Colonized body, "oriental machine": Debating race, railroads, and the politics of reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906-1910

Central European History

Volumn 33, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 299-338

  Naranch, Bradley D ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33845192595     PISSN: 00089389     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/156916100746356     Document Type: Article

References (171)

1. For general accounts of German colonial history during the years 1884-1919, see Woodruff Smith, The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill, 1978);
2. Horst Gründer, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 3rd ed. (Paderborn, 1995).
3. For accounts of the colonial movement and Bismarck's role in the founding of the German colonial empire, see Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Bismarck und der Imperialismus, 4th ed. (Munich, 1976);
4. Klaus J. Dade, Friedrich Fabri und dcr Imperialisms in der Bismarckzeit: Revolution - Depression - Expansion (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975).
5. Helmut Walser Smith, "The Talk of Genocide, the Rhetoric of Miscegenation: Notes on Debates in the German Reichstag Concerning Southwest Africa, 1904-14," in The Imperialist Imagination: German Colonialism and its Legacy, ed. Sara Friedrichsmeyer, Sara Lennox, and Susanne Zantop (Ann Arbor, 1998), 107-23.
6. Figures concerning the number of casualties vary widely from 70,000-300,000. See Tilman Dedering, "The German-Herero War of 1904: Revisionism of Genocide or Imaginary Historiography?" Journal of Southern African Studies 10, no. 1 (March 1993): 80-88;
7. Jon M. Bridgeman, The Revolt of the Hereros (Berkeley, 1981);
8. Helmut Bley, South-West Africa under German Rule 1894-1914, trans, H. Ridley (London, 1971);
9. Horst Drechsler, Aufstände in Südwestafrika: Der Kampf der Herero und Nama 1904 bis 1907 gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft (Berlin [East], 1984).
10. John Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979), chap. 6;
11. idem, "The Organization of the Maji-Maji Rebellion," in Conquest and Resistance to Colonialism in Africa, ed. Gregory Maddox (New York, 1993), 217-34;
12. Karl-Martin Seeberg, Der Maji-Maji Krieg gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft: Historische Ursprünge nationaler ldentität Tansanias (Berlin, 1989).
13. Winfried Becker, "Kulturkampf als Vorwand: Die Koloniahvahlen von 1907 und das Problem der Parlamentarisierung des Reiches," Historisches Jahrbuch 106 (1986): 59-84;
14. Reinhard Wolfgang, "'Sozialimperialismus' oder 'Entkolonisierung der Historie?' Kolonialkrise und 'Hottentotwahlen' 1904-07, Historisches Jahrbuch 97/98 (1978): 384-417;
15. Hans Spellmeyer, Deutsche Kolonialpolitik im Reichstag (Stuttgart, 1931), 85-121.
16. Dernburg's biographer, Werner Schiefel, provides the most detailed account of Dernburg's rise to power in the involvement in German domestic and colonial politics. See Schiefel, Bernhard Dernburg, 1865-1937: Kolonialpolitiker und Bankier im wilhelminischen Deutschland (Zürich, 1994).
17. Accounts of the East African study trip and its importance for Dernburg's colonial policies can be found in John Iliffe, The German Administration in Tanganyika, 1906-1911: The Governorship of Freiherr von Rechenberg (Cambridge, 1967), 160-64,
18. expanded in idem, Tanganyika under German Rule, 1905-1912 (London, 1969), 77-81;
19. Juhani Koponen, Development for Exploitation: German Colonial Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884-2914 (Helsinki, 1995), 266-72;
20. Rainer Tetzlaff, Kolonial Entuicklung und Ausbeutung: Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Deutsch-Ostafrikas, 1885-1914 (Berlin, 1970), 223-32;
21. Ralph A. Austen, Northwest Tanzania under German and British Rule: Colonial Policy and Tribal Politics, 1889-1939 (New Haven, 1968);
22. Smith, The German Colonial Empire, 192-97;
23. and Schiefel, Demburg, 66-73.
24. Bernhard Dernburg, Bericht über eine vom 13.Juli bis 30. Oktober 1907 nach Ostafrika aus-geführte Dienstreise, Bundeshauptarchiv Berlin (BHA), R 43 Rk 924 B1. 99, 1-39.
25. Dernburg's reform program was based in many respects on that of Albrecht Freiherr von Rechenberg, Götzen's successor as governor of German East Africa (1906-1912). Rechenberg sought to promote indigenous production in the interior rather than forcibly relocate thousands of African workers as wage laborers for the ill-managed German coastal plantations. He also sought to minimize the expansion of German settlement, believing the enugrants to be political liabilities in the maintenance of peace and inimical to the goals of sustained economic growth. As both Iliffe and, more recendy, Koponen, have noted, Rechenberg's unwillingness to accede to the repeated demands for an increased German presence in the colony led to a polarization in the debate over East African development between those who wanted a "white man's colony" and the governor's efforts to create a "free land of Negro peasants." See Koponen, Development, 241-320.
26. Richard V. Pierard, "The Dernburg Reform Policy and German East Africa," Tanzania Notes and Records 67 (June 1967): 31-38;
27. Dieter Schulte, "Die Monopolpolitik des Reichskolonialamts in der 'Ära Dernburg' 1906-1910," Jahrbuch für Geschichte 24 (1981): 7-39.
28. On German colonial reform in a broader context, see Franz-Josef Schulte-Althoff, "Koloniale Reformpolitik und Partikularinteressen," Saeculum 32 (1981): 146-71;
29. idem, "Koloniale Krise und Reformpro-jekte: Zur Diskussion über eine Kurskorrektur in der deutschen Kolonialpolitik nach der Jahrhundertwende," in Weltpolitik, Europagedanke, Regionalismus, ed. Heinz DoUinger et al. (Münster, 1981).
30. Woodruff Smiths studies of ideological formations in German colonial discourse remain the definitive accounts. See Smith, "The Ideology of German Colonialism, 1840-1914," Journal of Modern History 46 (1974): 641-62
31. idem., The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism (New York, 1986), esp. 124-29.
32. Iliffe's models of "a white man's country" and "a land of free Negro peasants" effectively highlights the economic and racial dimensions of the debate but fails to link the localized power struggles in the colony with the larger debates in Germany. Smith argues for an enduring divide between "setdement colonialism" (Lebensraum) and "economic colonialism" (Weltpolitik), ideologies that characterized German colonial debate from the 1850s until the rise of Nazism. His overarching theoretical framework remains too homogenous a model for understanding the complexity of issues introduced during 1906-1910 that distinguished them from the previous and post-1919 debates over German colonialism. Koponen, varying Smith's models, describes the opposing camps as "nationalist" and "capitalist. " These terms, however, obscure the fact that Dernburg and Rechenberg also pursued nationalist aims and tend to conflate under the category "capitalist" groups with very different notions of German colonial identity. Renate Nestvogel has suggested two dominant colonial models based on the "English" system of passive rule exemplified in British India and the more confrontational "Boer" model adopted in Southwest Africa. While Nestvogel righdy emphasizes the degree to which Germany policymakers relied upon the programs of more experienced colonizing states, her comparative terminology obscures the procedural and conceptual differences between German, British, and Boer strategies of colonization. See Nestvogel and Rainer Teulaff, eds., Afrika und der deutsche Kolonialismus: Zivilisierung zwischen Schnapshandel und Bibeltunde (Berlin, 1987). Other historians, like Schiefel, rely upon accepted colonial typologies used in Wilhelmian Germany of "trading colony," "setder colony," and "plantation colony." The limitations of such economically-oriented categories in expressing the complex nexus of national, imperial, and racial issues that characterized colonial discourse, however, were evident even to contemporaries.
33. Dedef Bald, Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1900-1914: Eine Sludie über Verwaltung, Interessengruppen und wirtschaftliche Erschliessung (Munich, 1970), 123-26;
34. Ida Pipping-van Hulten, An Episode of Colonial History: The German Press in Tanzania 1901-1914 (Uppsala, 1974),
35. and the older studies by Dietrich Redeker, Journalismus in Dcutsch-Ostafrika, 1899-1916: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Presse in den früheren deutschen Kolonien (Frankfurt am Main, 1937);
36. Adolf Dressier, Die deutschen Kolonien und die Presse (Würzburg, 1942).
37. For an instructive way in which the visual experience of empire (of the metropolis, not the colony) can be discussed within the historical context of identity formation, see Antoinette Burton, At the Heart of Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter in late-Victorian Britain (Berkeley, 1998).
38. See also Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992).
39. My notion of the process by which Dernburg constructed images of East Africa as an oriental periphery is derived from Edward W. Said's concept of "manifest Orientalism" as described in Orientalism, 2nd ed. (New York, 1994), 206-7. My interest, however, in distinguishing between Dernburg's understanding of Africa prior to his colonial experiences and the effect that his subjective observations had upon altering his previous knowledge of Africa and the colonial "other" is not a part of Said's two forms of Orientalism, latent, and manifest, and thus suggests, I would argue, a third form of Orientalist knowledge production, "experienced Orientalism."
40. For a discussion of the scientific aspects of Dernburg's understanding of colonialism, see Smith, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 195ff.
41. Anton Markmiller, "Die Erziehung des Negers zur Arbeit": Wie die koloniale Pädagogik afrikanische Gesellschaften in die Abhängigkeit führte (Berlin, 1995);
42. Cynthia Cohen, "'The Natives Must First Become Good Workmen': Formal Educational Provisions in German South West and East Africa Compared," Journal of Southern African Studies 19, no. 1 (March 1993): 128-34.
43. The phrase "evidence of experience" is from Joan W. Scott's article, "The Evidence of Experience," Critical Inquiry 17 (Summer 1991): 773-97. Scott focuses on the ways in which experience is often treated uncritically as an essential foundation of thought by historians because of its illusory "uncontested" and "objective" nature. My attempt here is to apply these epistemological considerations to the case of Dernburg and his reliance upon colonial experience as objective evidence for defending his reform policies.
44. Martin Reuss, "The Disgrace and Fall of Carl Peters: Morality, Politics, and Staatsräson in the Time of Wilhelm II," Central European History 14, no. 2 (1981): 110-38.
45. For a discussion of the social backgrounds of the upper-level officials in Wilhelmian Germany, see John Röhl, "Higher Civil Servants in Germany, 1890-1900," in Imperial Germany, ed. James Sheehan (New York, 1976), 129-52.
46. L.H. Gann and Peter Duignan, The Rulers of German Africa, 1884-1914 (Stanford, 1977), chap. 5, point out that the newness and unsavoriness of service in the Colonial Division made its positions less prestigious than comparable positions in the Foreign Office, thus giving a greater degree of access to nontraditional elites than they enjoyed in other parts of the German state.
47. Maximilian Harden, Die Zukunft 56 (1906): 393-406;
48. idem, 57 (106): 377-80;
49. idem, 58 (1907): 374-86.
50. For a discussion of Dernburg's status as a individual of Jewish origin in a high official position in Wilhelmian Germany, see Schiefel, Dernburg, 42-45.
51. Die Stenographischen Berichte zu den Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5,128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3961-62.
52. Schiefel, Dernburg, 63-65.
53. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5, 128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3964-65.
54. Dernburg, Zielpunkte des deutschen Koloniahvesens (Berlin, 1907), 8.
55. Also reprinted in the Deutsches Kolonialblatt (DKB) 24 (15 December 1907), 51-74.
56. Dernburg, Zielpunkte, 11-13.
57. idem, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 150.
58. For specifics, see "Die finanzielle Enrwicklung der deutschen Schutzgebiete (ohne Kiatschou), Graphische Darstellungen der Aufwände des Reiches mit Ausnahme der Militärlasten für die Schutzgebiete und der eigenen Einnahmen der Schutzgebiete; Vergleich mit der finanziellen Entwicklung Algiers," Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Anlageband 8 (1905-6), 563;
59. "Die deutschen Kapitalinteressen in den deutschen Schutzgebieten (ohne Kiatschou); Grösse, Stand und Rentabilität," ibid., 564.
60. Lewis Pyenson, Cultural Imperialism and Exact Sciences: German Expansion Overseas, 1900-30 (London, 1982);
61. Jake Wilton Spindle, Jr., "Colonial Studies in Imperial Germany," History of Education Quarterly 13 (1973): 231-47;
62. idem, The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 127, 144-46.
63. For an example of the courses offered at the University of Berlins oriental seminars, see DKB (1906) 149, 536
64. and from the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde, 254.
65. Dernburg, Koloniale Lehrjahre (Stuttgart, 1907), 7.
66. Dernburg, "Die Koloniale Aufklärungsarbeit," DKB (1907), 106-7.
67. Dernburg, Koloniale Lehrjahre, 8-10, 15-16;
68. Zielpunkte, 35;
69. "Die Koloniale Aufklärungsarbeit," 107-8;
70. Koloniale Finanzprobleme (Berlin, 1907), 12-16.
71. Schiefel, Dernburg, 65-66;
72. Dernburg, "Die Koloniale Aufklärungsarbeit," 108.
73. H. Brode, British and German East Africa: Their Economic and Commercial Relations (London, 1911), 17-25, 49-65;
74. R. Hermann, "Die Ugandabahn und ihr Einfluss auf Deutsch-Ostafrika," Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft (Berlin, 1906): 580-93.
75. Iliffe, Tanganyika under German Rule, 77-81;
76. Tetzlaff, Koloniale Entwicklung, 233-36;
77. Austen, Northwest Tanzania, 77-80.
78. Jonathan Glassman, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856-1888 (Portsmouth, 1995).
79. Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalender 49 (1908), 32.
80. Conrad Alberti-Sittenfeld. "Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika III," Berliner Morgenpost, 26 July 1907, 1;
81. "Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika IV: Unsere Höllenfahrt" Berliner Morgenpost, 6 August 1907, 1;
82. Adolf Zimmermann, Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika (Berlin, 1908), 2-3, 19;
83. Oskar Bongard, Die Studienreise des Staatssekretärs Dernburg nach Deutsch-Ostafrika (Berlin, 1908), 20.
84. Viktor Storz, Mit Dernburg in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Düsseldorf, 1907), 30-31.
85. For Dernburg's interaction with the British officials in British East Africa, see Bongard, Die Studienreise, 26-29.
86. A close but highly competitive friend of Dernburg, Rathenau also accompanied him on his tour of German Southwest Africa in 1908. See Bongard, Staatssekretär Dernburg in British- und Deutsch-Süd-Afrika (Berlin, 1908).
87. His tendency to upstage Dernburg during the trips earned him the title, the "Colonial Undersecretary. See Hans Wilderotter, "Die Neue Ära: Walther Rathenau im Umkreis der 'Weltpolitik,'" in: Die Extreme berühren sich: Walther Rathenau, 1867-1922, ed. idem (Berlin, 1993).
88. Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann, ed., Walther Rathenau: Industrialist, Banker, Intellectual, and Politician: Notes and Diaries, 1907-22 (Oxford, 1985), 48.
89. Cf. Rathenau, Erwägungen über die Erschliessung des Deutsch-Ostafrikanischen Schutzgebietes, BHA R 43 Rk. 924 B. 94, 1-42.
90. Kölnische Zeitung, 13 August 1907, no. 844, 2nd morning ed., 1.
91. Zimmerman, Mit Dernburg, 34.
92. Rathenau to Maximilian Harden, 5 August 1907, in Rathenau, Briefe: Neue Folge (Dresden, 1930), 97.
93. DKB (1907): 1200-02.
94. Rathenau to Frau Geheimrat M. Rathenau, 16 August 1907, in Walther Rathenau in Brief und Bild, ed. Margarete Eyern (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), 70.
95. Zimmermann, for example, used the diminutive terms "Mä nnlein" (little man) and "Weiblein" (litde woman) when describing the African natives. Cf. Zimmermann, Mit Dernburg, 88: "The Negro is in fact nothing but a big child; a child with long limbs and strong bones."
96. Demburg, DKB (1907): 1204.
97. Schulthess' Europaischer Geschichtskalender, 49.
98. See also Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 17 March 1908, 4027-28.
99. For the role of the Central Railway in Rechenberg's reforms, see Iliffe, Die Reformpolitik, 139-43.
100. Dernburg, "Germany and England in Africa," Journal of the African Society 9, no. 34 (January 1910): 117.
101. Dernburg to Reichskolonialamt (November 1907), in Kolonien unter der Peitsche: Eine Dokumentation, ed. Fritz Ferdinand Müller (Berlin [East], 1962), 74-75;
102. Kurt Toeppen, "Staatssekretär Dernburg und die Wünsche der Pflanzer," Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 4 October 1907, 1st ed., 1;
103. idem, "Mit Dernburg in West-Usambara I.," Berliner Lokal Anzeiger, 4 November 1908, 1st ed., 1;
104. idem, "Die Tanganesen kontra Dernburg," Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger, 8 November 1907, 1st ed., 1-2.
105. Toeppen, "Mit Dernburg in West Usambara II," Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 5 November 1908, 1st ed., 1;
106. idem, "Die Tanganesen kontra Dernburg," 1-2.
107. Dernburg, Bericht, 6-15. Following Dernburg's return from the Studienreise, the mechanistic terminology of "friction" (Reibung) and "areas of friction" (Reibungsflächen) appear in his speeches and writings with increasing frequency. At the same time, the usage of bodily and Volk metaphors, which were not uncommon in his parliamentary and election speeches of 1906-1907, rarely appear.
108. For his use of "friction," see a letter of Dernburg's to Paul Voith from 31 December 1907, BHA R 1001 RKA 120, 5, (grosse Reibungsflächen zwischen Schwarz und Weiss)
109. as well as Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalendar (1908), 3 (Reibungsflächen), 35 (Reibeflächen zwischen Schwarz und Weiss), 49 (Reibungsflächen); Verhandlungen des Reichstages Bd. 231, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4074, 4075 (Reibungsflächen); Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1909, 7193 (reiben).
110. Dernburg to Voith, BHA R 1001 RKA 120, 10-17.
111. As they had done during the scandal-plagued years of the 1890s, German newspapers played an essential role in increasing the general level of awareness of the affairs in the colonies after the massive uprisings in East and Southwest Africa. Telegraphed reports of Dernburg's journey were printed several times a week in many newspapers, and longer accounts, printed approximately every two to three weeks, often appeared on the front page in the Berliner Morgenpost, Tägliche Rundschau, Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Kölnische Zeitung, Leipziger Neueste Nuchrichten, and Generalanzeiger Düsseldorf und Elberfeld. The reports of Zimmermann, who worked for the Wolff Telegraph Bureau, were published in a variety of newspapers, including the Hamburger Nachrichten and the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung. To my knowledge, there exist no recent studies of the role of the media as a popularizer of empire in Germany comparable to John MacKenzie's groundbreaking work for the British Empire. See MacKenzie, Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion 1880-1960 (Manchester, 1984)
112. idem, Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester, 1993).
113. On the role of the colonial traveler as narrator, see Pratt, Imperial Eyes, chap. 5.
114. Dernburg, Die Vorbedingungen für erfolgreiche koloniale and überseeische Betätigung (Berlin, 1912), 7-10;
115. Toeppen, "Mit Dernburg nach dem Viktoria-Nyanza," Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 17 September 1907. 1st ed., 1;
116. "Reisebriefe aus Deutsch-Ostafrika," Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 31 August 1907, 2nd evening ed., 1.
117. Alberti-Sittenfeld, "Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika IX: Bernhard in der Steppe," Berliner Morgenpost, 15 September 1907, 1;
118. Zimmermann, Mit Dernburg, 47.
119. Schiefel, Dernburg, 113;
120. For Dernburg's speeches in the Reichstag over the East African budget of 1909, see Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124.
121. Sitzung, 17 March 1908, 4024-30;
122. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4074-75, 4078;
123. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4107-11, 4113, 4128-30, 4142.
124. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4069-71.
125. Zimmermann, Mit Dernburg, 89.
126. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Dd. 235, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4033.
127. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4116-18;
128. and Markmiller, Erziehung, 57-88;
129. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1909, 7176.
130. Dedef Bald has described the "master-race mentality" and social Darwinist sentiments prevalent among the settlers' interest groups in German East Africa, in Bald, Deutsch-Ostafrika, 71-74, 127-28, 139-40,
131. and the statements of Liebert on "Aryan racial consciousness," 113-14.
132. For examples of social Darwinist rhetoric in the Reichstag, compare the comments of National Liberal Goller, Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1907, 7189-90.
133. Examples of social Darwinist theory among German colonial publicists include: Hans Zache, "Deutsch-Ostafrika," in Deutschland als Kolonialmacht: Dreissig Jahre deutsche Koionialgeschichle, Kaiser-Wilhelm Dank: Verein der Soldatenfreunde (Berlin, 1914), 85;
134. Waldemar Schütze, "Farbe gegen Weiss in Afrika," Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft (Berlin, 1906).
135. For more general readings on the usage of social Darwinism in imperial Germany, see W.H. Koch, Der Sozialdarwinismus: Seine Genese und sein Einfluss auf das imperialistische Denken (Munich, 1973);
136. Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill, 1981).
137. Otto Arendt, "Die Eingeborenenfrage im Hinblick auf die wirtschaftliche und politische Entwicklung unserer tropischen Kolonien," Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft 7 (July 1908): 528-44.
138. Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalender, 41-42;
139. Dernburg, "Germany and England in Africa," 114-15.
140. Helmut Schroeter and Roel Ramaer, Die Eisenbahnen in den einst deutsehen Schutzgebieten: Damals und heute (Krefeld, 1993).
141. Arendt's phrase is from a Reichstag speech: Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 228, 46. Sitzung, 4 May 1907, 1413.
142. For details on the railroad debates, see the articles in the Tägliche Rundschau: Fritz Jaeger, "Zur ostafrikanischen Eisenbahnfrage," 27 August 1907, 399
143. and Rudolf Wagner, "Ein ostafrikanisches Eisenbahnmonopol?" 13 September 1907, 429.
144. Paul Rohrbach, "Ostafrikanische Studien I," Praissische Jährbücher 135 (1909): 82-107;
145. "Ostafrikanische Studien II," ibid., 276-317, esp. 296, 307, 316.
146. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 4027-30.
147. Additional details can be found in Schiefel, Dernburg, 92-99;
148. Otto Jöhlinger, "Dernburg im Lichte der Presse," Koloniale Rundschau: Monatsheft für die Interessen unserer Schutzgebiete and Hirer Bewohner 7 (1910): 444-53.
149. The Koloniale Rundschau was one of the few colonial journals to support Dernburg on a regular basis. The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung's stance was more ambiguous, publishing articles in support of and against Dernburg with relative frequency. One of the most extreme cases in which a former supporter of Dernburg became his bitter enemy after the Studienreise is Maximilian Harden's. Compare his early, flowing praise of Dernburg in Die Zukunft 56, 57, and 58 (see n. 19)
150. with his harsh, sarcastic assessment of Dernburg's Studienreise, ibid., 62 (1908): 410-14.
151. Among the few pamphlets in support of Dernburg's reforms published anonymously, perhaps an indication of the personal dangers of allying too closely with Dernburg: Africanus Minor, Dernburg's Programm: Ein Wendepunkt im Schicksal Deutsch-Ostafrikas oder ein Negerland unter deutscher Flagge? (Berlin, 1908).
152. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 126. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4126;
153. Norman Rich and M.H. Fischer, ed.. The Holstein Papers, vol. 4, Correspondence, 1887-1909 (Cambridge, 1963), 525-26.
154. A contemporary view can be found in Heinrich Pfeiffer, Bwana Gazetti: Als Journalist in Ostafrika (Berlin, 1933), 27.
155. According to Spellmeyer's calculations (Spellmeyer, Deutsche Kolonialpolitik, 111) 26 Reichstag delegates had visited one or more of the German colonies by December 1908. Paasche had been to East Africa in the summer of 1908, Liebert was governor of the colony from 1896-1906, and Arendt had served there as medical surgeon.
156. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4071-72, ibid., 127. Sitzung, 20 March 1908, 4143.
157. Lindequist, "Deutsch-Ostafrika als Siedlungsgebiet für Europäer," Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik 147 (1912).
158. Bald, "Die indische Minderheit in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1900-1914: Reformpolitik von Governor von Rechenberg," in Africana Collecta II, vol. 2, ed. D. Oberndörfer (Gütersloh, 1971): 242-61;
159. Schiefel, Dernburg, 80-142.
160. Fredrichsmeyer, et al., The Imperialist Imagination, Introduction;
161. Zantop, Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, and Nation in Precolonial Germany, 1770-1870 (Durham, 1997);
162. Lora Wildenthal, '"She is the Victor': Bourgeois Women, Nationalist Identities, and the Ideal of the Independent Woman Farmer in German Southwest Africa," in Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870-1930, ed. Geoff Eley, (Ann Arbor, 1996);
163. Lora Wildenthal, "Colonizers and Citizens: Bourgeois Women and the Woman Question in the German Colonial Movement, 1886-1914," (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1994);
164. Krista O'Donnell, "The Colonial Woman Question: Gender, National Identity, and Empire in the German Colonial Society Female Emigration Program, 1896-1914" (Ph.D. diss., SUNY Binghamton, 1996);
165. Marcia Klotz, "White Women in the Dark Continent: Gender and Sexuality in German Colonial Discourse from the Sentimental Novel to the Fascist Film," (Ph.D. diss., Stanford, 1994);
166. "The Image of the African in German Society," special edition of the Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 2 (Dec. 1992).
167. Nina Berman, "Orientalism, Imperialism, and Nationalism: Karl May's Orientzyklus," in The Imperialist Imagination, 51-68;
168. idem, Orientalismus, Kolonialismus und Moderne: Zum Bild des Orients in der deutschsprachigen Kultur um 1900 (Stuttgart, 1997);
169. Cornelia Essner, Deutsche Afrikareiscnde im neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Reisens (Stuttgart, 1985);
170. Joachim Warmbold, Germania in Africa: Germany's Colonial Literature (New York, 1988);
171. and Amadou Booker Sadji, Das Bild des Negro-Afrikaners in der deutschen Kolonialliteratur (1884-1945): Ein Beitrag zur literarischen Imagologie Schwarzafrikas (Berlin, 1985).