China and the processes of cooperation in UN Security Council Deliberations

Chinese Journal of International Politics

Volumn 3, Issue 1, 2010, Pages 55-77

  Wuthnow, Joel ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77951049693     PISSN: 17508916     EISSN: 17508924     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/cjip/pop015     Document Type: Article

References (125)

1. Colum Lynch, 'UN Panel Adopts Wider Sanctions on North Korea', Washington Post, June 12, 2009
2. Neil MacFarquhar, 'UN Security Council Pushes North Korea by Passing Sanctions', New York Times, June 12, 2009
3. Evan S. Medeiros and M. Taylor Fravel, 'China's New Diplomacy', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 82, No. 6 (2003), pp. 74-90.
4. Xing Yue and Zhan Yijia of Tsinghua University make a similar argument; specifically, they contend that China's voting affinity with the other permanent members of the Security Council demonstrate converging interests among the great powers
5. Xing Yue and Zhan Yijia, 'Xin shenfen, xin liyi, xin waijiao', ('New Identity, New Interests, New Diplomacy',), Xiandai Guoji Guanxi (Contemporary International Relations), No. 11 (2006), p. 22.
6. James Traub, 'The World According to China', New York Times Magazine, September 3, 2006
7. Nicholas D. Kristof, 'China's Genocide Olympics', New York Times, January 24, 2008.
8. Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small, 'China's New Dictatorship Diplomacy', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No. 1 (2008), pp. 38-56.
9. Victor D. Cha, 'Beijing's Olympic-Sized Catch-22', Washington Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3 (2008), pp. 115-7.
10. Colum Lynch, 'UN Imposes New Sanctions on Iran; Administration Must Settle for Watered-Down Resolution', Washington Post, March 4, 2008
11. Colum Lynch and Glenn Kessler, 'UN Votes to Impose Sanctions on N. Korea; Council Demands End to Nuclear Program', Washington Post, October 15, 2006.
12. Warren Hoge, 'UN Council Approves Penalties in Darfur', New York Times, March 30, 2005
13. Jonathan Holslag, 'China's Diplomatic Maneuvering on the Question of Darfur', Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 17, No. 54 (2008), p. 78.
14. See 'Security Council Deplores Violence Used Against Myanmar Demonstrators', Press Release No. SC/9139, October 11, 2007
15. 'Security Council Condemns Violent Campaign Against Political Opposition in Zimbabwe', Press Release No. SC/9369, June 23, 2008.
16. Victor D. Cha, 'Beijing's Olympic-Sized Catch-22', pp. 117-8.
17. Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small, 'China's New Dictatorship Diplomacy'
18. For a discussion on China's evolving identity in the United Nations, refer to a series of articles by Zhao Lei, a scholar at the Central Party School of Chinese Communist Party
19. Zhao Lei, 'Zhongguo yu Lianheguo: lilun kuangjia, yanjin moxing fenxi', ('China and the UN: Theoretical Framework and Evolutionary Model Analysis',), Xin Yuanjian (New Thinking), No. 10 (2007)
20. Zhao Lei and Li Haiying, 'Zhonghua renmin gongheguo dui Lianheguo de waijiao xingwei', ('The PRC's Foreign Policy Behavior Towards the UN',), Xueshu Tansuo (Academic Exploration), No. 3 (2005)
21. Zhao Lei, 'Zhongguo dui Lianheguo guannian dingwei de lishi yanbian' ('The Historical Evolution of China's Conceptual Appraisal of the UN',), Yinshan Xuekan (Yinshan Academic Journal), No. 5 (2007).
22. For an overview of the 'responsible stakeholder' narrative, see Robert Zoellick, 'Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility', speech to the National Committee on US-China Relations, New York, September 21, 2005
23. A speech given by Assistant Foreign Minister Shen Guofang in the immediate aftermath of the Iraq War in November, 2003, provides a strong statement of China's investment in the Security Council. In it, he remarked that 'unilateral approaches can bring neither peace nor security', reaffirmed the 'sanctity' of the UN Charter, and described the Council as a 'core institution for the peaceful settlement of disputes.'
24. Shen Guofang, 'Towards an Enhanced Role for the UN Security Council in Maintaining International Peace and Security', speech to the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, November 21, 2003. A text of the speech can be found online at http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xwfw/zyjh/t45317.htm.
25. Samuel S. Kim, 'The People's Republic of China in the United Nations: A Preliminary Analysis', World Politics, Vol. 26, No. 3 (1974), pp. 314-5.
26. Chu Shulong also attributes China's passivity in the UN in the 1970s to an attempt to learn the rules of the game
27. Chu Shulong, Zhongguo waijiao zhanlue he zhengce (China's Diplomatic Strategy and Policies) (Beijing: Shishi chubanshe, 2008), p. 330.
28. Wang Yizhou, Zhongguo duiwai guanxi zhuanxing 30 nian (Transformation of Foreign Affairs and International Relations in China, 1978-2008) (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2008), pp. 117-8.
29. See 'Full Text of UN Permanent Five Summit Document', November 15, 2000. Available from the Chinese Foreign Ministry website http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/gjs/ gjzzyhy/2594/2602/t15216.htm.
30. Wu Xinbo, 'Four Contradictions Constraining China's Foreign Policy Behavior', Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 10, No. 27 (2001), p. 295
31. Hongying Wang, 'Multilateralism in Chinese Foreign Policy: The Limits of Socialization', Asian Survey, Vol. 40, No. 3 (2000), pp. 475-91.
32. Interview with a foreign affairs expert, Shanghai, September 2009
33. Samuel S. Kim, 'China and the United Nations', in Elizabeth Economy and Michael Okseberg, eds., China Joins the World: Progress and Prospects (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1999), p. 62.
34. Allen Carlson, 'Helping to Keep the Peace (Albeit Reluctantly): China's Recent Stance on Sovereignty in Multilateral Intervention', Pacific Affairs, Vol. 77, No. 1 (2004), pp. 19-26.
35. See also Allen Carlson, Unifying China, Integrating with the World (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2005)
36. Andrew Scobell, China and North Korea: From Comrades-in-Arms to Allies at Arms' Length (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2004), pp. 4-9
37. Sukhee Han, 'Alliance Fatigue and Asymmetrical Interdependence: Sino-North Korean Relations in Flux', Korean Journal of Defense Analysis, Vol. 16, No. 1 (2004), pp. 163-168.
38. Christopher J. Pehrson, String of Pearls: Meeting the Challenge of China's Rising Power Across the Asian Littoral (Carlisle Barracks, PA: U.S. Army War College, 2006)
39. Victor Cha, 'Beijing's Olympic-Sized Catch-22', p. 117.
40. Data on the foreign sources of China's energy supplies are available online from the U.S. Department of Energy, at http://www.eia.doe.gov/cabs/China/Oil.html.
41. Manochehr Dorraj and Carrie L. Currier, 'Lubricated with Oil: Iran-China Relations in a Changing World', Middle East Policy, Vol. 15, No. 2 (2008), p. 73.
42. Joseph Y.S. Cheng and Huangao Shi, 'China's African Policy in the Post-Cold War Era', Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol. 39, No. 1 (2009), pp. 87-115
43. Kent Hughes Butts and Brent Bankus, 'China's Pursuit of Africa's Natural Resources', Collins Center Study, Vol. 1, No. 9 (2009), pp. 3-8.
44. See Marc Lanteigne, China and International Institutions (London: Routledge, 2005)
45. Ann Kent, Beyond Compliance: China, International Organizations, and Global Security (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007)
46. Alastair Iain Johnston, Social States: China in International Institutions, 1980-2000 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)
47. Guoguang Wu and Helen Lansdowne, eds., China Turns to Multilateralism: Foreign Policy and Regional Security (London: Routledge, 2008).
48. This is known as the 'concession-convergence' model of decision-making in the negotiation literature
49. Howard Raiffa, The Art and Science of Negotiation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002), Chapter 4
50. Christer Jonsson, 'Diplomacy, Bargaining and Negotiation', in Walter Carlsnaes, ed., Handbook of International Relations (London: SAGE Publications, 2002), pp. 224-5
51. Roy J. Lewicki and Joseph A. Litterer, Negotiation (Homewood, IL: R.D. Irwin, 1985), p. 8.
52. An actor whose positions must be taken into account during the negotiating has been labeled a 'controller'. China's status as a controller results not simply from its veto power, but also from its undisputed political significance.
53. See: Robert Cox and Harold Jacobson, The Anatomy of Influence: Decision-making in International Organizations (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), pp. 12-13.
54. Ian Hurd, After Anarchy: Legitimacy and Power in the United Nations Security Council (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), pp. 190-3.
55. Samuel S. Kim, 'China and the United Nations', pp. 61-2
56. Samuel S. Kim, China, the United Nations and World Order (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 210-11
57. Nigel Thalakada, 'China's Voting Pattern in the Security Council, 1990-1995', in Bruce Russett, ed., The Once and Future Security Council (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997), p. 103.
58. Allen Carlson, 'Helping to Keep the Peace (Albeit Reluctantly)'
59. Allen Carlson, Unifying China, Integrating with the World
60. Pang Zhongying, 'China's Changing Attitude To UN Peacekeeping', International Peacekeeping, Vol. 12, No. 1 (2005), pp. 89-92.
61. Interview with foreign affairs expert, Shanghai, September 2009
62. Interviews with scholars, Beijing and Shanghai, July to September 2009
63. Alastair Iain Johnston, 'Is China a Status Quo Power?' International Security, Vol. 27, No. 4 (2003), pp. 14-15.
64. Negotiation theorists point to feasibility as a common constraint on cooperative agreements
65. See: Dean G. Pruitt and Jeffrey Z. Rubin, Social Conflict: Escalation, Stalemate and Settlement (New York: Random House, 1986), pp. 35-6.
66. Interviews with scholars, Beijing and Shanghai, July to September 2009
67. Interview with foreign affairs expert, Beijing, July 2009
68. Jack S. Levy, 'Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield', International Organization, Vol. 48, No. 2 (1994), p. 311.
69. Interview with foreign affairs expert, Shanghai, September 2009
70. David A. Lax and James Sebenius, 'The Manager as Negotiator', in J. William Breslin and Jeffrey Z. Rubin, eds., Negotiation Theory and Practice (Cambridge, MA: Program on Negotiation, Harvard Law School, 1993), pp. 162-7.
71. John P. Kotter, Power and Influence (New York: Free Press, 1985), p. 40.
72. Alastair Iain Johnston, Social States, p. 76.
73. Christine Gray, 'A Crisis of Legitimacy for the UN Collective Security System?' International and Comparative Law Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 1 (2007), p. 157
74. Courtney B. Smith, Politics and Processes at the United Nations: The Global Dance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2006), p. 169.
75. James Sebenius, 'Dealing With Blocking Coalitions and Related Barriers to Agreement', in Kenneth Arrow, ed., Barriers to Conflict Resolution (New York: W.W. Norton, 1995).
76. Elster also points out that the need to make principled arguments increases with the publicity of the deliberation; i.e., one may be willing to interact frankly in a closed setting, but not willing to do so in front of a wider audience.
77. Jon Elster, 'Strategic Uses of Argument', in Kenneth Arrow, ed., Barriers to Conflict Resolution
78. Jon Elster, 'Deliberation and Constitution-Making', in Jon Elster, ed., Deliberative Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
79. Indeed, the most recent episode of political maneuvering that has been reported in the academic literature appears to be the 1995-1996 Taiwan Straits crisis
80. For a discussion on how fissures between Jiang Zemin and Li Peng may have resulted in policy outcomes on Taiwan, for instance, see You Ji, 'Making Sense of War Games in the Taiwan Strait', Journal of Contemporary China, Vol. 6, No. 15 (1997), pp. 287-305.
81. Although this argument has been disputed, such fissures, if any, likely would have been mended with a consolidation of Jiang Zemin's authority after the 15th Party Congress in 1997
82. Alexander George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), Chapter 4
83. Charles Tilley, 'Means and Ends of Comparison in Macrosociology', Comparative Social Research, Vol. 16 (1997), pp. 43-53.
84. UN Security Council Document S/RES/1718 (2006)
85. UN Security Council Document S/RES/1737 (2006)
86. For military force to be authorized, the Council would have to refer to Article 42, which authorizes blockades, demonstrations, and military operations to guarantee compliance. The text of Chapter VII can be found at the UN's website: http://www.un.org/en/documents/charter/chapter7.shtml.
87. UN Security Council, Provisional Summary, 5551st Meeting (Document S/PV.5551), p. 4.
88. UN Security Council, Provisional Summary, 5612th Meeting (Document S/PV.5612), pp. 7-8.
89. Warren Hoge, 'Security Council Supports Sanctions on North Korea', New York Times, October 14, 2006
90. Colum Lynch, 'Sanctions on Iran Approved by UN; Strongest Measures Stripped from Final Resolution', Washington Post, December 24, 2006
91. Elissa Gootman, 'Security Council Approves Sanctions Against Iran on Nuclear Program', New York Times, December 24, 2006
92. A Yuan, 'Zhongguo shenyong foujuequan', ('China's Meticulous Use of Veto Power',), Liaowang (Outlook), July 17, 2007, p. 49.
93. Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small, 'China's New Dictatorship Diplomacy'
94. Zhang Liangui, 'Chaoxian heshiyan hou de jushi he Zhongguo de xuanze' ('The Post-North Korean Nuclear Test Situation and China's Options',), Xin Yuanjian (New Thinking), No. 2, 2007.
95. th Meeting (Document S/PV.5500), pp. 5-6.
96. Interview with foreign affairs experts, Shanghai, September 2009
97. Judy Aita, 'United States Seeks Firm Security Council Stand on North Korea', Washington File, October 4, 2006
98. Colum Lynch, 'Security Council Sets Deadline for Iran', Washington Post, August 1, 2006
99. UN Security Council Document S/RES/1706 (2006)
100. Daniel Schneifer, 'UN Council Votes to Send Troops to Darfur; Sudan Objects', New York Times, September 1, 2006
101. th Meeting (Document S/PV.5519), pp. 4-5.
102. M. Taylor Fravel, 'China's Attitude Toward UN Peacekeeping Operations since 1989', Asian Survey, Vol. 36, No. 11 (1996), pp. 1104-5.
103. Paula Cristina Roque and Chris Alden, 'China and the UN Security Council: From Observer to Activist', China in Africa Policy Briefing, No. 2 (April 2008), p. 3
104. Stephanie Kleine-Ahlbrandt and Andrew Small, 'China's New Dictatorship Diplomacy'
105. James Traub, 'The World According to China'
106. Glenn Kessler, 'In Sudan, U.S. to Advocate Adding Troops', Washington Post, August 26, 2006.
107. Luo Jianbo and Jiang Hengkun, 'Daerfuer weiji de hejie Jincheng yu Zhongguo Guojia Xingxiang Suzao', ('The Process of Resolving the Darfur Crisis and the Development of China's National Image',), Waijiao Pinglun (Foreign Affairs Review), No. 3 (2008), pp. 48-9
108. Luo Jianbo and Jiang Hengkun, 'Daerfuer wenti de zhengzhi jiejue jincheng ji dui Zhongguo waijiao de qishi', ('The Course of the Political Solution to the Darfur Issue and its Implications for China's Diplomacy',), Xiya Feizhou (West Asia and Africa), No. 3 (2008), p. 10.
109. UN Security Council Draft Resolution S/2007/14 (2007)
110. The abstaining states were Congo, Indonesia and Qatar. Nine states voted affirmatively, which would have been sufficient for approval if not for the two vetoes. The resolution appeared on the Security Council's agenda after a split vote (10 to 4, with one abstention) in September, 2006. According to Security Council rules, veto power does not apply to procedural votes (including adoption of the agenda).
111. UN Security Council Draft Resolution S/2008/447 (2008)
112. As with the vote on Myanmar, nine states voted in favor of the resolution. Hence, the failure was due to the joint veto rather than the number of states voting negatively.
113. Warren Hoge, 'U.S. Rebuke to Myanmar is Rebuked by UN Vetoes', New York Times, January 13, 2007.
114. James Bone and David Robertson, 'Russia and China Stand By Mugabe', The Times, July 12, 2008
115. rd Meeting (Document S/PV.5933), pp. 12-13.
116. th Meeting (Document S/PV.5619), pp. 2-3
117. rd Meeting (Document S/PV.5933), pp. 12-13.
118. Ni Xiayun, 'ZhongMei guanxi zhong de Miandian wenti', ('The Myanmar Issue in Sino-U.S. Relations',) YaFei Zongheng (Asia & Africa Review), No. 6 (2007), pp. 8-9.
119. Tao Duanfang, 'Zhongguo zai Jinbabuwei wenti shang de liyi tianping', ('China's Balance of Interests on the Zimbabwe Issue',), Zhongguo Shichang (China Market), No. 37 (2008), p. 71.
120. Colum Lynch, 'Russia, China Veto Resolution on Burma', Washington Post, January 13, 2007
121. Matthew Lee, 'China Resists U.S. Push for UN to Punish Zimbabwe', Associated Press Online, June 29, 2008.
122. th Meeting (Document S/PV.5619), pp. 2-3
123. rd Meeting (Document S/PV.5933), p. 13.
124. Neil MacFarquhar, '2 Vetoes Quash UN Sanctions on Zimbabwe', New York Times, July 12, 2008
125. John Ikenberry, 'The Rise of China and the Future of the West: Can the Liberal System Survive?' Foreign Affairs, Vol. 87, No.1 (2008), pp. 23-37.