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Volumn 32, Issue 10, 2011, Pages 1703-1714

State building, security and development: State building as a new development paradigm?

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EID: 84865881991     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: 13602241     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2011.610565     Document Type: Editorial
Times cited : (38)

References (51)
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    • J Hippler, 'Violent conflicts, conflict prevention and nation-building: terminology and political concepts,' in Hippler (ed), Nation-building: A Key Concept for Peaceful Conflict Transformation?, London: Pluto Press, 2004.
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    • For a discussion of how thinking on state failure and state building has developed in international relations, see N Lemay-Hébert, 'Trying to make sense of the contemporary debate on state-building: the legitimacy and the institutional approaches on state, state collapse and state-building,' paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Political Studies Association, Edinburgh, March 2010.
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    • note
    • A recent cross-department paper, bringing together the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Ministry of Defence (MOD) and DFID, similarly reflects commitment to a more holistic approach. See FCO, MOD & DFID, 'Building stability overseas strategy,' London, 2011, http://www. dfid. gov. uk/Documents/publications1/building_stability_overseas_strategy. pdf.
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    • note
    • The relationship between state building and development, in particular whether aspects of either are prerequisites for the other, of course depends very much on the perspective of the observer. This is an issue addressed throughout the articles, but by no means one which has been fully resolved.
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    • note
    • As Marquette and Scott explain, 'The literature on statebuilding is also largely divided depending on alternative assumptions about the state. Several authors consider the concept of the nation-state to be the bedrock of the international system and therefore the entity of the state should be preserved at all costs. Others argue that states are often not worth preserving and the international community should let them dissolve so that new states can emerge that more accurately reflect pre-existing local "nations".
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    • note
    • We are grateful to a reviewer for pointing out this possibility, and it is further addressed in the articles, eg Jackson and Beswick, in this issue.
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    • For more on the Paris Declaration and Accra Agenda for Action, see http://www. oecd. org/document/18/0, 3343, en_2649_3236398_35401554_1_1_1_1, 00. html, accessed 25 July 2011.
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    • 'Political settlements' is mainly a donor-preferred term for what many others would consider to be, broadly, a social contract. See Di John and Putzel's insightful paper on political settlements for more information. J Di John & J Putzel, Political Settlements Issues Paper, Birmingham: Governance & Social Development Resource Centre, University of Birmingham, June 2009. They explain that, 'political settlements are defined by DFID as "the forging of a common understanding, usually between political elites, that their best interests or beliefs are served through acquiescence to a framework for administering political power". An inclusive political settlement is one where the relations between the state and society, "the social contract", are robust and legitimate' (p 4).
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    • This may be the result of donor incentives and structures as well, and of what fits in a log frame and is 'measurable.' As Ferguson wrote, 'To "move the money" they have been charged with spending, "development" agencies prefer to opt for standardised "development" packages.' J Ferguson with L Lohmann, 'The anti-politics machine: "development" and bureaucratic power in Lesotho,' The Ecologist, 24(5), 1994, p 176. Although Ferguson wrote this almost 20 years ago, little has changed in terms of the imperative for donor agencies to 'move the money.'.
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    • Arguably this long-term investment and commitment has been driven more by geographical proximity (in the case of EU investment in the Balkans) or long-standing and quite personalised political relationships (UK in Sierra Leone). On the latter, see Jackson in this issue and for a critical perspective on EU-Balkans relations, see D Chandler, 'European Union statebuilding: securing the liberal peace through EU enlargement,' Global Society, 2007, 21(4), pp 593-607.
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    • note
    • We are not suggesting here that state building which reflects 'citizen preferences' is easily articulated or unproblematic. Different groups and constituencies of citizens will have different aims and agendas, and a citizen-led state building would not necessarily be compatible with other goals of the donors, particularly long-term peace and stability.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.