economy of peasants in Africa includes Victor L. Allen, "The Meaning of the Working Class in Africa," Journal of Modern African Studies 10 (1972): 169-189;
54. Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (Berkeley, Calif., 1979);
55. Frederick Cooper, "Back to Work: Categories, Boundaries and Connections in the Study of Labour," in Peter Alexander and Rick Halpern, eds., Racializing Class, Classifying Race: Labour and Difference in Britain, the USA and Africa (New York, 2000), 213-235;
56. Bill Freund, The African Worker (Cambridge, 1988);
57. O'Laughlin, "Proletarianisation, Agency and Changing Rural Livelihoods";
58. and Anne Phillips, The Enigma of Colonialism: British Policy in West Africa (London, 1989).
59. There has also been some movement in the development community to reject both modernization theory and the "farmer first" populism meant to challenge it. See Ian Scoones and John Thompson, "Knowledge, Power, and Development: Towards a Theoretical Understanding," in Scoones and Thompson, eds., Beyond Farmer First: Rural People's Knowledge, Agricultural Research and Extension Practice (London, 1994), 16-32.
60. Anthony G. Hopkins, An Economic History of West Africa (New York, 1973).
61. For an account sharing affinities with vent-for-surplus but addressing the limitations of an imperialist "vent," see Ralph Austen, "The Colonial Economies I: Étatist-Peasant Regimes," chap. 6 in Austen, African Economic History (London, 1987), 122-154.
62. The vent-for-surplus approach informs the best account of the development of the Togolese cotton industry, Maier, "Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production." Maier does not sanitize labor conditions in Togo under German rule, and elsewhere discusses the extensive use made of slave and forced labor in the colony. See Maier, "Slave Labor and Wage Labor in German Togo, 1885-1914," in Arthur J. Knoll and Lewis H. Gann, eds., Germans in the Tropics: Essays in German Colonial History (New York, 1987), 73-91.
63. The essays in Isaacman and Roberts, Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa, are an excellent introduction to the marvelous work on imperialist cotton projects in Africa. Few of the other authors in that volume endorse the vent-for-surplus theory, which does not work well for the case of cotton, whose labor requirements often interfered with the growing of essential food crops, as
64. John Tosh shows in "The Cash Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal," African Affairs 79 (1980): 79-94.
65. Isaacman is perhaps the most important importer of the approaches of James Scott to African studies, while Roberts takes a more political-economic approach. See Roberts, Two Worlds of Cotton: Colonialism and the Regional Economy in the French Soudan, 1800-1946 (Palo Alto, Calif., 1996). For excellent political-economic accounts of colonial cotton, which by no means ignore the perspective of African cotton growers
66. see also Thomas J. Bassett, "The Development of Cotton in Northern Ivory Coast, 1910-1965," Journal of African History 29 (1988): 267-284;
67. Bassett, The Peasant Cotton Revolution in West Africa: Côte d'Ivoire, 1880-1995 (Cambridge, 2001);
68. Osumaka Likaka, Rural Society and Cotton in Colonial Zaire (Madison, Wis., 1997);
69. and Elias C. Mandala, Work and Control in a Peasant Economy: A History of the Lower Tchi Valley in Malawi, 1859-1960 (Madison, Wis., 1990). All three also have essays in the Isaacman and Richards volume.
70. Karl Marx, "Estranged Labour," in Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, available online at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/ works/1844/manuscripts/labour.htm.
71. For the importance of historicizing the economic category peasant, see Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "Discourses of Rule and the Acknowledgment of the Peasantry in Dominica, W. I., 1838-1928," American Ethnologist 16 (1989): 704-718.
72. The study of African political economy, as well as the political economy of imperialism and neo-imperialism, has had a dramatic history since World War II, from underdevelopment and world systems theory, to the study of articulated modes of production, to accounts stressing the flexibility of capitalist relations of production. Important texts for the present essay include, in addition to literature already cited, the critiques of world system theory by Ernesto Laclau, "Feudalism and Capitalism in Latin America," New Left Review (hereafter NLR) I/67 (May-June 1971): 19-38
73. and Robert Brenner, "The Origins of Capitalist Development: A Critique of Neo-Smithian Marxism," NLR I/104 (July-August 1977): 25-92;
74. the literature surveyed in Aidan Foster-Carter, "The Modes of Production Controversy," NLR I/107 (January-February 1978): 47-77;
75. David Seddon, ed., Relations of Production: Marxist Approaches to Economic Anthropology, trans. Helen Lackner (London, 1978);
76. Harold Wolpe, ed., The Articulation of Modes of Production: Essays from Economy and Society (London, 1980);
77. and the special issue "Mode of Production: The Challenge of Africa," ed. Bogumil Jewsiewicki and Jocelyn Letourneau, Canadian Journal of African Studies 19 (1985).
78. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Manifesto of the Communist Party, chap. 1, "Bourgeois and Proletarians," available online at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist -manifesto/ch01.htm.
79. Jacques Lacan followed Freud in describing psychoanalysis as a "Copernican revolution" because of its decentering of the ego in psychic life analogous to Copernicus's decentering of Earth in astronomy. See Jacques Lacan, The Ego in Freud's Theory and in the Technique of Psychoanalysis, 1954-1955, trans. Sylvana Tomaselli, notes by John Forrester (New York, 1991), 3.
80. On the connections between Marxism and psychoanalysis, see especially Slavoj Žižek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (New York, 1989);
81. Frederick Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981);
82. and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics, 2nd ed. (London, 2001).
83. Judith Butler has derived an antisubstantivist account of the subject from Friedrich Nietzsche rather than Marx and Freud. See Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York, 1990).
84. Especially helpful for this article has been Joan Copjec's Lacanian critique of Foucault and all models in which "the psychical and the social are conceived as a realtight unit ruled by a principle of pleasure." See Read My Desire: Lacan against the Historicists (Cambridge, 1994), 29.
85. For a clear and powerful presentation of the advantages of incorporating Lacanian psychoanalysis into the questions asked by Althusser and Foucault, see Marshall W. Alcorn, Jr., "The Subject of Discourse: Reading Lacan through (and beyond) Poststructuralist Contexts," in Mark Bracher et al., eds., Lacanian Theory of Discourse: Subject, Structure, and Society (New York, 1994), 19-45.
86. Lacan, "Seminar on The Purloined Letter,' " 72.
87. Bruce Fink: A Clinical Introduction to Lacanian Psychoanalysis: Theory and Technique (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 22-25.
88. Jacques Lacan, "The Mirror Stage as Formative of the I Function, as Revealed in Psychoanalytic Experience" (1949), in Écrits: A Selection, trans. Bruce Fink (New York, 2002), 3-9.
89. Kalpana Seshadri-Crooks, Desiring Whiteness: A Lacanian Analysis of Race (London, 2000), has made the brilliant and provocative argument that race works because the symbolic (racial ideology) illegitimately links itself to the real, connecting race to the body as if race were like sex rather than a purely symbolic or ideological category. Homi K. Bhabha has drawn attention to the role of the imaginary in colonial identity and the possibilities this foundational misrecognition presents for anti-imperialist resistance.
90. See Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London, 1994), esp. "Sly Civility," 93-101.
91. In this I follow Slavoj Žižek and Frederick Jameson. See Žižek, "Repeating Lenin" (2001), available online at http://www.lacan.com/replenin.htm.
92. "History," writes Jameson, "is what hurts, it is what refuses desire and sets inexorable limits to individual as well as collective praxis, which its 'ruses' turn into grisly and ironic reversals of their overt intentions." Jameson, The Political Unconscious, 102.
93. Referring to the region as "cotton states" would have disappointed those who agreed with the late Pennsylvania Radical Republican William D. Kelley that the South should abandon cotton to become "New." William D. Kelley, "Cotton Growing and Agriculture Contrasted," in Kelley, The Old South and the New: A Series of Letters (New York, 1888), 112-162.
94. The classic work on the New South is C. Vann Woodward's Origins of the New South, 1877-1913, rev. ed. (Baton Rouge, La., 1972).
95. On New South ideology, see Paul M. Gaston, The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking (New York, 1970);
96. James M. McPherson, The Abolitionist Legacy: From Reconstruction to the NAACP (Princeton, N.J., 1975);
97. George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York, 1971), 198-227, 283-319;
98. and Ronald T. Takaki, "Civilization in the New South," chap. 9 in Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America, rev. ed. (New York, 2000), 194-214.
99. For an excellent account of how the postemancipation historiography of slavery supported New South free-labor racism, see John David Smith, An Old Creed for the New South: Proslavery Ideology and Historiography, 1865-1918 (1985; repr., Athens, Ga., 1991).
100. Baron von Herman, Washington, D.C., to Chancellor [Reichskanzler] Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, October 25, 1895, Bundesarchiv, Berlin (hereafter BArch) R901/14543. For Herman's later advocacy of colonial cotton modeled on U.S. cotton, see his letters to Chancellor Hohenlohe- Schillingsfürst, September 28, 1899, BArch R901/350, and April 28, 1900, BArch R901/14552.
101. Washington's speech is quoted in Walter G. Cooper, The Cotton States and International Exposition and South (Atlanta, Ga., 1896), 98-99.
102. Booker T. Washington to Edna Dow Littlehale Cheney, October 15, 1895, in Louis R. Harlan, ed., The Booker T. Washington Papers (Urbana, Ill., 1972-1989), 4: 56-57.
103. For the ways in which class divisions shaped African American politics, see especially Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society (Baton Rouge, La., 1986).
104. See also Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., Aristocrats of Color: The Black Elite, 1880-1920 (Fayetteville, Ark., 2000);
105. Kevin K. Gaines, Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1996);
106. and Fon Louise Gordon, Caste and Class: The Black Experience in Arkansas, 1880-1920 (Athens, Ga., 1995).
107. The classic work on this topic is E. Franklin Frazier, Black Bourgeoisie (1955; repr., New York, 1997).
108. Germans were among the earliest foreign enthusiasts for Washington. Representative is the preface to the German translation of Up from Slavery by Ernst Vohsen, a member of the Colonial Council [Kolonialrat] of the German Foreign Office and later a founding editor of the journal Koloniale Rundschau. Quoting the famous hand image from Washington's 1895 speech, Vohson proclaimed: "The author's words are also valid for us in Africa." Ernst Vohsen, "Vorwort," in Booker T. Washington, Vom Sklaven Empor: Eine Selbstbiographie, trans. Estelle Du Bois-Reymond (Berlin, 1902), v-vii, vii.
109. For later European colonial interest in Washington, see King, Pan-Africanism and Education
110. and Spivey, The Politics of Miseducation.
111. On the Mohonk conferences, see Leslie H. Fishel, Jr., "The 'Negro Question' at Mohonk: Microcosm, Mirage, and Message," New York History 74, no. 3 (July 1993): 277-314.
112. On the "Negro" in "New South" ideology, see the classic works by C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, 3rd ed. (New York, 1974);
113. August Meier, Negro Thought in America, 1880-1915: Racial Ideologies in the Age of Booker T. Washington (1963; repr., Ann Arbor, 1988);
114. and Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind.
115. See more recently Grace E. Hale, Making Whiteness: The Culture of Segregation in the South, 1890-1940 (New York, 1998)
116. and Leon Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York, 1998).
117. Samuel Chapman Armstrong, "Industrial Training," in Isabel C. Barrows, ed., First Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (1890; repr., New York, 1969), 12-15, 13.
118. The Second Mohonk conference made points similar to the first. See Isabel C. Barrows, ed., Second Mohonk Conference on the Negro Question (1891; repr., New York, 1969).
119. Armstrong had learned this model of education from his father, Richard Armstrong, the minister of public instruction in Hawaii from 1848 to 1860. On colonial industrial education in Hawaii, see Carl Kalani Beyer, "Manual and Industrial Education for Hawaiians during the Nineteenth Century," Hawaiian Journal of History 38 (2004): 1-34.
120. For excellent accounts of free labor as it was practiced rather than simply imagined, see Douglas Hay and Paul Craven, "The Criminalization of 'Free' Labour: Master and Servant in Comparative Perspective," Slavery & Abolition 15 (1994): 71-101;
121. Hay and Craven, "Master and Servant in England and the Empire: A Comparative Study," Labour 31 (1993): 175-184;
122. Robert J. Steinfeld, The Invention of Free Labor: The Employment Relation in English and American Law and Culture, 1350-1870 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991);
123. and Steinfeld, Coercion, Contract, and Free Labor in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 2001).
124. Baron von Herman, Washington, D.C., to Chancellor Hohenlohe- Schillingsfürst, June 24, 1897, BArch R901/349.
125. See Charles W. Johnson, Edwin R. Embree, and W. W. Alexander, The Collapse of Cotton Tenancy: Summary of Field Studies and Statistical Surveys, 1933-35 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1935), 11.
126. On the biology and cultivation of cotton, see C. Wayne Smith and J. Tom Cothren, eds., Cotton: Origin, History, Technology, and Production (New York, 1999).
127. On the importance of botanical factors in African economic history, see Tosh, "The Cash Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa";
128. Paul Richards, "Ecological Change and the Politics of African Land Use," African Studies Review 26 (1983): 1-72;
129. and Richards, Indigenous Agricultural Revolution: Ecology and Food Production in West Africa (Boulder, Colo., 1985).
130. On seed control and the dangers of hybridization of cotton, see J. F. Duggar, Descriptions and Classification of Varieties of American Upland Cotton, Alabama Agricultural Experiment Station of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, Auburn, Bulletin no. 140 (Opelika, Ala., 1907)
131. and W. Lawrence Balls, Studies of Quality in Cotton (London, 1928). For discussions of cotton planting and picking
132. see James Thomas Broadbent, Cotton Manual for Manufacturers and Students (Boston, 1905).
133. The role of coercion in cotton production would only be more pronounced in Africa, for, as Philip W. Porter demonstrates, cotton has lower yields in tropical climates than in mid-latitudes. This deficit was made up, he suggests, by lower labor compensation and increased labor coercion. See Porter, "A Note on Cotton and Climate: A Colonial Conundrum," in Isaacman and Roberts, Cotton, Colonialism, and Social History in Sub-Saharan Africa, 43-49.
134. See Gustav Schmoller, "Eröffnungsrede," Verhandlungen der Eisenacher Versammlung zur Besprechung der socialen Frage am 6. und 7. October 1872 (Leipzig, 1873), 1-6.
135. On the Verein für Sozialpolitik, see James J. Sheehan, The Career of Lujo Brentano: A Study of Liberalism and Social Reform in Imperial Germany (Chicago, 1966);
136. Erik Grimmer-Solem, The Rise of Historical Economics and Social Reform in Germany, 1864-1894 (Oxford, 2003);
137. and Dietrich Rueschemeyer, "The Verein für Sozialpolitik and the Fabian Society: A Study in the Sociology of Policy-Relevant Knowledge," in Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol, eds., States, Social Knowledge, and the Origins of Modern Social Policies (Princeton, N.J., 1996), 117-162.
138. On German social policy and social reform, see Kevin Repp, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-Politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890-1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 2000)
139. and George Steinmetz, Regulating the Social: The Welfare State and Local Politics in Imperial Germany (Princeton, N.J., 1993).
140. On German emigration and population movements within Germany, see Klaus J. Bade, "German Emigration to the United States and Continental Immigration to Germany in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries," Central European History 13 (1980): 348-377
141. and Bade, " 'Preussengänger' und 'Abwehrpolitik': Ausländerbeschäftigung, Ausländerpolitik und Auslä nderkontrolle auf dem Arbeitsmarkt in Preussen vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg," Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 24 (1984): 91-162.
142. On Polish migrant labor, see Ulrich Herbert, "The Manpower Shortage and Ueberfremdung: The Danger of Foreign Infiltration, 1880-1914," chap. 1 in A History of Foreign Labor in Germany, 1880-1980: Seasonal Workers/Forced Laborers, Guest Workers, trans. William Templer (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1990), 9-86.
143. On the broader debate about industrial and agricultural labor, see Kenneth D. Barkin, The Controversy over German Industrialization, 1890-1902 (Chicago, 1970).
144. On Prussian anti-Polish efforts, see Richard Blanke, Prussian Poland in the German Empire (1871-1900) (New York, 1981)
145. and William W. Hagen, Germans, Poles, and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1772-1914 (Chicago, 1980).
146. The comparative study of free labor thus goes back to the nineteenth-century emergence of free labor itself, and the "Prussian road" has long served comparative history of slavery and emancipation in the U.S. South. See Jonathan M. Wiener, "Class Structure and Economic Development in the American South, 1865-1955," AHR 84, no. 4 (October 1979): 970-992
147. and Wiener, Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge, La., 1978).
148. Wiener's argument is shaped by Barrington Moore, The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1966)
149. and V. I. Lenin, "The Agrarian Programme of Social-Democracy in the Russian Revolution, Autoabstract" (1908), available online at http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1908/ jul/18.htm.
150. See also Steven Hahn, "Class and State in Postemancipation Societies: Southern Planters in Comparative Perspective," AHR 95, no. 1 (February 1990): 75-98
151. and Anthony Winson, "The 'Prussian Road' of Agrarian Development: A Reconsideration," Economy and Society 11 (1982): 381-408.
152. For comparative histories of unfree land- and laborlords in the United States and Prussia and Russia, respectively, see Shearer Davis Bowman, Masters and Lords: Mid-Nineteenth-Century U.S. Planters and Prussian Junkers (New York, 1993)
153. and Peter Kolchin, Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (Cambridge, Mass., 1987).
154. One reason that German and American conditions have seemed so eminently comparable may be the great influence of German social science on American social science. See especially Jürgen Herbst, The German Historical School in American Scholarship: A Study in the Transfer of Culture (Ithaca, N.Y., 1965);
155. Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Era (Cambridge, Mass., 1998);
156. Axel R. Schäfer, "W.E.B. Du Bois, German Social Thought, and the Racial Divide in American Progressivism, 1892-1909," Journal of American History 88 (2001): 925-949;
157. and Schäfer, American Progressives and German Social Reform, 1875-1920: Social Ethics, Moral Control, and the Regulatory State in a Transatlantic Context (Stuttgart, 2000).
158. Georg Friedrich Knapp, "Notes on U.S. History and Slavery," July 30, 1900
159. Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz (hereafter GStA) VI. HA Nachlass Knapp, K. II, Bl. 41-43. On Knapp, see Kerstin Schmidt, "Georg Friedrich Knapp: Ein Pionier der Agrarhistoriker," Zeitschrift fur Geschichtswissenschaft 37 (1989): 228-242
160. and Hartmut Harnisch, "Georg Friedrich Knapp: Agrargeschichtsforschung und Sozialpolitisches Engagement im Deutschen Kaiserreich," 1993 Jahrbuch fur Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 95-132.
161. Georg Friedrich Knapp, Die Landarbeiter in Knechtschaft und Freiheit: Vier Vorträge (Leipzig, 1891), 16-20, 86.
162. See also Knapp, Die Bauernbefreiung und der Ursprung der Landarbeiter in den älteren Theilen Preuβens, 2 vols., 2nd ed. (Munich, 1927).
163. See Knapp's 1893 address to the Verein, "Landarbeiter und innere Kolonisation," in Einführung in einige Hauptgebiete der Nationalökonomie (Munich, 1925), 124-142.
164. I discuss the centrality of racism to Max Weber's social thought in "Decolonizing Weber," in the special issue "Decolonizing German Theory," ed. George Steinmetz, Postcolonial Studies 9, no. 1 (2006), forthcoming.
165. Weber's major publications on East Elbian agricultural laborers include Die Verhältnisse der Landarbeiter im ostelbischen Deutschland, Schriften des Vereins für Socialpolitik, vol. 58 (Leipzig, 1893)
166. and "Die ländliche Arbeitsverfassung" (1893) and "Entwicklungstendenz in der Lage der ostelbischen Landarbeiter (1894)," both in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (Tübingen, 1924), 444-469, 470-507.
167. See also Weber's 1895 inaugural address at Freiburg, "Der Nationalstaat und die Volkswirtschaftspolitik" (1895), in Johannes Winckelmann, ed., Gesammelte Politische Schriften, 3rd ed. (Tübingen, 1971), 1-25.
168. On Weber's work on this topic, see especially Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Max Weber and German Politics, 1890-1920, trans. Michael S. Steinberg (1959; repr., Chicago, 1984).
169. Fritz Ringer's recent account, in my view, unjustly minimizes the importance of anti-Polish racism in Weber's politics and social science. See Fritz Ringer, Max Weber: An Intellectual Biography (Chicago, 2004).
170. The Verein für Sozialpolitik economist Max Sering, for example, directly advised the Prussian commission in charge of settling German farmers. See Max Sering to Landwirtschaftsminister, March 6, 1891, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 87B, no. 9369, Bl. 1-2, and Max Sering, "Politik der Grundbesitzverteilung in den großen Reichen," Verhandlungen des Landes-Oekonomie-Kollegiums am 9. Februar 1912 (Berlin, 1912), in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 87B, no. 9329, Bl. 13-41.
171. On Weber's trip to the United States, see Marianne Weber, Max Weber: A Biography, trans. Harry Zohn (1926; repr., New York, 1975), 279-304
172. and Lawrence Scaff, "Max Weber's Amerikabild and the African American Experience," in David McBride et al., eds., Crosscurrents: African Americans, Africa, and Germany in the Modern World (Columbia, S.C., 1998), 82-94.
173. Weber, Max Weber, 295.
174. W. E. B. Du Bois, "Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten," Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik 22 (1906): 31-79, 43.
175. Du Bois details his German education in a letter to D. C. Gilman, October 28, 1892, in Herbert Aptheker, ed., The Correspondence of W.E.B. Du Bois, vol. 1: Selections, 1877-1934 (Amherst, 1973), 20-21.
176. On Du Bois's seminar paper, see David Levering Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919 (New York, 1993), 137-143.
177. On the importance of Du Bois's study in Germany for the development of his social science, see Francis L. Broderick, "German Influence on the Scholarship of W.E.B. Du Bois," Phylon Quarterly 19 (1958): 367-371
178. and Barrington Steven Edwards, "W.E.B. Du Bois, Empirical Social Research, and the Challenge to Race, 1868-1910" (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2001), esp. 111-146.
179. Du Bois, "Die Negerfrage," 43.
180. For these conferences, as well as the international Pan-African movements generally, see Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement: A History of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, trans. Ann Keep (1968; repr., New York, 1974).
181. Thomas J. Calloway (no known relation to James Calloway), United States Commission to the Paris Exposition of 1900, "The American Negro Exhibit" (Washington, D.C., December 21, 1899), George Washington Carver Papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., Reel 2.
182. W.E.B. Du Bois, "The American Negro at Paris," American Monthly Review of Reviews (New York) 22 (November 1900): 575-577
183. , in Herbert Aptheker, ed., Writings by W.E.B. Du Bois in Periodicals Edited by Others (Millwood, N.Y., 1982), 1: 86-88, 86.
184. Alexander Walters, Henry B. Brown, H. Sylvester Williams, and W. E. B. Du Bois, "To the Nations of the World" (1900), in W. E. B. Du Bois, An ABC of Color: Selections Chosen by the Author from Over a Half Century of His Writings (New York, 1969), 19-23, 20.
185. That Du Bois wrote this document is attested to not only by Du Bois himself, but also by Alexander Waters, in My Life and Work (New York, 1917), 257.
186. Edgar Gardner Murphy similarly offered the New South as a general model for imperialist race relations in "Ascendancy," chap. 11 in The Basis of Ascendancy; A Discussion of Certain Principles of Public Policy Involved in the Development of the Southern States (New York, 1909), 209-248, 222-223.
187. Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., connects the internationalization of African American politics to the U.S. occupation of the Philippines, in which many African American soldiers served. See his Black Americans and the White Man's Burden, 1898-1903 (Urbana, Ill., 1975).
188. Booker T. Washington made a similar connection in Washington, N. B. Wood, and Fannie Barrier Williams, A New Negro for a New Century; An Accurate and Up-to-Date Record of the Upward Struggles of the Negro Race (Chicago, 1900).
189. Booker T. Washington, "Relation of Industrial Education to National Progress, "Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 33, no. 1 (1909): 1-12, 8-9.
190. Booker T. Washington, "The Southern Sociological Congress as a Factor for Social Welfare," in James E. McCulloch, ed., Battling for Social Betterment: Southern Sociological Congress, Memphis, Tennessee, May 6-10, 1914 (Nashville, Tenn., 1914), 155-159, 158-159.
191. Sven Beckert traces the turn to non-U.S. sources of cotton based on formally free labor to political and economic responses to the U.S. Civil War in "Emancipation and Empire: Reconstructing the World-wide Web of Cotton Production in the Age of the American Civil War," AHR 109, no. 5 (December 2004): 1405-1438.
192. See "Deutsche Baumwolle," Tägliche Rundschau (Berlin), February 27, 1913, BArch R8024/58, Bl. 86.
193. Thaddeus Sunseri discusses this campaign in relation to Tanzania in "The Baumwollfrage: Cotton Colonialism in German East Africa," Central European History 34 (2001): 31-51.
194. See Roberts, Two Worlds of Cotton.
195. See Tarasankar Banerjee, "American Cotton Experiments in India and the American Civil War," Journal of Indian History 37 (1969): 425-432
196. and K. L. Tuteja, "American Planters and the Cotton Improvement Programme in Bombay Presidency in Nineteenth Century," Indian Journal of American Studies 28 (1998): 103-108.
197. See also Arthur W. Silver, Manchester Men and Indian Cotton, 1847-1872 (Manchester, 1966).
198. See Martin R. Delany, The Condition, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United States; and, Official Report of the Niger Valley Exploring Party, intro. by Toyin Falola (Amherst, N.Y., 2004), 298-299, 351-355.
199. For an excellent account of this expedition, see James T. Campbell, "Redeeming the Race: Martin Delany and the Niger Valley Exploring Party, 1859-60," New Formations 45 (Winter 2001-2002): 125-149.
200. The Church Missionary Society already exported cotton from Abeokuta before Delany arrived. See Judith A. Byfield, The Bluest Hands: A Social and Economic History of Women Dyers in Abeokuta (Nigeria), 1890-1940 (Portsmouth, N.M., 2002).
201. For a good contemporary account by a German cotton expert, see Moritz Schanz, Cotton in Egypt and the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (Manchester, 1913).
202. See also W. Lawrence Balls, The Cotton Plant in Egypt: Studies in Physiology and Genetics (London, 1912).
203. On the relation of this cotton economy to famine in India, see Laxman D. Satya, Cotton and Famine in Berar, 1850-1900 (New Delhi, 1997).
204. On the Indian cotton boom during the U.S. Civil War, see Frenise A. Logan, "India: Britain's Substitute for American Cotton, 1861-65," Journal of Southern History 24 (1958): 472-480
205. and Logan, "India's Loss of the British Cotton Market after 1865," Journal of Southern History 31 (1965): 40-50.
206. On the export of cotton from precolonial Togo, see Ferdinand Goldberg (in Klein Popo) to the Foreign Office [Auswärtiges Amt], August 1, 1890 (copy), BArch R150, Togo National Archives (hereafter TNA) FA 1-332, Bl. 21-34, and Maier, "Persistence of Precolonial Patterns of Production," 75.
207. I treat the concept of "natural peoples" extensively in Anthropology and Antihumanism in Imperial Germany (Chicago, 2001).
208. For an example of the new colonial discourse of improvement that displaced the old discourse of "natural peoples," see "Zum neuen Jahr," Koloniale Rundschau 2 (1910): 1-2.
209. For a study relating anthropological conceptions of African Americans to legislation about race in the United States, see Lee D. Baker, From Savage to Negro: Anthropology and the Construction of Race, 1896-1954 (Berkeley, Calif., 1998).
210. The most striking evidence of this use of Washington is in the prefaces to the German translations of his works, all of which explicitly make the connection between Tuskegee and colonial development. See Vohsen, "Vorwort," in Washington, Vom Sklaven Empor;
211. Johannes Wichern, "Vorwort," in Washington, Charakterbildung: Sonntags-Ansprachen an die Zöglinge der Normal- und Gewerbeschule von Tuskegee, trans. Estelle Du Bois-Reymond (Berlin, 1910), ix-xv;
212. and Julius Richter, "Vorwort," in Washington, Handarbeit: Fortsetzung des Buches "Sklaven Empor" und Schilderung der Erfahrungen des Verfassers bei dem gewerblichen Unterricht in Tuskegee, trans. Estelle Du Bois-Reymond (Berlin, 1913), v-vi
213. Germanjournals focusing on colonial policy and reform repeatedly invoked Booker T. Washington. See, for example, Hermann Gerhard, "Die Negerfrage in den Vereinigten Staaten," Politisch-Anthropologische Revue 5 (1906/1907): 268-281;
214. Friedrich Wohltmann, "Neujahrsgedanken 1907," Der Tropenpflanzer 11 (1907): 1-13;
215. Moritz Schanz, "Negererziehung in Nordamerika und Booker T. Washington," Der Tropenpflanzer 12 (1908): 214-226, 270-280;
216. Schanz, "Die Negerfrage in Nordamerika," Der Tropenpflanzer 13 (1909): 573-585;
217. and anon., "Amerikanische Neger über Negererziehung in Afrika," Koloniale Rundschau 1 (1909): 498.
218. See also Anton Markmiller, 'Die Erziehung des Negers zur Arbeit': Wie die koloniale Pädagogik afrikanische Gesellschaften in die Abhängigkeit führte (Berlin, 1995)
219. and Fatima El-Tayeb, Schwarze Deutsche: Der Diskurs um 'Rasse' und nationale Identität, 1890-1933 (Frankfurt, 2001).
220. See, for example, Reichskolonialamt, Die Baumwollfrage, 94-96.
221. Foreign Office to Eugen von Zimmerer, Kaiserliche Kommissar of Togo, Klein Popo, September 24, 1889, BArch R150, TNA FA 1-332, Bl. 1-2; Jesko von Puttkamer, Klein Popo, to Chancellor Bismarck, March 26, 1890, BArch R1001/8220, vol. 1, 1889-1899, Bl. 7-8.
222. On the role of the Asante empire in defining the Togo-Ghana border, see Marion Johnson, "Ashante East of the Volta," Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana 8 (1965): 33-39
223. and Paul Nugent, Smugglers, Secessionists and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Togo Frontier: The Lie of the Borderlands since 1914 (Oxford, 2002).
224. The best general histories of Togo are the volumes written by the department of history at the University of Lomé, Togo, under the direction of Nicoué Lodjou Gayibor: Histoire des Togolais: Des Origines à 1884 (Lomé, 1997)
225. and Le Togo Sous Domination Coloniale (1884-1960) (Lomé, 1997).
226. See also the essays collected in François de Medeiros, ed., Peuples du Golfe du Bénin: Aja-Ewe-Colloque de Cotonou (Paris, 1984).
227. By far the most in-depth account of German colonialism in Togo is the dissertation by Pierre Ali Napo, "Le Togo a l'epoche allemande (1884-1914)," 5 vols. (Ph.D. diss., Sorbonne, 1995).
228. For one-volume histories of Togo, see Ralph Erbar, Ein Platz an der Sonne? Die Verwaltungs- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der deutschen Kolonie Togo, 1884-1914 (Stuttgart, 1991);
229. Knoll, Togo under Imperial Germany;
230. and Peter Sebald, Togo 1884-1914: Eine Geschichte der deutschen 'Musterkolonie' auf der Grundlage amtlicher Quellen (Berlin, 1988).
231. Historian Peter Sebald has argued that Volkskultur in Togo amounted to colonial domination little different from plantation agriculture, in that both shaped agricultural production to suit the political and economic demands of imperialism. Sebald is right, but his thesis risks burying the specific relations of production represented by Volkskultur in the larger fact of imperialist oppression and exploitation. See Sebald, Togo, esp. 437.
232. On the competition between European and African textile manufacturers for raw materials and markets and the use of military violence in supporting the European industry, see especially Marion Johnson, "Cotton Imperialism in West Africa," African Affairs 73 (1974): 178-187.
233. Geo. A. Schmitt, Atakpame Station, to Imperial German Government of Togo, Lomé (hereafter Lomé Government), August 7, 1900, BArch R150, Togo National Archives FA 1-332, Bl. 111-118.
234. Missionaries, by contrast, identified the ethnic groups, in part to privilege what they regarded as the incipient monotheism of the Ewe. See, for example, Jakob Spieth, Die Religion der Eweer in Süd-Togo (Göttingen, 1911).
235. Office of the Imperial Chancellor, Friedrichsruh, to Wirklichen Geheimen Legationsrath Herrn von Holstein, September 21, 1889, BArch R1001/8142, Bl. 14. See also the reports and newspaper clippings collected in subsequent volumes of this series on cotton, R1001/8142-8153. See also the consular reports on cotton in the United States sent to the Foreign Office itself, BArch R901/349-377.
236. Herman to Washington, September 3, 1900, and Washington to Herman auf Wain, September 20, 1900, in Harlan, ed., The Booker T. Washington Papers, 5: 633-636, 639-642.
237. The Colonial Section [Kolonialabteilung] of the German Foreign Office expressed the opinion in a marginal note that it found employing "colored young" personnel to train indigenous farmers in Togo "very practical," although it did not specify why. See KWK to Foreign Office, Colonial Section, October 11, 1900, BArch R1001/8221, Bl. 11-13. One of the founders of the KWK later explained that they chose Tuskegee personnel because they thought "the Negro would more easily influence their fellow tribesmen [Stammesgenossen] and would be better able to bear the climate." Otto Warburg, "German Colonies," in Wyndham R. Dunstan, Report on the Present Position of Cotton Cultivation: Presented to the International Congress of Tropical Agriculture, Brussels, May 1910 (Paris, 1910), 261-278, 267-268.
238. The best information on Ewe economics comes from works by Protestant missionaries. See especially Jakob Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme: Material zur Kunde des Ewe-Volkes in Deutsch-Togo (Berlin, 1906), 55-64, 208-211, 356.
239. Spieth collected most of his information in Ho, Togo. See also Diedrich Westermann, Die Glidyi-Ewe in Togo: Züge aus ihrem Gesellschaftsleben (Berlin, 1935), 71-82.
240. Westermann obtained the information for this book from Bonifatius Foil, an Ewe from Glidyi in southeastern Togo. Heinrich Klose, "Industrie und Gewerbe in Togo," Globus 85 (1904): 69-73, 89-93
241. has good information on the Togolese textile industry. On early African-German commercial relations in Togo, see Hugo Zöller, Das Togoland und die Sklavenküste (Berlin, 1885), 243.
242. On human collateral, see Heinrich Seidel, "Pfandwesen und Schuldhaft in Togo: Nach den Erhebungen im Missionsbezirke Amedschovhe dargestellt," Globus 79 (1901): 309-313.
243. Beverly Grier studies similar economic arrangements in Ghana in "Pawns, Porters, and Petty Traders: Women in the Transition to Cash Crop Agriculture in Colonial Ghana," Signs 17 (1992): 304-328.
244. On Ewe economics and the gender division of labor in the relatively exceptional city of Anlo, Ghana, see Sandra E. Greene, Gender, Ethnicity, and Social Change on the Upper Slave Coast: A History of the Anlo Ewe (Portsmouth, N.H., 1996).
245. This female independence both intrigued and disturbed the missionary's wife, Anna Knüsli. See her Afrikanisches Frauenleben wie ich es in Togo gesehen habe, Bremer Missionsschriften, vol. 19 (Bremen, 1907).
246. The links between Ewe households and the political economy of imperialism suggest that Claude Meillassoux was correct to see an articulation between household and capitalist modes of production, but also that he should have emphasized the dynamic interaction of the two modes. See especially his Maidens, Meal and Money (1975; repr., Cambridge, 1981).
247. On the relations of household transformations, the gendered division of labor, and the political economy of imperialism, see Ester Boserup's classic Woman's Role in Economic Development (New York, 1970)
248. and more recently Jean Marie Allman and Victoria Tashjian, "I Will Not Eat Stone": A Women's History of Colonial Asante (Portsmouth, N.H., 2000);
249. John L. Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, Of Revelation and Revolution, vol. 1: Christianity, Colonialism, and Consciousness in South Africa (Chicago, 1991)
250. and especially vol. 2: The Dialectics of Modernity on a South African Frontier (Chicago, 1997);
251. Jane I. Guyer, "Household and Community in African Studies," African Studies Review 24 (1981): 87-137;
252. Nancy Rose Hunt, A Colonial Lexicon of Birth Ritual, Medicalization, and Mobility in the Congo (Durham, N.C., 1999);
253. Karen Tranberg Hansen, ed., African Encounters with Domesticity (New Brunswick, N.J., 1992);
254. Diana Jeater, Marriage, Perversion, and Power: The Construction of Moral Discourse in Southern Rhodesia, 1894-1930 (Oxford, 1993);
255. Lisa A. Lindsay and Stephan F. Miescher, eds., Men and Masculinities in Modern Africa (Portsmouth, N.H., 2003);
256. Henrietta L. Moore and Megan Vaughan, Cutting Down Trees: Gender, Nutrition and Agricultural Change in the Northern Province of Zambia, 1890-1990 (Portsmouth, N.H., 1994);
257. M. Anne Pitcher, "Conflict and Cooperation: Gendered Roles and Responsibilities within Cotton Households in Northern Mozambique," African Studies Review 39 (1996): 81-112;
258. and Vaughan, The Story of an African Famine.
259. Colleen Kriger shows how ethnographic accounts of cotton textile production have overlooked women's work by failing to consider the household in "Economy, Society and Material Culture in Nigeria: Textile Production and Gender in the Sokoto Caliphate," Journal of African History 34 (1993): 361-401.
260. Women were especially burdened by the coercive cotton drives of Mozambique, while men were forced into cane fields, as Leroy Vail and Landeg White argue in " 'Tawani, Machambero!' Forced Cotton and Rice Growing on the Zambezi," Journal of African History 19 (1978): 239-263.
261. See Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme, 404-406.
262. James N. Calloway, "Tuskegee Cotton-Planters in Africa," Outlook 70 (March 29, 1902): 772-776.
263. The question of whether West African education should have trained farmers and craftsmen rather than clerks continued even after the end of colonialism. I find the account by Philip Foster, Education and Social Change in Ghana (Chicago, 1965)
264. most persuasive. See also Eric Ashby, Universities: British, Indian, Africa-A Study in the Ecology of Higher Education (Cambridge, Mass., 1966)
265. and C. K. Graham, The History of Education in Ghana from the Earliest Times to the Declaration of Independence (London, 1971).
266. Stephanie Newell demonstrates that academic education did not function merely as vocational education for clerks, but also allowed for the emergence of a genuine literary culture; Newell, Literary Culture in Colonial Ghana: "How to Play the Game of Life" (Bloomington, Ind., 2002).
267. West Africans did far more with their literary education than seek white-collar jobs, as Robert W. July makes clear in Origins of Modern African Thought: Its Development in West Africa during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (New York, 1967).
268. Africans could also use industrial education to challenge the imperialist aims of missionaries. See Carol Summers, Colonial Lessons: Africans' Education in Southern Rhodesia, 1918-1940 (Portsmouth, N.H., 2002).
269. See also T. O. Beidelman, Colonial Evangelism: A Socio-Historical Study of an East African Mission at the Grassroots (Bloomington, Ind., 1982).
270. Education also played varying roles in the domestic relations between men and women. See Summers and the contrasting case of the Belgian Congo presented by Gertrude Mianda in "Colonialism, Education, and Gender Relations in the Belgian Congo: The Évolué Case," in Jean Allman, Susan Geiger, and Nakanyike Musisi, eds., Women in African Colonial Histories (Bloomington, Ind., 2002), 144-163.
271. Tevril Dzansi, Dzokpe, "Wie haben wir uns gegen neu eintretende Schüler zu verhalten?" Archives of the Norddeutsche Missionsgesellschaft, Staatsarchiv Bremen (hereafter NDM), 31/3.
272. See the interview with Martin Aku from Lomé in Diedrich Westermann, Afrikaner erzählen ihr Leben (Essen, 1938), 337-405.
273. Mission educators also noted that upward mobility depended on learning reading and writing. See Spiess and Poppinga, Stationskonferenz Ho, Bemerkungen zu Schossers Vorschläge, March 1908, NDM, 39/4.
274. For example, see Heinrich Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge (Berlin, 1899), 171, 257
275. and Hans Gruner's Nazi-era Memo on Togo, April 14, 1938, BArch R1001/4308, Bl. 186-193.
276. Robert Klu, Waya, "Warum können die Schwarzen ihre Kinder nicht erziehen?" September 18, 1909, NDM, 31/3.
277. On Tove, see Carl Spiess, "Die Landschaft Tove bei Lome in Togo," Deutsche Geographische Blätter 25 (1902): 75-79.
278. Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge, 162.
279. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme, 33-34.
280. Curt von François, Ohne Schuβ durch dick und dünn: Erste Erforschung des Togohinterlandes, ed. Götz von François (Esch-Waldems, 1972), 19. This book is based on François's travel journals.
281. For a brief history of this expedition by a contemporary German, see Moritz Schanz, West-Afrika (Berlin, 1903), 298-299.
282. See Hans Gruner, Report on "Tove-Unruhen," April 1, 1895, K. 7, Mappe 34, Nachlass 250 (Hans Gruner), Staatsbibliothek Berlin (hereafter NL Gruner), 5-7
283. and Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge, 166-167. In 1974
284. Marion Johnson reported: "People still tell in Togo of the smashing of local pottery to create a market for the German imported hardware-and show the broken potsherds to prove it." Johnson, "Cotton Imperialism in West Africa," African Affairs 73 (1974): 178-187, 184.
285. F. M. Zahn (Bremen) to Foreign Office, Colonial Section, November 8, 1895, sending "Kwittah Terrible Revelations," Gold Coast Chronicle, July 26, 1895, 3, BArch R1001/4307, Bl. 65-66.
286. German anthropologists did, in fact, successfully encourage such battlefield trophy-taking to augment metropolitan scientific collections. See my Anthropology and Antihumanism, chap. 7.
287. Spiess, "Die Landschaft Tove bei Lome in Togo," 75
288. and Klose, Togo unter deutscher Flagge, 163.
289. On the importance of Gruner to the expedition, see Calloway (Misahöhe) to KWK, January 11, 1901 (copy), BArch R1001/8221, Bl. 37.
290. See Booker T. Washington, The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (1909; repr., New York, 1969), 1: 37-38.
291. See Calloway to KWK, March 12, 1901 (Copy), BArch R1001/8221, Bl. 51.
292. The wage paid to the employees of the expedition at Tove ranged between 8 and 16 percent of what the expedition had paid its porters. See Calloway, "Tuskegee Cotton-Planters in Africa,"
293. and KWK, Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo: Bericht 1901, BArch R901/351.
294. See Galloway, "Tuskegee Cotton-Planters in Africa."
295. A French commentator who would later be a leading member of the Association Cotonnière Coloniale attributed the Tuskegee-Togo expedition's single-minded preference for plows over hand tools to American technophilia. In fact, the obsession with moving from hoe to plow was, and still is, a common feature of many agricultural development schemes. See Emile Baillaud, "Cultivation of Cotton in Western Africa," Journal of the African Society 2 (1902-1903): 132-148.
296. For descriptions of, and complaints about, Togolese agriculture, see Ferdinand Goldberg (in Klein Popo) to the Foreign Office, August 1, 1890 (copy), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 21-34;
297. Unsigned Report about cotton growing, n.d. (ca. 1904), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-89, Bl. 8-57;
298. "Bericht Regierungsrat Dr. Busse über die pflanzenpathologische Expedition nach Kamerun und Togo 1904/05," n.d. (ca. 1905), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-326, Bl. 129-138;
299. "Bericht über die Ackerbauschule Nuatjä für das Berichtsjahr 1908/09," BArch R1001/6543; Pape to Lomé Government, August 19, 1909, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 72-73.
300. Eduard Hahn was the most important German academic authority on the civilizational advantages of plows over hoes. See his Die Entstehung der Pflugkultur (unsres Ackerbaus) (Heidelberg, 1909).
301. For an even more direct recommendation by the KWK to introduce plows into Africa in order to make the "Negroes" there as efficient as farmers in the United States, as well as a discussion of the moral implications of plow use, see Otto Warburg, "Einführung der Pflugkultur in den deutschen Kolonien," Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees (1906), 4-9.
302. See also Karl Supf, "Deutsch-koloniale Baumwoll Unternehmungen, Bericht VII (Frühjahr 1906)," Der Tropenpflanzer 10 (1906): 355-369
303. and Otto Warburg, "Ergebnisse und Aussichten der kolonialen Landwirtschaft," Der Tropenpflanzer 10 (1906): 1-15.
304. For an excellent account of how development succeeds (in producing domination) by failing (to achieve its stated goals), see James Ferguson, The Anti-Politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization, and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (1990; repr., Minneapolis, 1994).
305. For a more explicitly psychoanalytic analysis of success through failure, see the analysis of ostensibly socialist education in Yugoslavia by Renata Salecl, "Deference to the Great Other: The Discourse of Education," in Bracher et al., Lacanian Theory of Discourse, 163-175.
306. On the drowning, see James N. Calloway to Booker T. Washington, May 8, 1902, in Harlan, The Booker T. Washington Papers, 6: 455-456.
307. Geo. A. Schmidt, District Officer of Atakpame, to Lomé Government, November 10, 1902 (copy), BArch R1001/8222, vol. 2, Bl. 15-22.
308. For a description of Togolese intercropping, see "Bericht über die Ackerbauschule Nuatjä für das Berichtsjahr 1908/09" (n.d.), BArch R1001/6543.
309. As Paul Richards has written, "Intercropping... is one of the great glories of African science. It is to African agriculture as polyrhythmic drumming is to African music and carving to African art." Richards, "Ecological Change and the Politics of African Land Use," 27.
310. N. M. Penzer, Cotton in British West Africa, Including Togoland and the Cameroons (London, 1920), 22.
311. On the activities and results of the Tuskegee work at Tove, see Cotton Expedition, Tove, circular to Misahöhe, Atakpame, Kete-Kretschi, Basari-Sokode Stations, June 15, 1901, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 121-124;
312. KWK, telegram to Lomé Government, November 12, 1901, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 119;
313. Karl Supf, KWK, to Colonial Section of the Foreign Office, November 15, 1901 (copy), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 130;
314. James Galloway, "Inspektion der Baumwollfarmen und Baumwollmärkte" and "Bericht des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees," in Bericht II: Deutsch-koloniale Baumwoll-Untemehmungen 1902/03, Supplement to Tropenpflanzer 4 (1903): 82-89;
315. "Baumwoll-Expedition nach Togo," Verhandlungen des Kolonial-Wirtschaftlichen Komitees, January 22, 1903, 12-16.
316. On the seed distribution and price supports, see Smend, Misahöhe Station, and Martin, Kpandu Mission, Memo, September 21, 1903 (copy), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 194-195.
317. Figures on Togo's cotton output are from Dunstan, Report on the Present Position of Cotton Cultivation, 46-47.
318. On cotton purchasing and export regulations, see Smend and Martin, Missionar, Kpandu, Memo, September 21, 1903 (Copy), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 194-195.
319. Minutes of Meeting of Gruner with Chiefs of the District, Missionary Schosser, two teachers from Mission Agu, and five teachers from the Catholic mission, Misahöhe Station, April 15, 1904, BArch R1001/8222, Bl. 140-141.
320. On Danella Foote, see John W. Robinson, "A Tuskegee Graduate in West Africa," Colored American Magazine 10, no. 5 (May 1906): 355-359.
321. Calloway, "Inspektion der Baumwollfarmen und Baumwollmärkte, " 113.
322. Booker T. Washington, Working with the Hands (1904; repr., New York, 1969), 226-320;
323. Washington, "The African at Home," chap. 3 in The Story of the Negro, 6: 36-56.
324. See also Booker T. Washington and W. E. B. Du Bois, The Negro in the South: His Economic Progress in Relation to His Moral and Religious Development (Philadelphia, Pa., 1907), 33-36.
325. See "Jahresbericht der Saatvermehrungstelle Tove-Glekovhe für die Zeit vom 20. Februar-31. Dezember 1912," December 31, 1912 (copy), BArch R1001/8226, Bl. 7-9. Under the French, the agricultural school reopened at Tove, and it remains in operation today.
326. Technically, Galloway was replaced with a white official, and Robinson was made an assistant to this official. In practice this amounted to replacing Galloway with Robinson as head of the Tuskegee expedition. See the minutes of the conference at the Agu plantation of the German Togo Company, March 31, 1903 (copy), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 142-147, 151-155.
327. John Robinson, "Sonderbericht der Versuchsstation Tove," in Bericht II: Deutsch-koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen 1902/03, Supplement (Beiheft) to Tropenpflanzer 4 (1903): 90-109.
328. On Robinson, see Julius Zech, Governor of Togo to KWK, August 22, 1904
329. in "Deutsch-koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen: Sonderbericht über die Baumwollschule in Nuatschä," BArch R1001/8673, 3-5, and in BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 22-37.
330. See also Robinson, "Cotton Growing in Africa," in Booker T. Washington, ed., Tuskegee and Its People: Their Ideals and Achievements (1905; repr., Freeport, N.Y., 1971), 184-199.
331. E. Bürgi, "Reisen an der Togoküste und im Ewegebiet," Dr. A. Petermanns Mitteilungen aus Justus Perthes' Geographischer Anstalt 34 (1888): 233-237.
332. Sandra Greene cites an 1877 account by a North German missionary that describes the history of Notsé. From my own research, however, it appears that neither Bürgi nor the German administration realized the city's significance before the twentieth century. See Sandra E. Greene, "Notsie Narratives: History, Memory and Meaning in West Africa," South Atlantic Quarterly 101 (2002): 1015-1041.
333. E. Bürgi to "Hochgeehrter Herr Inspektor," November 26, 1891, NDM, 41/4.
334. See, for example, Carl Spiess, "Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Evhe-Volkes in Togo: Seine Auswanderung aus Notse," Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen 5 (1902): 278-283.
335. For a recent Togolese account, see Nicoué Lodjou Gayibor, "Le remodelage des traditions historiques: La légende d'Agokoli, Roi de Notse," in Claude-Hélène Perrot, ed., Sources orales de l'histoire de l'Afrique (Paris, 1989), 209-215.
336. Both Sandra Greene and Birgit Meyer point to how missionaries attempted to unify the Ewe by, among other things, standardizing the Ewe language and emphasizing Notsé as the origin of all Ewe. The German colonial officials and the Tuskegee personnel who set up the cotton school at Notsé accepted this narrative, as did their Ewe informants. See Sandra E. Greene, Sacred Sites and the Colonial Encounter (Bloomington, Ind., 2002);
337. Greene, "Notsie Narratives";
338. and Birgit Meyer, "Christianity and the Ewe Nation: German Pietist Missionaries, Ewe Converts and the Politics of Culture," Journal of Religion in Africa 32 (2002): 167-199.
339. Gruner, "Wissenschaftliche Notizen (Geschichte)," January 12, 1914-February 7, 1914; February 15, 1914-March 26, 1914; April 18, 1914-July 17, 1914, NL Gruner, K. 8, no. 42.
340. F. Agbodeka, "The Origins of the Republic Idea in Eweland: The North Western Region," in Medeiros, Peuples du Golfe du Bénin, 159-162.
341. Originally called the "Cotton School" (Baumwollschule), the institution was renamed a "farming school" (Ackerbauschule) in 1906 and "State Agricultural Institute" (Landeskulturanstalt) in 1912. Despite these name changes, cotton farming remained the main focus of the school. The Lomé government, which had always provided significant financial and other support to the school, took over the institution in 1908. See Zech to KWK, August 23, 1907 (copy), BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 9.
342. Smend, Misahöhe Station, to KWK, November 9, 1903, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-332, Bl. 221-231.
343. For versions of the study plan of the school, which varied slightly from year to year, see Governor Zech (Lomé) to KWK, August 22, 1904, in "Deutsch-koloniale Baumwoll-Unternehmungen: Sonderbericht über die Baumwollschule in Nuatschä," BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 3-5;
344. Zech, "Lehrplan für die Baumwollschule in Nuatjä," 1906, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 161-162;
345. "Bericht über die Ackerbauschule Nuatjä für das Berichtsjahr 1908/09," BArch R1001/6543, 121.
346. The study plan is also described in Norris, Die Umerziehung des Afrikaners, 141-149.
347. Washington, Working with the Hands, 226-230.
348. Puttkamer, Klein Popo, to Bismarck, February 10, 1888 (copy), BArch R1001/4076, Bl. 12-16.
349. A. W. Schreiber, Missionsinspektor, Bremen, to the Stations-Conferenzen, July 9, 1907, NDM, 39/4.
350. See Reinhold Dzansi, Agu, "Thema: Der Landwirtschaftliche Kurs in Nuatjä," n.d.
351. and Aaron A. Anku, Peki Dzake, "What Profit Brought the Agricultural Course at Aburi to You?" October 15, 1909, NDM, 31/3.
352. Theophilus R. Asieni, "Wie verwerte ich meine Kenntnisse, die ich auf Ackerbauschule in Notschie erworben habe?" n.d., NDM, 31/3.
353. See Governor Zech to All Station and District Officers, March 4, 1904;
354. Zech to KWK, August 22, 1904, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 9-10, 22-37.
355. For an example of recruiting students that suggests that district officials tried to spread the burden somewhat equitably among villages in their areas, see Atakpame District Office [Bezirksamt] to Lomé
356. Government, November 8, 1909, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 110. The chiefs of Anecho unsuccessfully protested recruitment to the school in 1909.
357. See Anecho District Office to Lomé Government, October 29, 1909, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 103.
358. Lomé Government to the Imperial Colonial Office [Reichskolonialamt], May 4, 1912, BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 177-178.
359. Governor Zech to the Imperial Colonial Office, January 25, 1908, BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 24-25.
360. On the two volunteers, Friedmund Adorn and Gotthold Gogon, see Missionary Diehl, Norddeutsche Missions-Gesellschaft, to Misahöhe District Office, February 18, 1907 (copy);
361. Governor Zech to the Misahöhe District Officer [Bezirksleiter], March 15, 1907;
362. Zech to the Baumwollinspektion of the KWK in Lomé, April 16, 1907;
363. Friedmund Adom and Gotthold Gogon, signed declaration, Misahöhe, April 6, 1907;
364. Diehl, Agu, April 5, 1907;
365. BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 226, 227-229, 251-252, 255-256, 257-258.
366. Sansanne-Mangu Station to Governor Zech, February 28, 1906, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 85-91.
367. By 1911, with four graduating classes, there were at least seventeen graduates from Chra. Sengmüller to Lomé Government, November 8, 1911 (copy), BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 186. Chra was the main penal colony of Togo, where convicts from all over the protectorate served life sentences along with their families. For information on the region, see Martin Schlunk, Die Norddeutsche Mission in Togo, vol. 1: Meine Reise durchs Eweland (Bremen, 1910), 53-54.
368. Robinson made this suggestion in December 1904. It was reported in Atakpame Station to Lomé Government, September 25, 1905, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-304, Bl. 60-63.
369. On land redistribution under the Freedmen's Bureau, see Claude F. Oubre, Forty Acres and a Mule: The Freedmen's Bureau and Black Land Ownership (Baton Rouge, La., 1978).
370. For contemporary observations of the tenant system, see Thomas J. Edwards, "The Tenant System and Some Changes since Emancipation," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 49 (1913): 38-46
371. and Johnson et al., The Collapse of Cotton Tenancy.
372. Especially helpful for the present discussion of sharecropping has been William Cohen,At Freedom's Edge: Black Mobility and the Southern White Quest for Racial Control, 1861-1915 (Baton Rouge, La., 1991);
373. Pete Daniel, In the Shadow of Slavery: Peonage in the South, 1901-1969 (1972; repr., Urbana, 111., 1990);
374. Daniel, "The Metamorphosis of Slavery, 1865-1900," Journal of American History 66 (1979): 88-99;
375. Daniel A. Novak, The Wheel of Servitude: Black Forced Labor after Slavery (Lexington, Ky., 1978);
376. Roger L. Ransom and Richard Sutch, One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 2001);
377. Edward Royce, The Origins of Southern Sharecropping (Philadelphia, Pa., 1993);
378. Wiener, Social Origins of the New South;
379. and Gavin Wright, Old South, New South: Revolutions in the Southern Economy since the Civil War (New York, 1986).
380. On founding the commission, see Minutes of Confidential Meeting in the Königlichen Staatsministeriums, January 24, 1886, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 90 A, no. 3742, Bl. 70-72.
381. On settlement statistics, see the report that the Royal Settlement Commission for West Prussia and Posen sent to its local administrators (Dezernenten), December 10, 1908, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 212, no. 5142, Bl. a, 100-101.
382. "Geschäftsanweisung für die Oberverwalter der Ansiedlungskommission," September 9, 1907, GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 212, no. 5130
383. and Geschäfts-Anweisungen für die Ansiedlungsvermittler der Königlichen Ansiedlungskommission (Posen, 1910), GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 212, no. 5224.
384. See also the printed form for the contract between individual families and the commission (ca. 1907-1908), GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 212, no. 5142, Bl. 86.
385. An interesting comparative case is provided by the settlement of German ranchers in southwest Africa, which also presented questions about economics, social discipline, and nationality. See Daniel Joseph Walther, Creating Germans Abroad: Cultural Policies and National Identity in Namibia (Athens, Ohio, 2002).
386. See Erik Grimmer-Solem, "Imperialist Socialism of the Chair: Gustav Schmoller and German Weltpolitik, 1897-1905," in Geoff Eley and James Retallack, eds., Wilhelminism and Its Legacies: German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meanings of Reform, 1890-1930 (New York, 2003), 106-122.
387. For Schmoller's intervention, see Freiherr von Herman, "Plantagen und Eingeborenen-Kulturen in den Kolonien," Verhandlungen des Deutschen Kolonialkongresses 1902 zu Berlin am 10. und 11. Oktober 1902 (Berlin, 1902), 507-517.
388. Pater H. Heines, "Erziehung eines Naturvolkes durch das Mutterland";
389. A. Nachtwey, "Die Mission als Förderin der Kultur und Wissenschaft";
390. Moritz Schanz, "Die Baumwollfrage in den Kolonien";
391. and Otto Warburg, "Die Landwirtschaft in den deutschen Kolonien," all in Verhandlungen des Deutschen Kolonialkongresses 1905 zu Berlin (Berlin, 1906), 442-460, 553-563, 698-710, 587-604.
392. D. Richter, "Das Problem der Negerseele und die sich daraus für die Emporentwickelung des Negers ergebenden Folgerungen,"
393. and Norbertus von Weber, "Ziele und Wege der Eingeborenen-Erziehung, " in Verhandlungen des Deutschen Kolonialkongresses 1910 zu Berlin (Berlin, 1910), 609-628, 679-683.
394. Governor Zech to the Imperial Colonial Office, January 25, 1908, BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 24-25.
395. See Zech, "Programm für die Einstellung, Ausbildung und spätere Verwendung von Landwirtschaftsschülern," December 29, 1906, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-363, Bl. 158-160
396. and "Verordnung des Gouverneurs von Togo, betr. den Handel mit Baumwolle," January 11, 1911, Deutsches Kolonialblatt 22 (1911): 268.
397. Georg Haering to Lomé Government, October 24, 1910, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 321-329. Another German observer in Notsé similarly observed that the school did not create free cotton farmers, but rather taught students the "unpleasant aspects" of cotton farming so that they would be unlikely to continue to grow cotton when they got "freedom." [Name illegible], Notsé, April 25, 1911, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 245-262.
398. Haering, memorandum, November 12, 1911 (copy), BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 187-188.
399. Sengmüller to Lomé Government, August 15, 1911 (copy), BArch R1001/8673, 171-173.
400. A similar, though less frank, account of the settlements was published in Reichskolonialamt, Der Baumwollbau in den deutschen Schutzgebieten: Seine Entwicklung seit dem Jahre 1910 (Jena, 1914), 236-238.
401. The statistics collected at the end of 1911 indicate only ninety-eight individual settlers, although there should have been roughly two hundred graduates by then. Two are listed in the table as having "escaped" during the year, and this may have been the fate of a larger number.
402. See "Stand der Siedlungen des Schutzgebietes Togo (Ende 1911)," BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 182-183.
403. A great number of settlers are also listed as "escaped" in Sengmüller, Notsé, "Bericht über die Siedlungen ehemaliger Ackerbauschüler in das Jahr 1910/11," July 1, 1911, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, Bl. 269-274.
404. See District Officer Schlettwein, Lomé-Land, to Lomé Government, October 31, 1911, BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 189-190.
405. Governor Zech to the Imperial Colonial Office, January 25, 1908, BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 24-25.
406. This forms an interesting contrast to African American farmers, who, as Ransom and Sutch show, had far more difficulty resisting the pressure to grow cotton rather than corn. On the various reasons why it was not profitable for Togolese farmers to grow cotton for commercial export, see District Officer Kittel, "Baumwollkultur der Eingeborenen," Kete Kratschi, n.d. (ca. 1910), BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-388, 312-314;
407. Mangu-Fendi District Office to Lomé Government, November 28, 1907;
408. and Döhring, Atakpame Station, to Lomé Government, December 28, 1907, BArch R150, TNA, FA 1-402, Bl. 4-5, 7-12.
409. Kittel, District Officer of Kete-Kratschi, "Bericht über der Ansiedler," to Lomé Government, October 10, 1911 (copy), BArch R1001/8673, Bl. 184.
410. On the use of the lash and other brutal means of rule in German Togo, see D. E. K. Amenumey, "German Administration in Southern Togo," Journal of African History 10 (1969): 623-639;
411. Têtêvi Godwin Tété-Adjalogo, De la colonisation allemande au Deutsche-Togo Bund (Paris, 1998);
412. and Trutz von Trotha, " 'One for Kaiser': Beobachtungen zur politischen Soziologie der Prügelstrafe am Beispiel des 'Schutzgebietes Togo,' " in Peter Heine and Ulrich van der Heyden, eds., Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Kolonialismus in Africa: Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Peter Sebald (Pfaffenweiler, 1995), 521-551.
413. See Dunstan, Report on the Present Position of Cotton Cultivation, 46-47.
414. Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad, and Mali voiced this complaint officially at the 2003 World Trade Organization Conference in Cancún. For the official report of the conference, see http://www.wto.org/ english/thewto_e/minist_e/ min03_e/min03_e.htm.
415. On recent conditions for Togolese cotton growers, see Alfred Schwartz, Le Paysan et la Culture du Coton au Togo: Approche Sociologique (Paris, 1985).
416. James Ferguson, Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on the Zambian Copperbelt (Berkeley, Calif., 1999), 234-254.
417. For two recent accounts of the non-African origins of the devastating poverty that has increasingly gripped sub-Saharan Africa in the last decades, see Giovanni Arrighi, "The African Crisis," NLR 15 (May-June 2002): 5-36
418. and Henry Bernstein, "Agricultural 'Modernisation' and the Era of Structural Adjustment: Observations on Sub-Saharan Africa," JPS 18, no. 1 (1990): 3-35.