You dissin me? Humiliation and post 9/11 global politics

Review of International Studies

Volumn 32, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 495-522

  Saurette, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33746882075     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210506007133     Document Type: Article

References (135)

1. Thucydides, History Of The Peloponnesian War, trans. by Richard Crawley.
2. Donald Ksigari quoting Thucydides in On the Origin of War and the Preservation of Peace (New York: Anchor, 1996).
3. Rich Lowry, 'A Humiliation', National Review Online, 5 October, 2001.
4. I will discuss this in more detail below when I examine Edward Said's interpretation of Henry Kissinger's writings.
5. See Richard Flathman, Thomas Hobbes: Skepticism, Individuality and Chastened Politics (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1993),
6. especially 'On Prudence and Morality: Desires, Ends and Characters';
7. and Samantha Frost, 'Faking It: Hobbos' Thinking-Rodins and thn Ethics of Dissimulation', Political Theory, 21:1, pp. 30-57. Contrary to the common IR retelling of Hobbes' rational actors as if Hobbes believed all individuals desire the same thing (such as 'security'), Hobbes highlights the incredible diversity of end desires and emotions among individuals. On this reading, it. is rational to join civil society under an authoritative leviathan not simply to satisfy the universal and undifferentiated desire for 'security' itself. Rather, the reason it is rational to join the leviathan is because it is the most effective way to ensure that subjects can continue to 'desire' and 'feel' as broadly and individually as possible.
8. Neta C. Crawford, The Passion of World Polities', International Security, 24:4 (2000), pp. 120-2.
9. See Christopher Coker, War and the 20th Century: The Impact of War on the Modern Consciousness (London: Potomac Books, 1994);
10. and Andrew Ross, 'Affective States: Rethinking Passion and Global Polities', Ph.D. thesis, Johns Hopkins University, 2005.
11. Neta C. Crawford, 'The Passion of World Politics', p. 121.
12. The account that follows builds on Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage: 1979), pp. 47-50.
13. See Robert Cox, 'Social Forces, State and World Orders',
14. and Richard Ashley's 'The Poverty of Neorealism' (both can be found in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), for two classic and powerful critiques of the behaviouralist faith as applied to TR theory.
15. Neta C. Crawford, "The Passion of World Polities', p. 122.
16. See also Andrew Ross, 'Affective States';
17. Robert. Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Relations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1976)
18. and Trving Janis, Groupthink: Psychological Studies of Policy Decisions and Fiascoes (Boston, MA: Houghtori Miffliri, 1981).
19. William Connolly has, for example, critically engaged the work of a variety of cutting edge nourosciontists (including Antonio Damasio, Joseph LeDoux, V. S. Ramachandran and Francisco Varela) to reconsider the role of affect and emotion. See W. E. Connolly, Neuropolitics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesotta Press, 2002);
20. Pluralism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005)
21. and Why I am Not A Secularist (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999).
22. Martha Nussbaum-an ethical and legal theorist with a very different approach to Conriolly's - has similarly concluded that emotion plays a key role in contemporary debates about ethics and law: see Hiding From Humanity: Disgust, Shame and the Law (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002).
23. Several examples of this sociological literature are J. M. Barbalel (ed.), Emotions and Sociology; (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003);
24. J. M. Barbalet, Emotion, Social Theory, and Social Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001):
25. J. Turner and J. Spets, The Sociology of Emotions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005);
26. S. Ahmed, The Cultural Politics of Emotions (New York: Routledge, 2004).
27. See, for example, D. Konstan, The Emotions of the Ancient Greeks. (Toronto: 2006);
28. W. Reddy, The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the History of Emotion (Cambridge: 2001);
29. Steams and Stearns, 'Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards', The American Historical Review, 90:4 (1.985), pp. 813-36;
30. B. Rosenwein, 'Worrying about emotions in history', American Historical Review, 107:3 (2002), pp. 821-45.
31. The most nuanced version of this thesis was perhaps embodied by Michael Ignatieff's Blood and Belonging (Toronto: Viking Press, 1993).
32. Sec Bernard Lewis, The Roots of Muslim Ragp', The Atlantic Monthly, 266:3 (1990), pp. 47-60;
33. and Samuel Huntington, 'Clash of Civilizations', Foreign Policy, 72:3 (1993),
34. and Clash of Civilizations (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996).
35. For Said's interpretation of this literature, see his lecture Edward Said, Edward Said in Lecture: The Myth of the Clash of Civilizations (Northampton, MA: Media Education Foundation, 1998).
36. See Jonathan Mercer, 'Rationality and Psychology in International Politics', International Organization, 59 (2005), pp. 97-8;
37. and Andrew Ross, 'Coming in from the Cold: Constructivism and Emotions', European Journal of International Relations, 12:2 (2006), pp. 197-222.
38. This, of course, is a fast, growing and difficult to define group. Some well known examples who explicitly examine foreign policy from this perspective might be David Campbell's Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity, revised edn. (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998),
39. and National Deconstruction (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1.998):
40. Iver Neuman's Uses of the Other: The East in European Identity Formation (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998);
41. and Roxanne Lynne Doty's Imperial Encounters (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).
42. Paul Saurette, 'International Relations' Image of Thought: Collective Identity, Desire, and Deleuzian Ethology', International Journal of Peace Studies, 5:1 (2000).
43. See, for example, Carol Cohn, 'Sex and Death in the Rational World of the Defense Intellectuals', Signs (Winter, 1987), pp. 687-718,
44. and 'War, Wimps and Women' in Gendering War Talk, ed. by Miriam Cooke and Angela Woollacott (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 227 46:
45. Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases: Making Feminist Sense oj'International Politics (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1989),
46. and The Morning After: Sexual Politics at the End of the Cold War (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993);
47. Cynthia Weber, Simulating Sovereignties (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994),
48. and Faking It: US Foreign Policy in a Post-Phallic Era (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1999);
49. Joshua S. Goldstein, War and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001).
50. See Jenny Edkiris, 'Forget Trauma? Responses to 9/11', International Relations, 16:2 (2002), pp. 243-56;
51. and Trauma and the Memory of Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
52. Robert Jay Lifton also has recently written on the role of trauma in the post-9/11 US (in addition to his other writings noted below). See Lifton, 'Americans as Survivors', New England Journal of Medicine, 352 (June 2005), pp. 2263-5.
53. This too is starting to change, however. See Jonathan Mercer's 'Rationality and Psychology in International Polities', International Organization, 59 (2005), pp. 77-105
54. and Andrew Ross 'Coming in from the Cold: Constructivism and Emotions', European Journal of International Relations, 12:2 (2006), pp. 197-222 for two very different attempts to begin the task of theorising more explicitly and more broadly the role of emotion in international relations.
55. There are a some sociological and psychological studies which examine and catalogue the specific impact of humiliation In certain conflicts - but none of these outline a robust theory of humiliation nor offer a broader consideration of its role in international politics. Within IR theory, there are a few recent articles that touch on questions of humiliation but neither offer a robust theory of humiliation nor apply it. to broader issues of IR theory. See W. Callahan, 'National Insecurities: Humiliation, Salvation, and Chinese Nationalism', Alternatives, 29:2 (2004), pp. 199-218;
56. Robert Harkavy, 'Defeat, National Humiliation, and the Revenge Motif in International Polities', International Politics, 37:3 (2000), pp. 345-68.
57. The fascinating work of Blema Steinberg is one of the few sustained examinations of themes of shame and humiliation in foreign policy decision-making. See, for example, 'Shame and Humiliation in the Cuban Missile Crisis: A Psychoanalytic Perspective', Political Psychology, 12 (1991), pp. 653-90;
58. 'Psychoanalytic Concepts in International Politics: The Role of Shame and Humiliation', International Review of Psycho-Analysis, 18 (1991), pp. 65-85;
59. and Shame and Humiliation: Presidential Decision Making on Vietnam (Montreal: McGill-Queens, 1996). Steinberg's rieh studies do much to illuminate some of the emotional dynamics of Presidential decision-making and there is much to admire in her work. However, her psychoanalytic method focuses almost exclusively on the individual histories of the Presidents in question and uses a strong analytic lens of the narcissistic individual to frame her examinations, While revealing, this theoretical approach underplays, in my opinion, the public nature of humiliation and the importance of examining the influence of humiliation dynamics beyond the President. Given the highly traumatic and intensely public nature of the humiliation surrounding 9/11, I believe that it is important for IR to supplement Steinberg's psychoanalytic perspective with my broader, more political, perspective.
60. Aller 9/11, some right wing pundits such as Rich Lowry exhorted the US to act aggressively in response to the perceived humiliation while others argued that US anti-war advocates should be shamed for not. supporting an aggressive counter-attack in response to the national humiliation. See, for example, William Bennett, Why We Fight: Moral Clarity and the War on Terror (New York: Doubleday, 2002).
61. However there is virtually no academic work on the role of humiliation in contemporary global politics nor any systematic scholarly work on its role in relation to 9/11. One recent article, K. M. Fierke's recent 'Whereof We Can Speak, Thereof We Must Not Be Silent; Trauma, Political Solipsism and War', Review of International Studies, 30 (2004), pp. 471-91
62. , touches on humiliation at various points and ends the essay with several sentences which suggests that humiliation and trauma is relevant to understanding 9/11. As its main objective lies elsewhere, however, this article also does not offer a robust theory or examination of the role of humiliation. Robert Jay Lifton's insightful thinking on post 9/11 America such as 'American Apocalypse', The Nation, 22 December, 2003
63. and Superpower Syndrome: America's Apocalyptic Confrontation with the World (New York: Nation Books, 2003), similarly gestures towards the importance of humiliation and illuminates a variety of aspects of our post 9/11 context. However, his work does not systematically theorise the nature of humiliation nor delve into the details of how humiliation might have impacted various constituencies in the creation of US policy.
64. William Connolly, Neuropolitics.
65. W. E. Connolly, 'Brain Waves and Transcendental Fields', Radical Philosophy, 94 (March/April 1999), p. 27.
66. For a brief overview and application of some of these recent innovations, see William Connolly, Neuropolitics, especially chapter 3.
67. See the introduction to Paul Saurette, The Kantian Imperative: Humiliation, Common Sense, Politics (Toronto; University of Toronto Press, 2005),
68. for some of this history. Other works that might serve as useful introductions to some of these themes are William Ian Miller's Humiliation (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993);
69. Bernard William's Shame and Necessity (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1993):
70. a collection of Silvan Tomkins' writings in, E. K, Sedgwick and A. Frank (eds.), Shame and its Sisters (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995);
71. Martha Nussbaurn, Hiding From Humanity. None of these explore the implications for international relations, however,
72. See the introduction to William Ian Miller, Humiliation (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
73. This also helps explains why others, such as Aviahai Margalit, consider humiliation as the central vice of our modern societies. See Aviahai Margalit's The Decent Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996)
74. and the special issue of Social Research, 64:1 (Spring 1997) devoted to discussing that book, especially Steven Lukes' article 'Humiliation and the Politics of Identity', pp. 36-52.
75. Introduction and epilogue to Paul Saurette, The Kantian Imperative.
76. Sec Paul Saurotto, The Kantian Imperative, for a more detailed discussion.
77. The description that follows is taken from the following accounts: Seymour Hersh's series of pieces in the New Yorker. 'Torture at Abu Ghraib', 10 May 2004;
78. 'Chain of Command', 17 May 2004;
79. The Crey Zone' 24 May 2004
80. ; Mark Danner's two articles in the New York Review of Books,
81. "Torture and Truth', 10 June 2004
82. and "The Logic of Torture', 24 June 2004;
83. the Report of the International Committee of the Red Cross on the Treatment By the Coalition Forces of Prisoners of War and Other Protected Persons by the Geneva Conventions in Iraq During Arrest, Internment and Interrogation, February 2004;
84. US Major-General Taguba's Article 15-6 Investigation of the 800th Military Police Brigade report, February 2003. For an overview of the report's findings about Rurnsfeld's authorisation, see Josh White, 'Abu Ghraib tactics were first used at Guantanamo', Washington Post, 14 July 2005, p. A01.
85. Human Rights Watch press release, 'US Religious Humiliation of Muslim Detainees Widespread', New York, 19 May 2005.
86. On the theoretical importance of performativity to subject formation, see Judith Butler's pioneering work Gender Trouble (New York: Routledge, 1990).
87. Oxford English Dictionary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989) under 'humiliate'.
88. However, the humiliators themselves do riot have to share these common standards as long as there are common standards shared by the humiliatees and another (even merely potential) group of observers.
89. Charles Taylor's discussion of the cultural background of emotions, while sometimes a little intellectualist (insofar as he links it very closely to common meanings), is instructive here. On this son 'Self-Interpreting Animals' and Tho Concept of a Person', in Philosophical Papers, vol. II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985),
90. and 'Interpretation and the Sciences of Man' in Philosophical Papers, vol II (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). It is telling, I think, that Taylor virtually always includes shame or humiliation as his primary example of peculiarly human emotions.
91. For several psychological perspectives which help explains these range of emotions and responses, see Jann Price Tangney's interview with a Virginia non-profit: 'Opportunities, Alternatives and Resources of Fairfax Country', available online at 〈http://www.oaifairfax.org/News.htm〉, accessed 13 March 2003;
92. Jane Price Tangney, Shame and Guilt (New York: Guilford Press, 2002);
93. Alisa Levirie, 'The Social Face of Shame and Humiliation', Journal of the American Psychoanalvtic Association, 53:2 (2005), pp. 526-34.
94. As the work of Blerna Steinberg shows In reference to other Presidents, this can be a productive approach. Here, however, I want to focus on the more public factors of the broader social and political context.
95. John Ducat, The Wimp Factor (Boston, MA: Deacon Press, 2004).
96. John Ducat, in fact, notes that Bush Sr. was the inspiration for the title of his book. See his final response in his interview with Buzzflash magazine: 'Stephen J. Ducat Dissects "Anxious Masculinity", Making Sense of America's Strutting, in a Psychoanalytic Kind of Way', Buzzflash, 2 March 2005, accessed 07.10.05 at: 〈http://www.buzzflash.com/interviews/05/ 03/int05011.html〉.
97. For a brief overview of the 'wimp' rebranding problem George Bush Jr. faced, see Craig Linger, House of Bush, House of Sand (New York: Scribner, 2004), pp. 191 4,
98. and Molly Ivins and Lou Dubose, Bushwhacked Life in George W. Bush's America (New York: Random House, 2003).
99. Indeed, it is telling that early in his campaign to win the Republican nomination in 2000, when he was still sometimes candid and unscripted with the Press corps, Bush revealed himself as quite in tune with the politics of respect, dis-respect and humiliation when he accused (somewhat playfully, it is true) one reporter of 'dissin him - and warned the reporter that Bush might turn this around and 'diss' the entire network in response (which he then did by freezing certain journalists out of questions if he thought they had humiliated him in previous questions or articles). See Aaron Lubarsky, Alexandra Pelosi (directors), Journeys with George, Warner Home Video, 2004.
100. The quotes that follow are simply several obvious examples taken from one speech alone - delivered at Mayport Naval Air Station in Jacksonville, Florida in February 2003. Quoted excerpts from 7%e Scoop, at 〈http://www.scoop.co. riz/stories/HL03CI2/S00098.htm〉 (accessed 7 November 2005). However, one can find similar tropes and metaphors in many of his public speeches.
101. In fact, the centrality of the pre-nniptive right to attack in Bush's new strategic doctrine and the renewed push for an ABM defence system might be seen as only further emphasising the degree to which Bush, and many Americans, view the ability to Office of the President to assure absolute security as one of the profound ends - and thus bases of self-respect - of the Office of the President.
102. On Bush's decision-making style, see Mike Alien and David S. Broder, 'Bush's Leadership Style: Decisive or Simplistic?', Washington Post, 30 August 2004, p. A01.
103. The dynamics within his inner circle is clearly a complex question, since the group is both large enough to give rise to significant diversity in the bases of self-respect at play and small enough to ensure that the diversity would not. necessarily be smoothed out. by the law of averages. As such, I will offer no more than a speculative analysis on this area.
104. This is the case both (a) because their official role and self-understanding as being responsible for protecting the nation is quite similar to that of the President's, and (b) because as Paul Light, the director of the Center for Public Service at the Brookings Institution suggests, 'George Bush tends to make decisions on the basis of hunch and intuition, and then pulls together groups that confirm his decisions . .. The only people who are invited to be on the team are people who agree with him.' Quoted in Ron Hutcheson, 'Message Control', Detroit Free Press, 4 April 2004, accessible online at: 〈http://www.freep.com/voices/sunday/ehutch4_20040404.htm〉 (accessed 7 November 2005).
105. Donald Ksigari, Gary Schmitt, Thomas Donrielly for Project for a New American Century, 'Rebuilding America's Defenses', accessed online (7 October 2005) at (http:// www.newamericancentury.org/RebuildingAmericasDefenses.pdf).
106. For a recent article that highlights both the historic centrality (and problem) of credibility to US strategic thinking and argues that it remains central to contemporary strategic planning (especially in light of Bush's renewed efforts towards a Ballistic Missile Defense system), SOP Robert Powell, 'Nuclear Deterrence Theory, Nuclear Proliferation and National Missile Defense', International Security, 17:4 (2003), pp. 86-118.
107. For a critical but fair portrait of Bush's global strategy as one that positioned America as the world's policeman without, peer and thus intensified the need to be viewed as hyper-interventionist, see G. John Ikenberry, 'America's Imperial Ambition', Foreign Affairs, 81:5 (Sept/Oct 2002), pp. 44-60.
108. Cynthia Weber, Faking It: US Hegemony in a 'Post-Phallic' Era, cited in fn. 20 above.
109. Robert Kagan and William Kristol, 'National Humiliation', Weekly Standard, 9 April 2001, pp. 11-15.
110. Robert Kagan and William Kristol, Weekly Standard, Ibid., p. 12.
111. Robert Kagan and William Kristol, Weekly Standard, Ibid., p. 14.
112. Robert Kagan and William Kristol, Weekly Standard, Ibid., p. 14.
113. A classic summary of the role of domestic sources of foreign policy can be found in Eugene Wlttkopf and James McCormick's The Domestic Sources of American Foreign Policy, 4th edn (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefleld, 2004). For the argument that there was a complex give and take between the Bush administration and public opinion around the Iraq war (as well as around the response to 9/11),
114. see Douglas Foyle, 'Loading the Public to War? The Influence of American Public Opinion on the Bush Administration's Decision to Go to War in Iraq', International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 16:3 (2004), pp. 269-94.
115. Even Robert Gilpin has been moved to examine the role of domestic constituencies (as well as important groups among Bush's senior administration) to explain the shape of post 9/11 US foreign policy. Robert Gilpin, 'War is Too Important to Be Left to Ideological Amateurs', International Relations, 19:1 (2005), pp. 5-18.
116. Outlining a theoretical approach that could do justice to the diversity and tension of something we might, call a popular consciousness or identity that would serve as the basis of an analysis of humiliation is a project in and of itself - and thus is far beyond the scope of this article. That said, for the purposes of this article, I want to sketch out some examples that make plausible the notion that such an analysis is possible and needed.
117. On the widespread nature of this self-perception - and its role in helping create the Right's ideological resonance in contemporary America, see Adrian Wooldridge and .'John Micklethwait, The Right Nation (New York: Penguin, 2004).
118. On this see both 'American Apocalypse', The Nation, 22 December 2003 and Superpower Syndrome: America's Apocalyptic Confrontation with the World (New York: Nation Books, 2003).
119. One relevant indicator might be the work of Michael Adams - a pollster who has been tracking the evolution of values in both the US and Canada for the last 15 years. One of his particularly startling findings is that while acceptance of the patriarchal model of hyper-masculine authority is falling in many modern countries (including Canada), it seems to be experiencing a significant resurgence in the United States. According to Adams' research, while the number of Canadians who agreed with the statement, 'the father of the family must be the master in his own home' fell from 26% in 1992, to 20% in 1996, to 18% in 2000, in the United States the number grew from 42% to 44% to 49% in those same years. See Michael Adams, Fire and Ice: The United States, Canada, and the Myth of Converging Values (Toronto: Penguin, 2003), p. 51.
120. Transcript available at 〈http://www.whitehouse.gov/nows/releases/ 200l/09/#), accessed 14 February 2005.
121. This is certainly the opinion of the Shiley Telhami, professor at the University of Maryland and a senior fellow of the Brookings Institute. See his short piece 'History and Humiliation1 in Thinking Peace, accessible at. (www.thinkingpeace.com/pages/articles/arts109.html), accessed 25 May 2005.
122. In fact, a critical understanding of the humiliation/counter-liumiliation dynamic suggests that humiliation is almost never solved permanently by counter-humiliations - and this leads a critical perspective on humiliation to critique the strategies and tactics of both sides of a humiliation/counter- humiliation spiral.
123. See 'Now Playing in Iraq; Zarqawi Outakos', Washington Post, 5 May 2006, p. A14.
124. C. J. Olivers, 'Not. All See Video Mockery of Zarqawi as Good Strategy', New York Times, 6 May 2006. The paper In question is authored by J. M. Waller. It is titled: 'Ridicule: An instrument in the war on terrorism', Public Diplomacy White Paper No. 7; accessed 25 May 2006 at 〈http://www.iwp. edu/news/newsID.258/news_detail. asp〉.
125. SPC the sources listed in fn. 35.
126. See, for example, Human Rights Watch's press release, 'US Religious Humiliation', as well as Amnesty International's '2005 Annual Report' (focused more on international issues) and "Threat and Humiliation' (focused more on domestic practices).
127. See the sources listed in fn. 33.
128. For one researcher who is attempting to develop positive solutions in a highly practical and affirmative tone, SPC tho work of Evelin Lindner, founder of Human Dignity and Humiliation Studies, at 〈http://www. humiliatioristudies.org/〉.
129. On the idea of the norm and the exception, see Georgio Agamben's Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998)
130. and State of Exception (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2005),
131. who develops the notion through an engagement with Carl Schrnitt. For several" applications to IR, see Jenny Edkiris, 'Sovereign Power, Zones of Indistinction and the Camp', Alternatives, 25:1 (2000), pp. 3-26:
132. John Measor and Benjamin Muller, 'Securitizing the Global Norm of Identity', paper presented at Global Norms Under Siege, 20 May 2005, Queen's University Belfast: available at 〈http://www.qub.ac.uk/polproj/reneg/ global_norms-papers/ Measor&Muller...HomoSacer.pdf〉;
133. Sergei Prozorov 'X/Xs: Toward a General Theory of the Exception', Alternatives, 30:1 (2005), pp. 81-112;
134. R. B. J. Walker, 'War, Terror, Judgement', in Bulent Gokay and R. B. J. Walker (eds.), September 11, 2001: War, Terror and Judgement (London: Frank Cass, 2003), pp. 62-83
135. and 'International, Imperial, Exceptional', paper presented at the International Studies Association conference, Hawaii, March 2005.