Educational multilateralism and world (dis)order

Comparative Education Review

Volumn 42, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 448-478

  Mundy, Karen ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 22444455184     PISSN: 00104086     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/447523     Document Type: Article

References (199)

1. This is in contrast to earlier periods of heightened international awareness, as in the periods before and after World War I and immediately after World War II, each of which saw numerous calls from educators for more elaborate forms of international cooperation in education.
2. See, e.g., the new journal Global Governance published by Lynne Rienner and the Academic Council of the United Nations; J. Rosenau, "Governance, Order and Change in World Politics," in Governance without Government, ed. J. Rosenau and E. O. Czempiel (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 1-29;
3. Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighborhood (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995),
4. Issues in Global Governance: Papers Written for the Commission on Global Governance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995);
5. R. Falk, On Humane Governance: Toward a New Global Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity, 1995),
6. and D. Archibugi and D. Held, eds., Cosmopolitan Democracy: An Agenda for a New World Order (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity, 1995).
7. Even neo-Marxists have begun to argue that new institutions of global governance will be needed if the expanding world economy is to be subordinated to humane, social purposes. See, e.g., R. Cox, "The Crisis in World Order and the Challenge to International Organization," Cooperation and Conflict 29, no. 2 (1992): 99-113;
8. J. Peck and A. Tickell, "Searching for a New Institutional Fix: The After-Fordist Crisis and the Global-Local Disorder," In Post-Fordism: A Reader, ed. A. Amin (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), pp. 280-315;
9. and C. Leys, The Rise and Fall of Development Theory (London: James Curry, 1996), p. 195.
10. P. Jones, International Policies for Third World Education: Unesco, Literacy and Development (London and New York: Routledge, 1988),
11. and World Bank Financing of Education: Lending, Learning and Development (London: Routledge, 1992).
12. Neo-Marxist approaches thus pay little attention to the social welfare foundations of international organization and rarely look at organizations like Unicef and Unesco. Seminal works include P. Altbach, "Servitude of the Mind? Education, Dependency and Neo-colonialism," Teachers College Record 79, no. 2 (1977): 187-203;
13. R. Arnove, "Comparative Education and World Systems Analysis," Comparative Education Review 24, no. 1 (February 1980): 48-62;
14. M. Carnoy, "International Institutions and Educational Policy: A Review of Education-Sector Policy," Prospects 10, no. 3 (1980): 265-83;
15. H. Weiler, Aid for Education: The Political Economy of International Cooperation in Educational Development, International Development Research Centre (IDRC) Manuscript Report (Ottawa: IDRC, 1983);
16. E. Berman, "Donor Agencies and Third World Educational Development, 1945-1985," in Emergent Issues in Education: Comparative Perspectives, ed. R. Arnove et al. (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 57-74.
17. An important critique of the neo-Marxist arguments can be found in P. Hurst, "Aid and Educational Development: Rhetoric and Reality," Comparative Education 17, no. 2 (1981): 117-25.
18. Thus world institutionalists have tended to steer away from issues of power and conflict and are silent about the significant differences between the educational work of different international organizations. See C. McNeely, "Prescribing National Educational Policies: The Role of International Organizations," Comparative Education Review 39, no. 4 (November 1995): 483-507;
19. C. McNeely and Y. K. Cha, "Worldwide Educational Convergence through International Organizations: Avenues for Research "Educational Policy Analysis Archives (electronic), vol. 2, no. 14 (1994);
20. R. Fiala and A. Lanford, "Educational Ideology and the World Educational Revolution, 1950-1970," Comparative Education Review 31, no. 3 (August 1987): 315-32;
21. and F. Ramirez and J. Boli, "Global Patterns of Educational Institutionalization," in Institutional Structure: Constituting the State, Society and the Individual, ed. J. Thomas et al. (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1987), pp. 150-72.
22. For an assessment, see M. Finnemore, "Norms, Culture and World Politics: Insights from Sociology's Institutionalism," International Organization 10, no. 2 (1996): 325-47.
23. In a recent overview of their work, J. Meyer et al. do suggest some of the fundamental tensions or contradictions embedded in the world cultural order ("World Society and the Nation-State," American Journal of Sociology 103, no. 1 [1997]: 144-81).
24. There is a burgeoning literature on the present rupture of "world order." See, e.g., N. Chomsky, World Orders Old and New (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994);
25. H. Holm and G. Sorensen, Whose World Order? Uneven Globalization and the End of the Cold War (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1995);
26. and D. A. Smith and J. Borocz, A New World Order? Global Transformations in the Late Twentieth Century (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1995).
27. The concept of "world order," as R. Falk pointed out 2 decades ago, suggests a purposive arrangement of relations within which some pattern of stability has been established at an international level ("Contending Approaches to World Order," in Towards a Just World Order, ed. R. Falk, S. Kim, and S. Mendlovitz [Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1982], pp. 146-74).
28. Almost invariably its study has carried within it normative questions inseparable from the identification of the actors and the dynamics of world order itself. See also Rosenau, "Governance, Order and Change in World Politics."
29. J. Ruggie, "Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution," International Organization 46, no. 3 (1992): 571. This paper focuses on formal multilateral organizations, an important component of multilateralism.
30. Political science debates about the way in which international organizations contribute to world order can be found in the journal International Organization. For a collection of seminal articles on the topic, see P. Diehl, ed., The Politics of Global Governance (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1996).
31. R. Cox, "Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory," Millennium 10, no. 2 (1981): 126-55.
32. Other works by Cox include Production, Power and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987),
33. "Multilateralism and World Order," Review of International Studies 18 (1992): 161-80,
34. and "The Global Political Economy and Social Choice," in The New Era of Global Competition: State Policy and Market Power, ed. D. Drache and M. Gertler (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1992), pp. 335-50.
35. Besides Cox's work, see S. Gill, Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993);
36. C. Murphy, International Organization and Industrial Change: Global Governance since 1850 (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity, 1994);
37. and A. Linklater, "The Achievements of Critical Theory," in International Theory: Positivism and Beyond, ed. S. Smith et al. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 279-300.
38. A. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, 1929-1935, ed. and trans. Q. Hoare and G. N. Smith (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971).
39. Thus the notion of counterhegemony. By far the most influential of recent critical theoretical accounts of the political space opened up by consensual institutions is J. Habermas, Theory of Communicative Action, vol. 1 (Boston: Beacon, 1984).
40. The term "civil society" as used by Gramsci refers to the distinctive political space and the collective institutions created as part of the development of the twentieth-century capitalist-democratic state. Civil society is the arena in which hegemony is both constructed and contested; it is the realm of ideology and of voluntary association.
41. I. Wallerstein, The Politics of the World Economy: The States, the Movements and the Civilizations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984);
42. F. Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible, vol. 1, Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Centuries, trans. Sian Reynolds (1979; reprint, New York: Harper & Row, 1981).
43. C. Murphy and E. Augelli thus view multilateral organizations as components of an emergent international civil society, defined as "the realm of international institutions, including informal norms and practices of state officials and private citizens operating across state boundaries, international regimes created by explicit agreements among states, international nongovernmental organizations, and formal intergovernmental agencies" ("International Institutions, Decolonization, and Development," International Political Science Review 14, no. 1 [1993]: 76).
44. See also Murphy, International Organization and Industrial Change.
45. J. G. Ruggie, "International Regimes, Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order," in International Regimes, ed. Stephen R. Krasner (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1983), pp. 195-231.
46. The Atlantic Charter, which was signed by Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill on August 14, 1941, called for "Enjoyment by All States . . . of access, on equal terms, to the trade of the world" and "the fullest collaboration between all nations . . . with the object of securing . . . improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security." The signatories of the UN Charter agreed to work toward "higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress and development" and to find cooperative solutions for "international economic social, health and related problems; and international cultural and educational cooperation." World Peace Foundation, United Nations in the Making: Basic Documents (Boston: World Peace Foundation, 1945).
47. For a more complete exploration of the social welfare foundations of postwar multilateralism, see, among others, D. H. Lumsdaine, Moral Vision in International Politics: The Foreign Aid Regime, 1949-1989 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 212-15;
48. A. Noel and J. P. Therien, "From Domestic to International Justice: The Welfare State and Foreign Aid," International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995): 523-53;
49. G. J. Ikenberry, "A World Economy Restored: Expert Consensus and the Anglo-American Postwar Settlement," International Organization 46, no. 1 (1992): 289-321.
50. The anomalous role played by the United States in formally endorsing a view of world order that included full employment, social security, and welfare entitlements has been relatively underexplored. It is largely discounted in the neorealist and neo-Marxist literatures.
51. The idea for an international body for educational and cultural cooperation was, of course, not entirely new. It had been broached by nongovernmental actors as early as 1910, and their advocacy had led to the formation of the International Bureau of Education (IBE) and the IIIC under the League of Nations. Both institutions were primarily focused on educational exchange. On the pre-1945 history of educational cooperation, see P. Rosello, Forerunners of the International Bureau of Education (London: Evans Brothers, 1944);
52. and J. Kolasa, International Intellectual Cooperation: The League Experience and the Beginnings of Unesco (Warsaw: Zaklad Narodowy im. Ossolinshkich, 1962).
53. The issue of postwar educational reconstruction became a heated topic in London in the early 1940s, leading to the formation of a Conference of Allied Ministers of Education. Their work led to the drafting of a proposal for a United Nations organization in education. The notion was included in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals and is reflected in Article 55 of the UN Charter. On the formation of Unesco, see F. R. Cowell, "Planning the Organization of Unesco, 1942-1948," Journal of World History 10, no. 1 (1966): 210-36;
54. J. P. Sewell, "Unesco: Pluralism Rampant," in Anatomy of Influence: Decision Making in International Organization, ed. R. Cox and H. Jacobsen (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1973), pp. 139-68;
55. and Unesco and World Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1975);
56. W. H. C. Laves and C. A. Thompson, Unesco: Purpose, Progress and Prospects (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1957);
57. and Jones, International Policies for Third World Education (n. 3 above), pp. 6-27.
58. Jones and others note that delegates from Brazil, China, and Venezuela were among the most active supporters of the formation of an international body for educational and cultural cooperation at the San Francisco founding conference of the United Nations.
59. For a historical account of the involvement of U.S. nongovernmental organizations in Unesco's formation, see L. Camery, "American Backgrounds of the Unesco" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1949).
60. On Canada, see L. Goldthorpe, "Reluctant Internationalism: Canadian Approaches to Unesco, 1946-1987" (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1991).
61. The leading spokesman for an international educational organization at the UN founding conference was Henri Bonnet, a member of the French delegation and former director of the IIIC. Major decisions are made by the general conference, in which each member nation has one vote. The executive board governs the organization between general conferences. It originally comprised "independent" representatives nominated by the General Assembly. As the cold war escalated in the 1950s, however, members of the board were political appointees of member states. As a specialized UN agency Unesco is relatively autonomous, though it is expected to report to the UN Economic and Social Council and to work within the spirit of the council's main resolutions.
62. Jones, International Policies for Third World Education, p. 37.
63. See Article 55 of the UN Charter and Lumsdaine (n. 19 above), pp. 212-15. The Bank's articles of agreement mention raising standards of living and development but do not refer to redistribution, equity, or poverty. The right to education was included in the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights, which proclaims that "everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages." The 1951 International Conference on Public Education sponsored by Unesco and the IBE unanimously adopted the declaration's stance on compulsory education.
64. On the role of civil society actors in the formation of the United Nations, see Lumsdaine, pp. 212-15. On the neglect of engagement with nongovernmental actors by Unesco's work, see Jones, International Policies for Third World Education.
65. so R. Wood, From Marshall Plan to Debt Crisis: Foreign Aid and Development Choices in the World Economy (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986) ;
66. C. Murphy and E. Augelli, America's Quest for Supremacy and the Third World (London: Pinter, 1988). The most famous articulation of the U.S. position can be found in point 4 of Truman's inaugural address of 1949 (see Wood), which promised increased technical assistance for the developing world and linked this to the containment of communism and to future economic benefits from the expansion of world trade. The United States subsequently supported the opening in 1949 of a technical assistance facility in the UN, the Expanded Program for Technical Assistance.
67. H. W. Arndt, Economic Development: The History of an Idea (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 63-66; Wood; Lumsdaine.
68. K. Lee, "A Neo-Gramscian Approach to International Organizations: An Expanded Analysis of Current Reforms to the UN Development Activities," in Boundaries in Question, ed. J. MacMilland and A. Linklater (NewYork: St. Martin's, 1995), pp. 144-62, esp. p. 153. These funds were channeled through the United Nations Special Fund (formed in 1958) and the UN Expanded Program of Technical Assistance, later consolidated into the United Nations Development Program in 1965. They were also channeled directly to UN specialized agencies like Unicef through voluntary contributions from member states.
69. Jones, International Policies for Third World Education (n. 3 above), p. 114.
70. Sewell, Unesco and World Politics (n. 22 above), pp. 219-21.
71. Karachi for Asia, 1960; Addis Ababa for Africa, 1961; and Santiago for Latin America, 1962. Conferences on compulsory education were also held in Bombay (1952) and Cairo (1955), yielding the first requests to the World Bank for education finance.
72. Many sources contributed to the elaboration of this ideology, perhaps even more significantly than Unesco. Among the most important was the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the OECD which played a key role in stimulating discussions about educational development among bilateral donors (see DAC annual reports from 1968, 1969, and 1972). Cox also notes the following: U.S. economists of education; U.S. foundations such as Ford, Rockefeller, and Carnegie (which oversees an education project valued at about US$26 million in 1966); and the OECD Conference on Economic Growth and Investment in Education held in Washington in October 1961, which saw the first formulation of education as part of a "virtuous ascending spiral" linking economic growth, educauonal demands, and opportunities and equality. R. Cox, "Education for Development," in The Global Partnership: International Agencies and Economic Development, ed. Richard Gardner and Max F. Millikan (New York: Praeger, 1968), pp. 310-31
73. See also G. Papadopoulos, Education, 1960-1990: The OECD Perfective (Paris: Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1994);
74. M. Carnoy, "Education and Economic Development: The First Generation," Economic Development and Cultural Change 25, suppl. (January 1977): 428-48.
75. Both of these were funded by the World Bank. The Ford Foundation also funded the International Institute of Educational Planning.
76. Sewell, Unesco and World Politics;
77. Cox, "Education for Development";
78. Jones, International Policies for Third World Education, p. 116.
79. Sewell, Unesco and World Politics;
80. and "Unesco: Pluralism Rampant" (n. 22 above).
81. On the way in which the discourses and practices of the international development regime reconstituted notions of rights and needs in less developed nations, see A. Escobar, Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995);
82. J. Ferguson, The Anti-politics Machine: "Development," Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho (1991; reprint, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994);
83. F. Cooper and R. Packard, eds., International Development and the Social Sciences: Essays on the History and Politics of Knowledge (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1997).
84. OECD, Development Cooperation: Annual Report of the Development Assistance Committee (Paris: OECD, 1972), pp. 130-31;
85. World Bank, Education Sector Policy Paper (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1980), p. 74;
86. K. King, Aid and Education in the Developing World (London: Longman UK, 1991); Arndt (n. 31 above), p. 66.
87. Wood (n. 30 above); Cox, "Education for Development"; Lee (n. 32 above);
88. M. Marchand, "The Political Economy of North-South Relations," in Political Economy in the Changing Global Order, ed. R. Stubbs and G. Underhill (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1994), pp. 289-301.
89. The West's resistance to more inclusive decision making within world order was underscored by the decision to open the International Development Association (IDA) under the Western-dominated World Bank rather than the United Nations. The United States played the lead in this respect. Ruggie thus concludes that the United States did not wish to see international organizations with extensive independent powers, while its limited support for development reflected the truncated pattern of social security measures established under the New Deal. Ruggie, "Multilateralism" (n. 8 above), p. 592.
90. Thus efforts to build the social and political foundations for education - as, e.g., through promoting the work of teachers and teachers' unions and building relations across nongovernmental sectors - were neglected by Unesco. M. Finnemore notes a similar pattern in the evolution of Unesco's work in science policy, which moved from a promotion of transnational nongovernmental scientific cooperation to the diffusion of state-centered models of national scientific planning ("International Organizations as Teachers of Norms: The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization and Science Policy," International Organization 47, no. 4 [1993]: 565-97).
91. Arndt; Escobar; Ferguson.
92. McNeely (n. 5 above); McNeely and Cha (n. 5 above); Fiala and Lanford (n. 5 above); Ramirez and Boli (n. 5 above).
93. Altbach (n. 4 above); Arnove (n. 4 above); M. Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: D. McKay, 1974).
94. R. Cox, "Ideologies and the New International Economic Order," International Organization 33, no. 2 (1979): 257-302;
95. T. Mogami, "The United Nations System as an Unfinished Revolution" Alternatives 15, no. 2 (Spring 1990): 177-97;
96. C. Murphy, "What the Third World Wants: An Interpretation of the Development and Meaning of the New International Economic Order," International Studies Quarterly 27, no. 1 (1983): 55-76; Lee; Marchand.
97. E. Helleiner, "From Bretton Woods to Global Finance: A World Turned Upside Down," in Stubbs and Underhill, eds., pp. 163-75;
98. Moore, "Development Discourse as Hegemony: Towards an Ideological History, 1945-1995," in Debating Development Discourse, ed. D. Moore and G. Schmitz (New York: St. Martin's, 1995), pp. 1-53;
99. C. Colclough and J. Manor, States or Markets? Neo-liberalism and the Development Policy Debate (Oxford: Clarendon, 1993);
100. Cox, "Ideologies and the New International Economic Order."
101. Lumsdaine (n. 19 above); Noel and Therien (n. 19 above).
102. Jones, International Policies in Third World Education (n. 3 above), pp. 214-23.
103. E. B. Haas, When Knowledge Is Power: Three Models of Change in International Organizations (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990).
104. Lumsdaine; T. Weiss and L. Gordenker, eds., NGOs, the UN and Global Governance (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1996);
105. M. Black, Children First: The Story of Unicef, Past and Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
106. This shift caused strains in the relationship between Unicef and Unesco, which led to a weakening of their cooperative agreement. H. M. Phillips, Unicef and Education: A Historical Perspective (New York: Unicef, 1987).
107. The annual report of the OECD DAC in 1972 ([n. 41 above], p. 133) thus notes: "By the beginning of the 1970s, however, it had become clear to many in both the developing and developed countries that formal education in the developing countries had reached an impasse, financially, economically and socially, and that the repair of the existing machine was not enough." See also the proceedings of the Ford and Rockefeller Funded Bellagio Conferences 1972 collected in F. Ward, ed., Education and Development Reconsidered: The Bellagio Conference Papers (New York: Praeger, 1974).
108. Phillips; Black. Unicef's education sector activities have stood below 10 percent of program expenditures for most of the 1990s, despite attempts by then newly appointed head of Unicef, Jim Grant, in the early 1980s to get basic education back on the Unicef and wider multilateral agenda.
109. The bank uses the subscribed capital of its members to raise commercially competitive loan funds on international capital markets. Funding for the more concessional loans offered through IDA rely on replenishments by core donors. Decision making within the bank is weighted according to the size of member subscriptions, giving clear advantage to advanced capitalist countries.
110. M. Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1996);
111. P. Gibbon, "The World Bank and African Poverty, 1973-1991," Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (1992): 193-220; Haas. Bank lending increased sevenfold between 1970 and 1980, and it gained the "pre-eminent position in terms of policy, research, aid coordination, education and other activities," at least partly due to reverse flow of credits (Wood [n. 30 above], p. 77).
112. R. Ayres, Banking on the Poor: The World Bank and World Poverty (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1983), pp. 79-80; Wood.
113. World Bank, from their website, (mvw.worldbank.org) (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1996). Gibbon comments, "pro-poor policies in these years were firmly within - and constituted a logical extension of - the prevailing development model. Poverty in rural areas was identified with so-called 'subsistence' agriculture, low levels of productivity, and 'backward' technologies. Mitigating it therefore involved a crash program of modernization, the main effects of which would be to raise productivity, as well as the marketed surplus and thereby incomes" (pp. 194-95).
114. Finnemore, National Interests in International Society, p. 108.
115. World Bank, Education Sector working Paper (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1974).
116. The result was P. Coombs and M. Ahmed, Attacking Rural Poverty: How Nonformal Education Can Help (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974).
117. Education-sector lending amounted to less than 5 percent of all lending, with basic education (primary and nonformal) comprising roughly one-third of this total. See Jones, World Bank Financing of Education (n. 3 above). The Bank's 1970s poverty programs were largely experiments in integrated rural development and agriculture and remained marginal to its lending strategies.
118. See Ayres; and S. Annis, "The Shifting Grounds of Poverty Lending at the World Bank," in Between Two Worlds: The World Bank's Next Decade, ed. R. Feinberg et al. (Oxford: Transaction Books, 1986), pp. 87-106, esp. p. 89.
119. For contrary evidence, see J. E. Sanford, "Evidence on the World Bank's Emphasis on Aid to the Poor," American Journal of Economics and Sociology 48, no. 2 (1989): 151-64.
120. Wood, p. 234.
121. Cox, "Ideologies and the New International Economic Order" (n. 47 above), pp. 271, 279.
122. This argument is explored by M. Castells in The Power of Identity, The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture, vol. 2 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997).
123. For an example of research that explores the way international notions of entitlement get taken up locally, see J. Freeland, "The Global, the National and the Local: Forces in the Development of Education for Indigenous Peoples - the Case of Peru," Compare 26, no. 2 (1996): 167-95;
124. A. Gupta, Postcolonial Developments: Agriculture in the Making of Modern India (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998), in press,
125. and "Blurred Boundaries: The Discourse of Corruption, the Culture of Politics, and the Imagined State," American Ethnologist 22, no. 2 (1995): 375-402.
126. A vast literature exists on these changes. On the shift from Fordist patterns of accumulation to what is often called "post-Fordism," see D. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990);
127. A. Lipeitz, Mirages and Miracles: The Crisis of Global Fordism (London: Verso, 1987); and A. Amin, ed. (n. 2 above). For an excellent overview, see Stubbs and Underhill, eds. (no. 42 above).
128. On the widening gaps between rich and poor, see UNDP, Human Development Report (New York: United Nations, 1992);
129. and G. Arrighi, "World Income Inequalities and the Future of Socialism," New Left Review 189 (1991): 39-63.
130. The "Group of Seven" (G7) first met in 1975 and was intended as an economic issues forum for the leading industrial democracies, including France, the United States, Britain, Germany, Japan, and Italy. Canada was admitted to the group in 1977, and Russia now joins the G7 as the "Political 8" (P8) after each G7 summit.
131. A group of transnational organizations that linked business and financial interests to these centers of power also emerged, including the Trilateral Commission, the World Economic Forum, and the Institute for Economic Affairs. See S. Gill, "Structural Change and Global Political Economy: Globalizing Elites and the Emerging World Order," in Global Transformation: Challenges to the State System, ed. Y. Sakamoto (New York: United Nations University Press, 1994), pp. 169-99;
132. K. van der Pijl, "The Second Glorious Revolution: Globalizing Elites and Historical Change," in International Political Economy: Understanding Global Disorder, ed. B. Hettne (Adantic Highlands, N.J.: ZED Books, 1995), pp. 100-128.
133. K. Griffin, "Foreign Aid After the Cold War," Development and Change 22, no. 4 (1991): 645-85.
134. Cox, "Multilateralism and World Order" (n. 10 above); Ruggie (n. 8 above).
135. Murphy and Augelli (n. 16 above); Lee (n. 32 above).
136. Official aid from the OECD countries hovered at about .35 percent GNP during the 1980s and declined even further in the 1990s to .27 percent of GNP. Funding for the United Nations development programs has also decreased since 1990 (voluntary contribution to UNDP alone dropped 45 percent between 1982 and 1986), and the United States remains in substantial arrears. See Lumsdaine (n. 19 above); OECD, Annual Report of the Development Assistance Committee (Paris: OECD, 1996); Griffin (n. 70 above). The acuteness of the decline in aid funds is especially marked if the increasing proportion of development assistance channeled to emergencies, humanitarian relief, and Eastern Europe is taken into consideration.
137. Unesco, World Education Report (Paris: Unesco, 1993), p.42;
138. P. Bennel and D. Furlong, Has Jomtien Made any Difference? Trends in Donor Funding for Education and Basic Education Since the Late 1980s (Brighton: University of Sussex, Institute for Development Studies, 1997), pp. 6-8.
139. W. Preston, E. Herman, and H. Schiller, Hope and Folly: The United States and Unesco, 1945-1985 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989);
140. R. Coate, Unilateralism, Ideology and US Foreign Policy: The United States In and Out of UNESCO (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Reinner, 1988);
141. H. Weiler, "Withdrawing from Unesco: A Decision in Search of an Argument," Comparative Education Review 30, no. 1 (February 1986): 132-39;
142. Richard Sack, "Unesco: From Inherent Contradictions to Open Crisis," Comparative Education Review 30, no. 1 (February 1986): 112-19;
143. M. Imber, The USA, ILO, UNESCO and IAEA: Polilicization and Withdrawal in the Specialized Agencies (London: Macmillan, 1989). Preston, Herman, and Schiller provides a convincing account of the role the Heritage Foundation played in provoking the withdrawal from Unesco by both the United States and Great Britain.
144. Marchand (n. 42 above), p. 294.
145. Britain's new Labour government recently announced that it had rejoined Unesco.
146. Lee.
147. See Gill (n. 69 above); and Colclough and Manor (n. 48 above) on the rise of neoliberal ideas and the role international organizations have played in their spread. Cox, "Multilateralism and World Order," describes new regional and defensive forms of multilateralism.
148. B. Peck, Teaching and Education for a New Europe: The Challenge for the Countries of the European Union (Commack, N.Y.: Nova Science, 1997).
149. The OECD held its first ministerial-level conference on education in 1978, and these have been continued at 6-year intervals.
150. See also J. P. Hautecouer, "A Political Review of International Literacy Meetings in Industrialized Countries," International Review of Education 43, no. 2/3 (1997): 135-58, on the way in which industrialized countries have reframed literacy around a "defensive" agenda.
151. Papadopoulos (n. 36 above); M. Carnoy, "Structural Adjustment and the Changing Face of Education," International Labour Review 134, no. 6 (1995): 653-73. This is necessarily an oversimplified account of OECD work in education. A more complete study of OECD work in education would, I believe, show it to be the locus of much cross-national debate and contestation, not least between ministers of education and ministers of finance, between Anglo-American and European approaches to adjustment, and among these and domestic educational interests, such as teachers unions.
152. Annis (n. 62 above); G. Cornia, R. Jolly, and F. Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987);
153. Carnoy, "Structural Adjustment and the Changing Face of Education," p. 665;
154. F. Reimers, "Education and Structural Adjustment in Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa," International Journal of Educational Development 14, no. 2 (1994): 119-29;
155. M. Woodhall, "The Effects of Austerity on Adjustment in the Allocation and Use of Resources," in Coping with Crisis Austerity, Adjustment and Human Resources, ed. J. Samoff (Paris: Unesco/ILO, 1994), pp. 175-202;
156. and Jones, World Bank Financing of Education (n. 3 above), pp. 140-88.
157. Wood (n. 30 above), pp. 320-22; T. Biersteker, "The Triumph of Neoclassical Economics in the Developing World: Policy Convergence and Basis of Governance in the International Economic Order," in Rosenau and Czempiel, eds. (n. 2 above), pp. 102-31;
158. S. George and F. Sabelli, Faith and Credit: The World Bank's Secular Empire (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994). Structural adjustment programs assumed (wrongly, as it turned out), that the world economy would continue to expand in the 1980s and that Western countries would not impose protectionist barriers to Third World trade. In the absence of these preconditions, the harsh conditionalities of adjustment loans actually had negative effects. In many cases World Bank and IMF loans were not even offsetting debt service on past loans, so that many countries in the 1980s and early 1990s were experiencing a negative transfer of resources back to the Bretton Woods institutions.
159. See Wood, p. 239; and G. K. Helleiner, "The IMF, the World Bank and Africa's Adjustment and External Debt Problems: An Unofficial View," World Development 20, no. 6 (1992): 788.
160. This point deserves some clarification. As Sanford (n. 62 above) points out, spending in social sectors during the 1980s did not decline dramatically, but neither did they grow at the rate suggested by the bank's commitment to poverty alleviation in the late 1970s. See, e.g., World Bank, World Development Report (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1980). There is also considerable evidence that bank research staff committed to poverty alleviation, the most famous being Mahbub ul Haq, were squeezed out See Gibbon (n. 57 above); and Wood.
161. Like-minded countries include the Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands, and sometimes Canada, a group that historically has promoted greater attention to humanitarian and poverty issues in international relations. The influence of these countries is greatest on the Bank's IDA facility, which relies on donor governments for regular replenishment.
162. Cornia, Jolly, and Stewart; R. Jolly, "Adjustment with a Human Face: A Unicef Record and Perspective on the 1980s," World Development 19, no. 12 (1991): 1807-21. See Jolly for a detailed look at Unicef's attempts to get the Bank to pay attention to its "adjustment with a human face" agenda, which began in 1982.
163. See C. Chabbott, "Constructing Educational Development: International Development Organizations and the World Conference on Education for All" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University School of Education, 1996);
164. World Conference on Education for All (WCEFA), "Meeting Basic Learning Needs: A New Vision for the 1990's" (background document for the World Conference on Education For All, Thailand, March 5-9, 1990);
165. Black (n. 52 above). On the origins of the WCEFA, see also the reflections on it found in interviews with Aklihu Habte and Manzoor Ahmed in Unicef, Unicef Education News (New York: Unicef, February 1997). Jim Grant, head of Unicef, initiated the idea of a world conference, which he modeled on the highly successful Alma Alta conference on health in the 1970s. As Chabbott, Black (pp. 227-40), and the interview with Habte in Unicef make clear, Grant imagined that educational change could be elegantly packaged in a series of deliverable, depoliticized, technological solutions, much the way that immunization and oral rehydration had become the hallmarks of multilateral success in health in the 1970s.
166. Jones, World Bank Financing of Education.
167. World Bank, Financing Education in Developing Countries: An Exploration of Policy Options (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1986),
168. Education in Sub-Saharan Africa: Policies for Adjustment, Revitalisation, and Expansion (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1988);
169. Jones, World Bank Financing of Education, pp. 244-46.
170. Additional bank statements of its 1990s poverty alleviation agenda can be found in World Bank, World Development Report (Washington, B.C.: World Bank, 1990),
171. and Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1989).
172. World Bank, Priorities and Strategies for Education (Washington, D.C.: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1995);
173. and Carnoy, "Structural Adjustment and the Changing Face of Education", (n. 83 above).
174. This is not the place to review the many criticisms of the Bank's rationale and strategy for supporting basic education. The reader is referred to the following articles, which critique the conclusions of the Bank's rate of return and production function research: P. Bennel, "Using and Abusing Rates of Return: A Critique of the World Bank's 1995 Education Sector Review," International Journal of Education Development 16, no. 3 (1996): 235-48;
175. C. Colclough, "Education and the Market: Which Parts of the Neo-liberal Solution Are Correct?" World Development 24, no. 4 (1996): 589-610.
176. See also those that argue against the Bank's emphasis on efficiency, cost-recovery, and top-down planning models of educational change: K. Hinchcliff, "Neo-liberal Prescriptions for Education Finance: Unfortunately Necessary or Inherently Desirable?" International Journal of Educational Development 13, no. 2 (1993): 183-87;
177. J. Samoff, "Which Priorities and Strategies for Education?" International Journal of Educational Development 16, no. 3 (1996): 249-71.
178. Samoff, "Which Priorities and Strategies for Education?"
179. See also W. Henneveld and H. Craig, Schools Count: World Bank Projects Designs and the Quality of Primary Education in Sub-Saharan Africa, World Bank Technical Paper 303, African Technical Department (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1996).
180. See the Habte and Ahmed interviews in Unicef. The different perspectives on educational development held by these organizations is significant but should not be overstated. Samoff, e.g., found a remarkable homogeneity among donor assessments of education in Africa. J. Samoff, Analyses, Agendas and Priorities in African Education: A Review of Externally Initiated, Commissioned and Supported Studies of Education in Africa, 1990-1994, Unesco/Donors for African Education Working Group, September 11, 1995 (Paris: Unesco, 1995).
181. L. Ilon, "The Changing Role of the World Bank: Education Policy as Global Welfare," Policy and Politics 24, no. 4 (1996): 413-24;
182. World Bank, The Evolving Role of the World Bank: The Challenge of Africa (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1994);
183. K. Danaher, ed., 50 Years Is Enough: The Case against the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (Boston: South End, 1994);
184. P. Nelson, The World Bank and NGOs: The Limits of Apolitical Development (New York: St. Martin's, 1995).
185. Nelson; World Bank, Priorities and Strategies for Education, pp. 153-54;
186. S. Heyneman, "Economic Growth and the International Trade in Educational Reform," International Journal of Education Development (in press); Moore (n. 48 above). These same strategies are being attempted in other UN organizations - both Unicef and Unesco have announced that they will in the future focus more on policy, planning, and advice giving and less on direct support for projects. Both are seeking to enhance "partnerships."
187. Heyneman.
188. This characterization of the current state of international affairs as "insecure" and "disorderly" is common across neorealist, Marxist, and interpretivist international relations theories. For an eloquent account, see J. Rosenau, Along the Domestic-Foreign Frontier (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
189. K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon, 1957).
190. See also S. Gill, "Theorizing the Interregnum: The Double Movement and Global Politics in the 1990s," in Hettne, ed. (n. 69 above), pp. 65-99;
191. and Cox, "The Global Political Economy and Social Choice" (n. 10 above).
192. For a sample of the literature on these movements, see T. Princen and M. Finger, Environmental NGOs in World Politics: Linking the Local and the Global (London: ZED Press, 1994);
193. M. Shaw, Global Society and International Relations: Sociological Concepts and Political Perspectives (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity, 1994);
194. J. Cavanagh, D. Wysham, and M. Arruda, eds., Beyond Bretton Woods: Alternatives to the Global Economic Order (London: Pluto, 1994);
195. L. P. Thiele, "Making Democracy Safe for the World: Social Movements and Global Politics," Alternatives 18, no. 3 (1993): 273-305;
196. M. Kaldor, "European Institutions, Nation-States and Nationalism," in Archibugi and Held, eds. (n. 2 above), pp. 68-120;
197. D. Stienstra, Women's Movements and International Organizations (New York: St. Martin's, 1994);
198. M. Marchand, "Reconceptualizing Gender and Development in an Era of Globalization," Millennium 25, no. 3 (1996): 577-603; and the essays in Archibugi and Held, eds.
199. Cox, "The Global Political Economy and Political Choice," p. 112.