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Volumn 100, Issue 4, 2012, Pages 1117-1175

Commerce games and the individual mandate

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EID: 84860188715     PISSN: 00168092     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (8)

References (95)
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    • (1997) Geneva Papers on Risk & Ins. Theory , vol.22 , pp. 103
    • Allard, M.1    Cresta, J.-P.2    Rochet, J.C.3
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    • Several commentators have thus framed the debate over the ACA's individual mandate in terms of a free-rider problem. Free riding describes the failure of some who enjoy the benefits of a public good to contribute to its procurement. Not surprisingly, free riding therefore tends to discourage the supply of public goods. MAXWELL L. STEARNS & TODD J. ZYWICKI, PUBLIC CHOICE CONCEPTS AND APPLICATIONS IN LAW 14 (2009) (describing free riding and offering illustrations). In this context, the argument is that those who fail to purchase health insurance can be described as free riding on the overall health system when they seek medical services at the time of need-for example, through emergency-room care- with costs passed on to the insured in the form of inflated premiums.
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    • Stearns, M.L.1    Zywicki, T.J.2
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    • Commentary, free rider: A justification for mandatory medical insurance under health care reform?
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    • For recent commentary, see Douglas A. Kahn & Jeffrey H. Kahn, Commentary, Free Rider: A Justification for Mandatory Medical Insurance Under Health Care Reform?, 109 MICH. L. REV. FIRST IMPRESSIONS 78, 80-82 (2011), http://www.michiganlawreview.org/assets/fi/109/kahn.pdf (calling the individual mandate's free-rider justification exaggerated because the mandate will simply reallocate the costs of those who legitimately cannot afford coverage from the insured, through premium increases, to taxpayers, through program subsidies);
    • (2011) Mich. L. Rev. First Impressions , vol.109 , pp. 78
    • Kahn, D.A.1    Kahn, J.H.2
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    • Commentary, why it's called the affordable care act
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    • Nicholas Bagley & Jill R. Horwitz, Commentary, Why It's Called the Affordable Care Act, 110 MICH. L. REV. FIRST IMPRESSIONS 1, 3-5 (2011), http://www.michiganlawreview.org/assets/fi/110/bagleyhorwitz.pdf (rejecting the characterization of free riding employed by Kahn and Kahn and arguing that the individual mandate's forced risk spreading reduces the adverse consequences of those forced to free ride due to, among other reasons, financial inability to insure);
    • (2011) Mich. L. Rev. First Impressions , vol.110 , pp. 1
    • Bagley, N.1    Horwitz, J.R.2
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    • Commentary, the unaffordable health act: A response to professors bagley and horwitz
    • Douglas A. Kahn & Jeffrey H. Kahn, Commentary, The Unaffordable Health Act: A Response to Professors Bagley and Horwitz, 110 MICH. L. REV. FIRST IMPRESSIONS 16 (2011), http://www.michiganlawreview.org/assets/fi/110/Kahn2.pdf (defending their refutation of the free-rider characterization of the individual mandate). While risk spreading potentially ameliorates some of the difficulties that can be described as free riding, absent a more specific game implicating commerce, this insight alone is insufficient to justify congressional reliance on the Commerce Clause to implement the individual mandate scheme. That is because in the course of exercising police powers, states routinely address matters of public policy that also implicate the problem of free riding. And yet, the existence of state regulatory powers does not, of its own force, justify congressional reliance on the Commerce Clause to address the same substantive subject matter. Free riding in insurance markets, for example, can be a state regulatory problem, a federal regulatory problem, or both, depending on the specific game implicated in the relevant insurance context. In Parts II and III, infra, we assess the games that Congress has implicitly relied upon the Commerce Clause to remedy as a means of identifying the specific game that Congress seeks to resolve through the individual mandate. We then demonstrate how this particular game implicates not only economic, but more importantly, political externalities among states, thus justifying reliance on congressional Commerce Clause powers. Neil Siegel has recently expanded upon his earlier thoughtful work with Robert Cooter arguing that, properly read, Article I, Section 8 empowers Congress to enact those policies that individual states are structurally ill-suited to resolve as a result of interstate externalities.
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    • See Robert D. Cooter & Neil S. Siegel, Collective Action Federalism: A General Theory of Article I, Section 8, 63 STAN. L. REV. 115, 144-50 (2010) (devising a comprehensive theory of collective-action federalism). Siegel maintains that the individual mandate prevents individuals from free riding on benevolence by forcing beneficiaries of health care services to internalize costs, and that because complex insurance markets operate interstate, states cannot force this internalization on their own.
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    • Free riding on benevolence: Collective action federalism and the individual mandate
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    • See Neil S. Siegel, Free Riding on Benevolence: Collective Action Federalism and the Individual Mandate, 75 LAW & CONTEMP. PROBS. (forthcoming 2012) (manuscript at 37-54), available at http://papers.ssrn.com/abstract-id= 1843228 (expanding a theory of collective action federalism to defend the individual mandate). In contrast to the approach taken by these scholars, our approach specifically focuses on the role of Commerce Clause doctrine, affirmative and dormant, and the importance of distinguishing political from economic externalities, both of which can extend beyond the borders of particular states. Our analysis demonstrates that the critical feature that distinguishes when congressional reliance on the Commerce Clause is or is not justified does not depend merely on whether the effect of the regulated subject matter is contained within a state, but rather, on whether the effect undermines the coordinated legal regimes of other states or would, if permitted to stand, encourage other states to replicate the challenged policy, thus promoting a regime of mutual defection among states. This analysis further allows us to devise a common theory, one that embraces both sides of the Commerce Clause and that ties Congress's reliance on its commerce power to enact the individual mandate to the theory of political, rather than economic, union. See infra Part II (employing game theory to analyze Commerce Clause doctrines and to distinguish political and economic externalities); infra Part III (extending the theory to defend the individual mandate and ACA based upon a theory of political union developed in Part II).
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    • See SARA R. COLLINS & JENNIFER L. KRISS, THE COMMONWEALTH FUND, ENVISIONING THE FUTURE: THE 2008 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES' HEALTH REFORM PROPOSALS 3-15 (Jan. 2008), http://www.commonwealthfund.org/~/media/Files/ Publications/Fund%20Report/2008/Jan/Envisioning%20the%20Future %20%20The%202008%20Presidential%20Candidates%20Health%20Reform%20Proposals/ Collins-envisioningfuture2008candplans-1092%20pdf.pdf (comparing the health care policy proposals of four Republican and four Democratic candidates).
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    • fig.9 Mar.
    • In 2008, premium increases outpaced growth in worker's earnings by more than three to one. See THE HENRY J. KAISER FAMILY FOUND., HEALTH CARE COSTS: A PRIMER, 10 fig.9 (Mar. 2009), http://www.kff.org/insurance/upload/7670-02.pdf
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    • tbl.6
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    • Constitutionality of the patient protection and affordable care act under the commerce clause and the necessary and proper clause
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    • The 2011 HHS poverty guidelines
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    • Aug. 10 2:44 PM
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    • The driving game can be presented: with two drivers at an incipient stage of automobiles; with two contiguous jurisdictions, for example, states or municipalities; or with contiguous nations. For a recent illustration involving conforming a right-of-way law to noncontiguous nations to reduce accident risks, see Give Way Rules to Change, NA T 'L BUS. REV. (Sept. 29, 2010), http://www.nbr.co.nz/article/give-way-rules-change-130699 (discussing New Zealand's reversal of outlier right-of-way law) (last visited Sept. 12, 2011) (New Zealand, sadly, last visited by Max Stearns in October 2010).
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    • Because United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000), also implicates another game, we present that case in more detail infra section III.B.3. The Necessary and Proper Clause, U.S. CONST. art. I, § 8, cl. 18, only further bolsters our conclusion that congressional commerce power amply supports the ACA, including the controversial individual-mandate provision. Because our analysis is designed to demonstrate the nature of games that Congress can and cannot address using its Commerce Clause powers, based upon the distinction between political and economic externalities, we do not separately consider the Necessary and Proper Clause as an independent basis for sustaining the ACA against the pending constitutional challenges. For articles taking competing views on that question, compare Koppelman, supra note 2 (arguing that the clause justifies the individual mandate), with Gary Lawson & David B. Kopel, Bad News for Professor Koppelman: The Incidental Unconstitutionality of the Individual Mandate, 121 YALE L.J. ONLINE 267 (2011), http://yalelawjournal.org/ images/pdfs/1025.pdf (presenting a restrictive construction of the clause in opposition to the individual mandate). As early as McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. 316 (4 Wheat.) (1819), which rejected a constitutional challenge to the Second Bank of the United States, Chief Justice John Marshall recognized that the Necessary and Proper Clause was included among Congress's delegated powers in Article I, Section 8 to convey to Congress a choice of means respecting the implementation of policy pursuant to the exercise of its delegated powers. Id. at 323-24. In United States v. Comstock, 130 S. Ct. 1949 (2010), Justice Breyer, writing for a majority, reaffirmed this broad reading by devising a five-part balancing test used to sustain a federal statute empowering the Department of Justice to authorize the continued detention of a violent sex offender determined to pose an ongoing societal threat. See id. at 1965. Breyer's analysis, which balanced the exercise of congressional power against the convicted criminal's due process rights, considered among other factors the narrow applicability of potential extended detentions. See id. By contrast, Justice Scalia, writing separately in Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1 (2005), viewed the same clause from an opposite perspective. Whereas the Raich majority, in an opinion by Justice Stevens, sustained the application of the Controlled Substances Act to prevent any permissible use for marijuana as applied against the California Compassionate Use Act, which permitted medical marijuana on advice of a physician, id. at 1, 9, Scalia instead reached the same result based on the Necessary and Proper Clause in combination with the Commerce Clause. Id. at 34-35 (Scalia, J., concurring). Scalia reasoned that because growing marijuana neither substantially affects commerce nor is an obvious economic activity, the marijuana ban could only be sustained as a necessary and proper component of a broader federal regulatory scheme. Id. None of the cases pending before the Supreme Court present challenges to the ACA based on individual rights, and therefore, these cases do not implicate the concerns contained in Breyer's Comstock analysis, even in dictum. The remaining constructions treat the Necessary and Proper Clause as bolstering Congress's choice of means in implementing its delegated powers, which include, most notably, the Commerce Clause.
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    • Notably, Hawaii was not one of these states. While Baehr was on appeal, "sixty-nine percent of the citizens of Hawai'i voted to ratify what is now article I, section 23 of the Hawai'i Constitution: 'The legislature shall have the power to reserve marriage to opposite-sex couples.'" David Orgon Coolidge, The Hawai'i Marriage Amendment: Its Origins, Meaning and Fate, 22 U. HAW. L. REV. 19, 20 (2000) (quoting HAW. CONST. art. I, § 23).
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    • D.C. CODE § 46-401(a) (Supp. 2011); N.H. REV. STAT. ANN. § 457:1 - a (LexisNexis Supp. 2010); N.Y. DOM. REL. LAW § 10 - a (McKinney Supp. 2012); VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 15, § 8 (2010); Kerrigan v. Comm'r of Pub. Health, 957 A.2d 407, 482 (Conn. 2008); Varnum v. Brien, 763 N.W.2d 862, 907 (Iowa 2009); Goodridge v. Dep't of Pub. Health, 798 N.E.2d 941, 969 (Mass. 2003); Nicole Neroulias, Washington Gay Marriage Debate Not Yes or No, but Both, REUTERS, Feb. 16, 2012, http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/02/16/us-usa- gaymarriage-washington-idUSTRE81F10T20120216. The Governor of Maryland signed the same-sex marriage bill on March 1, 2012, but "[t]he law doesn't take effect until 2013, and opponents have started the process to collect signatures for an attempt to repeal the measure in November." Annie Linskey, Same-sex Marriage Bill Is Signed into Law; Measure Is Expected to Have an Impact Beyond the State's Borders, BALT. SUN, Mar. 2, 2012, at A1.
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    • See, e.g., CAL. FAM. CODE §§ 297-299.6 (Deering 2006 & Supp. 2011); ME. REV. STAT. tit. 22, § 2710 (Supp. 2010); NEV. REV. STAT. § 122A (2011); N.J. STAT. ANN. § 26:8A (West 2007); OR. REV. STAT. §§ 106.300-340 (2009); R.I. GEN. LAW S § 15-3.1 (Supp. 2011); WIS. STAT. § 770.001 (2009-2010). Delaware began to recognize same-sex civil unions on January 1, 2012, pursuant to the passing of Civil Union and Equality Act of 2011. 78 Del. Laws ch. 22. Civil unions became available in Hawaii on January 1, 2012, pursuant to the passing of Senate Bill 232, which is currently known as Act 1. 2011-1 Haw. Rev. Stat. Ann. Adv. Legis. Serv. 1 (LexisNexis). Illinois Senate Bill 1716 was passed in January 2011, and the Illinois Religious Freedom Protection and Civil Union Act came into effect on June 1, 2011. 2010 Ill. Legis. Serv. 4349 (West). As a consequence of DOMA's definitional provision, same-sex couples domiciled in permissive states cannot enjoy federal marital benefits, including those arising from joint tax returns, Social Security, the Family and Medical Leave Act, and Federal Employees Health Benefits and Group Life Insurance programs. Andrew Koppelman, Dumb and DOMA: Why the Defense of Marriage Act Is Unconstitutional, 83 IOWA L. REV. 1, 3-4 (1997).
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