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Volumn 28, Issue 3, 2003, Pages 84-122

Pathogens as Weapons: The International Security Implications of Biological Warfare

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EID: 1642633929     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/016228803773100084     Document Type: Review
Times cited : (47)

References (290)
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    • Graham S. Pearson, "Prospects for Chemical and Biological Arms Control: The Web of Deterrence," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 2 (Spring 1993), pp. 147-148; and Patrick, "Biological Warfare."
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    • This feature of biological warfare has been recognized for more than fifty years. Theodor Rosebury, Peace or Pestilence: Biological Warfare and How to Avoid It (New York: Whittlesey, 1946), p. 135; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 2: CB Weapons Today (New York: Humanities, 1973), p. 90; and Joshua Lederberg and George Whitesides, Biological Defense: Report of the Defense Science Board/Threat Reduction Advisory Committee (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics, June 2001), p. 2, released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
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    • This feature of biological warfare has been recognized for more than fifty years. Theodor Rosebury, Peace or Pestilence: Biological Warfare and How to Avoid It (New York: Whittlesey, 1946), p. 135; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 2: CB Weapons Today (New York: Humanities, 1973), p. 90; and Joshua Lederberg and George Whitesides, Biological Defense: Report of the Defense Science Board/Threat Reduction Advisory Committee (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics, June 2001), p. 2, released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
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    • This feature of biological warfare has been recognized for more than fifty years. Theodor Rosebury, Peace or Pestilence: Biological Warfare and How to Avoid It (New York: Whittlesey, 1946), p. 135; Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 2: CB Weapons Today (New York: Humanities, 1973), p. 90; and Joshua Lederberg and George Whitesides, Biological Defense: Report of the Defense Science Board/Threat Reduction Advisory Committee (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition, Technology, and Logistics, June 2001), p. 2, released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA).
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    • Raymond A. Zilinskas, "Conclusion," in Zilinskas, Biological Warfare, pp. 247-254; and Lederberg and Whitesides, Biological Defense.
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    • Office of Technology Assessment, Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass Destruction (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1993), p. 86. In contrast, nerve agent plants cost tens of millions of dollars, and fissile material production facilities cost hundreds of millions of dollars. Total program costs for these weapons are also significantly higher. Ibid., pp. 27, 156-158.
    • (1993) Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass Destruction , pp. 86
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    • Office of Technology Assessment, Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass Destruction (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, 1993), p. 86. In contrast, nerve agent plants cost tens of millions of dollars, and fissile material production facilities cost hundreds of millions of dollars. Total program costs for these weapons are also significantly higher. Ibid., pp. 27, 156-158.
    • Technologies Underlying Weapons of Mass Destruction , pp. 27
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    • The agency also estimated that a significant capability without the redundancy of the prewar program could be attained for less than $100 million. Defense Intelligence Agency, Iraq's Chemical and Biological Warfare Capabilities: Surviving Assets and Lack of Use during the War, Defense Intelligence Memorandum 88-91, March 1991, p. 3, declassified under FOIA.
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    • As of January 2003, only 83,000 of 2.4 million service members had completed the six-shot series. Department of Defense, Chemical and Biological Defense Program, Vol. 1: Annual Report to Congress (Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense, April 2003), p. 59, http://www.acq.osd.mil/cp/vol1-2003cbdpannualreport.pdf.
    • (2003) Chemical and Biological Defense Program, Vol. 1: Annual Report to Congress , vol.1 , pp. 59
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    • Department of Defense, Report on Biological Warfare Defense Vaccine Research and Development Programs (Fort Belvoir, Va.: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2001), p. 2, http://www.acq.osd.mil/cp/bwdvrdp-july01.pdf; William Broad and Judith Miller, "Once He Devised Germ Weapons; Now He Defends against Them," New York Times, November 3, 1998, p. D1; and Kenneth Alibek, "Research Considerations for Better Understanding of Biological Threats," in Institute of Medicine, Biological Threats and Terrorism: Assessing the Science and Response Capabilities (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 2002), p. 64.
    • (2001) Report on Biological Warfare Defense Vaccine Research and Development Programs , pp. 2
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    • (1998) New York Times
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    • Department of Defense, Report on Biological Warfare Defense Vaccine Research and Development Programs (Fort Belvoir, Va.: Defense Technical Information Center, July 2001), p. 2, http://www.acq.osd.mil/cp/bwdvrdp-july01.pdf; William Broad and Judith Miller, "Once He Devised Germ Weapons; Now He Defends against Them," New York Times, November 3, 1998, p. D1; and Kenneth Alibek, "Research Considerations for Better Understanding of Biological Threats," in Institute of Medicine, Biological Threats and Terrorism: Assessing the Science and Response Capabilities (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 2002), p. 64.
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    • Spertzel, Wannemacher, and Linden, Global Proliferation, Vol. 4, p. 11; and David R. Franz, "Medical Countermeasures to Biological Warfare Agents," in Alexander Kelle, Malcolm Dando, and Kathryn Nixdorff, eds., The Role of Biotechnology in Countering BTW Agents (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer, 2001), p. 228.
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    • Spertzel1    Wannemacher2    Linden3
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    • Spertzel, Wannemacher, and Linden, Global Proliferation, Vol. 4, p. 11; and David R. Franz, "Medical Countermeasures to Biological Warfare Agents," in Alexander Kelle, Malcolm Dando, and Kathryn Nixdorff, eds., The Role of Biotechnology in Countering BTW Agents (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer, 2001), p. 228.
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    • Lederberg and Whitesides, Biological Defense, p. 12. This assessment is apparently based on information regarding the former Soviet biological weapons program. It is not known, however, to what extent Russia has continued the work initiated during the Soviet era or what other nations have accomplished in this field.
    • Biological Defense , pp. 12
    • Lederberg1    Whitesides2
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    • Edward Eitzen and Ernest Takafuji, "Historical Overview of Biological Warfare," in Frederick Sidell, Ernest Takafuji, and David Franz, eds., Medical Aspects of Chemical and Biological Warfare (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Surgeon General, 1997), pp. 443-444.
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    • Field tests by the U.S. Army in the 1950s and 1960s demonstrated the ease of conducting covert attacks with biological weapons against buildings, subway systems, air bases, and cities. William C. Patrick III, "Biological Warfare Scenarios," in Scott P. Layne, Tony J. Beugelsdijk, and C. Kumar N. Patel, eds., Firepower in the Lab: Automation in the Fight against Infectious Diseases and Bioterrorism (Washington, D.C.: Joseph Henry Press, 2001), pp. 215-223.
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    • Judith Miller, "Exercise Finds U.S. Unable to Handle Germ War Threat," New York Times, April 26, 1998, p. A1; Thomas V. Inglesby, Rita Grossman, and Tara O'Toole, "A Plague on Your City: Observations from TOPOFF," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 32, No. 3 (February 2001), pp. 436-445; and Tara O'Toole, Michael Mair, and Thomas V. Inglesby, "Shining Light on Dark Winter: Lessons Learned," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 34, No. 7 (April 2002), pp. 972-983.
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    • Judith Miller, "Exercise Finds U.S. Unable to Handle Germ War Threat," New York Times, April 26, 1998, p. A1; Thomas V. Inglesby, Rita Grossman, and Tara O'Toole, "A Plague on Your City: Observations from TOPOFF," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 32, No. 3 (February 2001), pp. 436-445; and Tara O'Toole, Michael Mair, and Thomas V. Inglesby, "Shining Light on Dark Winter: Lessons Learned," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 34, No. 7 (April 2002), pp. 972-983.
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    • Inglesby, T.V.1    Grossman, R.2    O'Toole, T.3
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    • Judith Miller, "Exercise Finds U.S. Unable to Handle Germ War Threat," New York Times, April 26, 1998, p. A1; Thomas V. Inglesby, Rita Grossman, and Tara O'Toole, "A Plague on Your City: Observations from TOPOFF," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 32, No. 3 (February 2001), pp. 436-445; and Tara O'Toole, Michael Mair, and Thomas V. Inglesby, "Shining Light on Dark Winter: Lessons Learned," Clinical Infectious Diseases, Vol. 34, No. 7 (April 2002), pp. 972-983.
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    • For vaccines to be effective, defenders must be able to meet the following conditions: identification of the target population, knowledge of the specific threat agent, availability of the appropriate vaccine, and time for the vaccine to be administered to the target population before an attack. David R. Franz, "Physical and Medical Countermeasures to Biological Weapons," Director's Series on Proliferation No. 4 (Livermore, Calif.: Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, May 1994), pp. 59-60.
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    • Department of Defense, Chemical and Biological Defense Program, Vol. 1, p. 62; and Tara Palmore, Greg Folkers, Carole Heilman, John R. La Montagne, and Anthony S. Fauci, "The NIAID Research Agenda on Biodefense," ASM. News, Vol. 68, No. 8 (August 2002), pp. 376-377.
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    • Gregory Koblentz, "Biological Terrorism: Understanding the Threat and the Response," in Arnold Howitt and Robyn Pangi, eds., Countering Terrorism: Dimensions of Preparedness (Cambridge/Mass.: MIT Press, 2003), pp. 123-143.
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    • Karl Lowe, Graham S. Pearson, and Victor Utgoff, "Potential Values of a Simple Biological Warfare Protective Mask," in Lederberg, Biological Weapons, pp. 263-281; and Stanley L. Weiner, "Strategies for the Prevention of a Successful Biological Warfare Aerosol Attack," Military Medicine, Vol. 161, No. 5 (May 1996), pp. 251-256.
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    • Lester L. Yuan, "Sheltering Effects of Buildings from Biological Weapons," Science and Global Society, Vol. 8, No. 3 (2000), pp. 287-313; and Richard L. Garwin, Ralph E. Gomory, and Matthew S. Meselson, "How to Fight Bioterrorism," Washington Post, May 14, 2002, p. A21.
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    • The BWC does not prohibit research on biological and toxin agents, and it allows their development and production for protective, prophylactic, or other peaceful purposes. The convention, however, does not define activities that constitute research or are considered protective, prophylactic, or peaceful. Barend ter Haar, The Future of Biological Weapons (New York: Praeger, 1991), p. 16.
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    • Chevrier1
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    • Chevrier1
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    • Susan Wright, ed., Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield
    • Alibek, Biohazard; and Anthony Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program: The Implications for Contemporary Arms Control," in Susan Wright, ed., Biological Warfare and Disarmament: New Problems/New Perspectives (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), pp. 103-150.
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    • Alibek, B.1    Rimmington, A.2
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    • Between Panic and Complacency: Calibrating the Chemical and Biological Warfare Problem
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    • Brad Roberts, "Between Panic and Complacency: Calibrating the Chemical and Biological Warfare Problem," in Stuart E. Johnson, ed., The Niche Threat: Deterring the Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University Press, 1997), pp. 9-41
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    • This potential, however, has been ignored in many analyses of these weapons. Zilinskas, "Biological Warfare and the Third World"; and Richard Novick and Seth Shulman, "New Forms of Biological Warfare?" in Wright, Preventing a Biological Arms Race, pp. 105-106. An exception to this view is W. Seth Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb? Biological Weapons in the Middle East, Policy Paper No. 23 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1991), pp. 36-37.
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    • This potential, however, has been ignored in many analyses of these weapons. Zilinskas, "Biological Warfare and the Third World"; and Richard Novick and Seth Shulman, "New Forms of Biological Warfare?" in Wright, Preventing a Biological Arms Race, pp. 105-106. An exception to this view is W. Seth Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb? Biological Weapons in the Middle East, Policy Paper No. 23 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1991), pp. 36-37.
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    • This potential, however, has been ignored in many analyses of these weapons. Zilinskas, "Biological Warfare and the Third World"; and Richard Novick and Seth Shulman, "New Forms of Biological Warfare?" in Wright, Preventing a Biological Arms Race, pp. 105-106. An exception to this view is W. Seth Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb? Biological Weapons in the Middle East, Policy Paper No. 23 (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1991), pp. 36-37.
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    • Seth Carus, W.1
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    • See, respectively, U.S. Army, Employment of Chemical and Biological Agents; Jonathan B. Tucker, "Biological Weapons in the Former Soviet Union: An Interview with Dr. Kenneth Alibek," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Spring-Summer 1999), p. 2; and Timothy McCarthy and Jonathan B. Tucker, "Saddam's Toxic Arsenal: Chemical and Biological Weapons in the Gulf Wars," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, p. 62.
    • Employment of Chemical and Biological Agents
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    • See, respectively, U.S. Army, Employment of Chemical and Biological Agents; Jonathan B. Tucker, "Biological Weapons in the Former Soviet Union: An Interview with Dr. Kenneth Alibek," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Spring-Summer 1999), p. 2; and Timothy McCarthy and Jonathan B. Tucker, "Saddam's Toxic Arsenal: Chemical and Biological Weapons in the Gulf Wars," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, p. 62.
    • (1999) Nonproliferation Review , vol.6 , Issue.3 , pp. 2
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    • See, respectively, U.S. Army, Employment of Chemical and Biological Agents; Jonathan B. Tucker, "Biological Weapons in the Former Soviet Union: An Interview with Dr. Kenneth Alibek," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Spring-Summer 1999), p. 2; and Timothy McCarthy and Jonathan B. Tucker, "Saddam's Toxic Arsenal: Chemical and Biological Weapons in the Gulf Wars," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, p. 62.
    • Planning the Unthinkable , pp. 62
    • McCarthy, T.1    Tucker, J.B.2
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    • note
    • The use of incapacitating agents instead of lethal ones would have the additional benefit of burdening the target with large numbers of wounded soldiers, who typically absorb more resources than fatalities.
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    • Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, May
    • Department of Defense, Report of the Quadrennial Defense Review (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, May 1997), p. 13; and George W. Bush, National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, D.C.: White House, September 2002), pp. 13-16.
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    • Department of Defense, Report of the Quadrennial Defense Review (Washington, D.C.: U.S. GPO, May 1997), p. 13; and George W. Bush, National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, D.C.: White House, September 2002), pp. 13-16.
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    • Bush, G.W.1
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    • New York: Palgrave
    • There are also a number of viral agents and fungal agents that can cause epidemics among livestock and crops, respectively. See Simon M. Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops (New York: Palgrave, 2002); and Terrance M. Wilson, Linda Logan-Henfrey, Richard Weller, and Barry Kellman, "Agroterrorism, Biological Crimes, and Biological Warfare Targeting Animal Agriculture," in Corrie Brown and Carole Bolin, eds., Emerging Diseases of Animals (Washington, D.C.: ASM Press, 2000), pp. 23-57.
    • (2002) Biological Warfare against Crops
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    • There are also a number of viral agents and fungal agents that can cause epidemics among livestock and crops, respectively. See Simon M. Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops (New York: Palgrave, 2002); and Terrance M. Wilson, Linda Logan-Henfrey, Richard Weller, and Barry Kellman, "Agroterrorism, Biological Crimes, and Biological Warfare Targeting Animal Agriculture," in Corrie Brown and Carole Bolin, eds., Emerging Diseases of Animals (Washington, D.C.: ASM Press, 2000), pp. 23-57.
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    • Wilson, T.M.1    Logan-Henfrey, L.2    Weller, R.3    Kellman, B.4
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    • Jessica Stern, "Dreaded Risks and the Control of Biological Weapons," International Security, Vol. 27, No. 3 (Winter 2002/03), pp. 102-106.
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    • See Ed Regis, The Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 138-157; Christopher Davis, "Nuclear Blindness: An Overview of the Biological Weapons Programs of the Former Soviet Union and Iraq," Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1999), pp. 509-512; Zilinskas, "Iraq's Biological Weapons," p. 141; Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops, pp. 10-21, 94-117; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 113-115.
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    • See Ed Regis, The Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 138-157; Christopher Davis, "Nuclear Blindness: An Overview of the Biological Weapons Programs of the Former Soviet Union and Iraq," Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1999), pp. 509-512; Zilinskas, "Iraq's Biological Weapons," p. 141; Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops, pp. 10-21, 94-117; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 113-115.
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    • See Ed Regis, The Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 138-157; Christopher Davis, "Nuclear Blindness: An Overview of the Biological Weapons Programs of the Former Soviet Union and Iraq," Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1999), pp. 509-512; Zilinskas, "Iraq's Biological Weapons," p. 141; Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops, pp. 10-21, 94-117; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 113-115.
    • Iraq's Biological Weapons , pp. 141
    • Zilinskas1
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    • See Ed Regis, The Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 138-157; Christopher Davis, "Nuclear Blindness: An Overview of the Biological Weapons Programs of the Former Soviet Union and Iraq," Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1999), pp. 509-512; Zilinskas, "Iraq's Biological Weapons," p. 141; Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops, pp. 10-21, 94-117; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 113-115.
    • Biological Warfare against Crops , pp. 10-21
    • Whitby1
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    • See Ed Regis, The Biology of Doom: The History of America's Secret Germ Warfare Project (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 138-157; Christopher Davis, "Nuclear Blindness: An Overview of the Biological Weapons Programs of the Former Soviet Union and Iraq," Emerging Infectious Diseases, Vol. 5, No. 4 (July-August 1999), pp. 509-512; Zilinskas, "Iraq's Biological Weapons," p. 141; Whitby, Biological Warfare against Crops, pp. 10-21, 94-117; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 113-115.
    • The Soviet Union's Offensive Program , pp. 113-115
    • Rimmington1
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    • Controlling Chemical and Biological Weapons through World War II
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    • John Ellis van Courtland Moon, "Controlling Chemical and Biological Weapons through World War II," in Richard Burns, ed., Encyclopedia of Arms Control and Disarmament, Vol. 2 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1993), pp. 657-674.
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    • Ironically, the development of biological weapons by revisionist states such as the Soviet Union and Imperial Japan may have been partly inspired by these agreements. On Japanese interest in chemical and biological weapons due to the Geneva Protocol, see Peter Williams and David Wallace, Unit 731: Japan's Secret Biological Warfare in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1989), pp. 7-8. The Soviet Union launched new efforts to develop biological weapons in the 1920s and 1970s following the creation of both the Geneva Protocol and the BWC. See Valentin Bojtzov and Erhard Geissler, "Military Biology in the USSR, 1920-1945," in Geissler and Moon, Biological and Toxin Weapons, pp. 156-157; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 105-106.
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    • Williams, P.1    Wallace, D.2
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    • Ironically, the development of biological weapons by revisionist states such as the Soviet Union and Imperial Japan may have been partly inspired by these agreements. On Japanese interest in chemical and biological weapons due to the Geneva Protocol, see Peter Williams and David Wallace, Unit 731: Japan's Secret Biological Warfare in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1989), pp. 7-8. The Soviet Union launched new efforts to develop biological weapons in the 1920s and 1970s following the creation of both the Geneva Protocol and the BWC. See Valentin Bojtzov and Erhard Geissler, "Military Biology in the USSR, 1920-1945," in Geissler and Moon, Biological and Toxin Weapons, pp. 156-157; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 105-106.
    • Biological and Toxin Weapons , pp. 156-157
    • Bojtzov, V.1    Geissler, E.2
  • 157
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    • Ironically, the development of biological weapons by revisionist states such as the Soviet Union and Imperial Japan may have been partly inspired by these agreements. On Japanese interest in chemical and biological weapons due to the Geneva Protocol, see Peter Williams and David Wallace, Unit 731: Japan's Secret Biological Warfare in World War II (New York: Free Press, 1989), pp. 7-8. The Soviet Union launched new efforts to develop biological weapons in the 1920s and 1970s following the creation of both the Geneva Protocol and the BWC. See Valentin Bojtzov and Erhard Geissler, "Military Biology in the USSR, 1920-1945," in Geissler and Moon, Biological and Toxin Weapons, pp. 156-157; and Rimmington, "The Soviet Union's Offensive Program," pp. 105-106.
    • The Soviet Union's Offensive Program , pp. 105-106
    • Rimmington1
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    • States that do not expect external support in the event of an attack may not feel limited in their means of self-defense
    • States that do not expect external support in the event of an attack may not feel limited in their means of self-defense.
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    • New York: Humanities
    • Confirmed cases of the use of chemical weapons initiated by the aggressor include Germany during World War I, the Allies during their intervention into the Russian civil war from 1919 to 1921, Italy against Ethiopia from 1935 to 1936, Japan against China between 1937 and 1945, Egypt against Royalist forces in Yemen between 1963 and 1967, and Iraq against Iran during the 1980s. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 1: The Rise of CB Weapons (New York: Humanities, 1971), pp. 125-161.
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    • Information Report No. 1 (Edgewood, Md.: Chemical Corps Board, April 1)
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    • emphasis in original
    • Pape, Bombing to Win, p. 14 (emphasis in original).
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    • Quoted in Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics, Vol. 30, No. 2 (January 1978), pp. 205-206.
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    • On the limited risk of serious contamination, see Patrick, "Biological Warfare," p. 6; and Graham S. Pearson, "The Essentials of Biological Threat Assessment," in Zilinskas, Biological Warfare, p. 71.
    • Biological Warfare , pp. 6
    • Patrick1
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    • The Essentials of Biological Threat Assessment
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    • On the limited risk of serious contamination, see Patrick, "Biological Warfare," p. 6; and Graham S. Pearson, "The Essentials of Biological Threat Assessment," in Zilinskas, Biological Warfare, p. 71.
    • Biological Warfare , pp. 71
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    • Terrorists and WMD: Some Preliminary Hypotheses
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    • Bruce Hoffman, "Terrorists and WMD: Some Preliminary Hypotheses," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3 (Spring/Summer 1997), pp. 45-53; Jessica Stern, "Terrorist Motivations and Unconventional Weapons," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, pp. 202-229; and Jerrold M. Post, "Psychological and Motivational Factors in Terrorist Decision-Making: Implications for CBW Terrorism," in Jonathan B. Tucker, ed., Toxic Terror: Assessing Terrorist Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), pp. 271-289.
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    • Bruce Hoffman, "Terrorists and WMD: Some Preliminary Hypotheses," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 4, No. 3 (Spring/Summer 1997), pp. 45-53; Jessica Stern, "Terrorist Motivations and Unconventional Weapons," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, pp. 202-229; and Jerrold M. Post, "Psychological and Motivational Factors in Terrorist Decision-Making: Implications for CBW Terrorism," in Jonathan B. Tucker, ed., Toxic Terror: Assessing Terrorist Use of Chemical and Biological Weapons (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), pp. 271-289.
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    • Case studies of terrorist groups interested in biological weapons can be found in Tucker, Toxic Terror; and W. Seth Carus, Bioterrorism and Biocrimes: The Illicit Use of Biological Agents in the 20th Century (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, April 2001).
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    • Al-Qaeda is known to be interested in biological weapons and causing mass casualties, but it is not yet believed to have acquired the capability for conducting such an attack. Barton Gellman, "Al Qaeda Near Biological, Chemical Arms Production," Washington Post, March 23, 2003, p. A1.
    • (2003) Washington Post
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    • Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb?; Neil C. Livingstone and Joseph D. Douglass Jr., CBW: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb (Cambridge, Mass.: Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, 1984); H. Lee Buchanan, "Poor Man's A-Bomb?" U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, Vol. 123, No. 4 (April 1997), pp. 83-86; and Al J. Venter, "Biological Warfare: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb," Jane's Intelligence Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (March 1999), pp. 42-47.
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    • (1984) CBW: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb
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    • Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb?; Neil C. Livingstone and Joseph D. Douglass Jr., CBW: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb (Cambridge, Mass.: Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, 1984); H. Lee Buchanan, "Poor Man's A-Bomb?" U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, Vol. 123, No. 4 (April 1997), pp. 83-86; and Al J. Venter, "Biological Warfare: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb," Jane's Intelligence Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (March 1999), pp. 42-47.
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    • Carus, The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb?; Neil C. Livingstone and Joseph D. Douglass Jr., CBW: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb (Cambridge, Mass.: Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, 1984); H. Lee Buchanan, "Poor Man's A-Bomb?" U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, Vol. 123, No. 4 (April 1997), pp. 83-86; and Al J. Venter, "Biological Warfare: The Poor Man's Atomic Bomb," Jane's Intelligence Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (March 1999), pp. 42-47.
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    • For additional analyses of the utility of biological weapons as deterrents, see Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 2, pp. 155-159; and Chevrier, "Deliberate Disease," pp. 406-408.
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    • For additional analyses of the utility of biological weapons as deterrents, see Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. 2, pp. 155-159; and Chevrier, "Deliberate Disease," pp. 406-408.
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    • These characteristics are derived from Jervis, The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution; Shai Feldman, Israeli Nuclear Deterrence: A Strategy for the 1980s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), pp. 32-33; and Van Evera, Causes of War, pp. 240-254.
    • The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution
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    • These characteristics are derived from Jervis, The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution; Shai Feldman, Israeli Nuclear Deterrence: A Strategy for the 1980s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), pp. 32-33; and Van Evera, Causes of War, pp. 240-254.
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    • These characteristics are derived from Jervis, The Meaning of the Nuclear Revolution; Shai Feldman, Israeli Nuclear Deterrence: A Strategy for the 1980s (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), pp. 32-33; and Van Evera, Causes of War, pp. 240-254.
    • Causes of War , pp. 240-254
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    • note
    • In contrast, a state contemplating a first strike or surprise attack with biological weapons would have more flexibility in determining when, where, and how to employ these weapons.
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    • As of late 2003, fewer than 40,000 civilians had been vaccinated against smallpox, far short of the goal of 440,000. The military immunization campaign, however, was successful in vaccinating more than 500,000 soldiers and military health personnel. David Ruppe, "U.S. Military Official Praises Army Smallpox Vaccination Program," Global Security Newswire, October 23, 2003, http://www.nti.org/d_newswire/issues/2003_10_23.html#lAA0288D.
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    • Avner Cohen and Benjamin Frankel, "Opaque Proliferation," Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3 (September 1990), pp. 31-32; and Feldman, Israeli Nuclear Deterrence, p. 19.
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    • During the 1991 Gulf War, Iraq maintained a secret strategic reserve of mobile missiles armed with chemical and biological warheads. Launch authority for these weapons was predelegated in the event that a nuclear weapon struck Baghdad or that missile commanders lost contact with the leadership in the capital. This policy and the capabilities supporting it, however, were not known to Israel or the United States until revealed by Iraqi officials in 1995. McCarthy and Tucker, "Saddam's Toxic Arsenal," pp. 72-75; and Amatzia Baram, "An Analysis of Iraqi WMD Strategy," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 34-36. North Korea's aggressive behavior in the late 1960s was reportedly undertaken in the mistaken belief that the nation's new chemical and biological warfare capabilities would deter a strong U.S. response. The United States was not aware of these capabilities, however, and its forceful reaction led the North Korean leadership to moderate its behavior and reassess the deterrent value of their unconventional weapons. Joseph S. Bermudez Jr., "The Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Unconventional Weapons," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, pp. 186-187.
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    • Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz
    • During the 1991 Gulf War, Iraq maintained a secret strategic reserve of mobile missiles armed with chemical and biological warheads. Launch authority for these weapons was predelegated in the event that a nuclear weapon struck Baghdad or that missile commanders lost contact with the leadership in the capital. This policy and the capabilities supporting it, however, were not known to Israel or the United States until revealed by Iraqi officials in 1995. McCarthy and Tucker, "Saddam's Toxic Arsenal," pp. 72-75; and Amatzia Baram, "An Analysis of Iraqi WMD Strategy," Nonproliferation Review, Vol. 8, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 34-36. North Korea's aggressive behavior in the late 1960s was reportedly undertaken in the mistaken belief that the nation's new chemical and biological warfare capabilities would deter a strong U.S. response. The United States was not aware of these capabilities, however, and its forceful reaction led the North Korean leadership to moderate its behavior and reassess the deterrent value of their unconventional weapons. Joseph S. Bermudez Jr., "The Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Unconventional Weapons," in Lavoy, Sagan, and Wirtz, Planning the Unthinkable, pp. 186-187.
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