The Imperative to Rebuild: Assessing the Normative Case for Postconflict Reconstruction

Ethics and International Affairs

Volumn 23, Issue 2, 2009, Pages 121-146

  Gheciu, Alexandra ^a   Welsh, Jennifer ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77950785682     PISSN: 08926794     EISSN: 17477093     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7093.2009.00203.x     Document Type: Article

References (79)

1. For more critical analyses see, for example, William Bain, Between Anarchy and Society: Trusteeship and the Obligations of Power (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003)
2. and Ralph Wilde, International Territorial Administration: How Trusteeship and the Civilizing Mission Never Went Away (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
3. See also Richard Caplan, International Governance of War-Torn Territories: Rule and Reconstruction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005)
4. and Simon Chesterman, You, the People: The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
5. Brian Orend, “Justice after War,” Ethics & International Affairs 16, no. 1 (2002), pp. 43–56
6. Gary J. Bass, “Jus Post Bellum,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 32, no. 4 (2004), pp. 384–412
7. Alex J. Bellamy, “The Responsibilities of Victory: Jus Post Bellum and the Just War,” Review of International Studies 34, no. 4 (2008), pp. 601–625
8. and Sigal Ben-Porath, “Care Ethics and Dependence—Rethinking Jus Post Bellum,” Hypatia 23, no. 2 (2008), pp. 61–71.
9. See Bain, Between Anarchy and Society
10. Wilde, International Territorial Administration
11. and David Chandler, Empire in Denial: The Politics of Statebuilding (London: Pluto Press, 2006).
12. This notion is set out in the report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. See The Responsibility to Protect (Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 2001), pp. 39–45.
13. Bellamy refers to this as the “minimalist approach” to postconflict reconstruction. See “Responsibilities of Victory,” pp. 602–605.
14. Michael Walzer, Arguing about War (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2004), p. 19.
15. Adam Roberts and Richard Guelff, eds., Documents on the Laws of War, 3rd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 80–84, 317–27.
16. Bellamy, “Responsibilities of Victory,” p. 605.
17. See also David Scheffer, “The Security Council and International Law on Military Occupations,” in Vaughan Lowe, Adam Roberts, Jennifer Welsh, and Dominik Zaum, eds., The United Nations Security Council and War: The Evolution of Thought and Practice since 1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 580–607.
18. Walzer, Arguing about War, p. 21. While Walzer insists that a moral account of post bellum should offer guidelines for establishing what is ethical in statebuilding (thereby constraining the practices of international officials), he offers little in the way of detailed suggestions.
19. Cited in Amitai Etzioni, Security First: For A Muscular, Moral Foreign Policy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007), p. 66.
20. Noah Feldman, What We Owe Iraq: War and the Ethics of Nation Building (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), pp. 80–81.
21. Responsibility to Protect, p. 39.
22. For an analysis of ICISS contribution to the debate on intervention and reconstruction, see Jennifer Welsh, Carolin Thielking, and S. Neil MacFarlane, “The Responsibility to Protect: Assessing the Report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty,” in Ramesh Thakur, Andrew F. Cooper, and John English, eds., International Commissions and the Power of Ideas (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2005), pp. 198–220.
23. Address by Prime Minister Paul Martin at the United Nations, September 22, 2004; available at www.canadainternational.gc.ca/g8/media/2004/paul_martin_un-na_2004.aspx?lang=eng (accessed March 5, 2009).
24. The term is drawn from David Miller. See “Distributing Responsibilities,” Journal of Political Philosophy 9, no. 4 (2001), p. 454.
25. See Journal of Political Philosophy, pp. 464–68, for a discussion of these principles.
26. Nicholas Wood, “Barroso Stresses Balkans' Future in EU,” International Herald Tribune, February 17, 2006; available at www.iht.com/articles/2006/02/17/news/balkans.php.
27. For a clear articulation of the international harm principle, see Larry May, Crimes Against Humanity: A Normative Account (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
28. Robert E. Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable: A Reanalysis of Our Social Responsibilities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).
29. National Security Strategy of the United States of America, March 2006, p. 1, p. 5.
30. See Kalypso Nicoläidis and Robert Howse, “‘This is my EUtopia … ’: Narrative as Power,” Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 4 (2002), pp. 767–792.
31. See Ian Manners, “Normative Power Europe: A Contradiction in Terms?” Journal of Common Market Studies 40, no. 2 (2000), p. 241.
32. Javier Solana and Per Stig Moeller, “The EU Takes Responsibility and Makes a Difference,” Jyllands Posten, September 7, 2006; available at www.um.dk/en/menu/AboutUs/TheMinister/ SpeechesAndArticles/Archives2006/EuropeTakesResponsibility.htm (accessed March 5, 2009).
33. Ambassador Guenter Burghardt, Head of Delegation of the European Commission to the United States (address to the conference on “The European Union: Its Role and Power in the Emerging International System,” Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, October, 3–5, 2003) (emphasis added).
34. Canada's International Policy Statement, A Role of Pride and Influence in the World (Ottawa: Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 2005), pp. 20–22.
35. Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the Collège de France (London: Penguin Books, 2003).
36. Martin Wight, “Western Values in International Relations,” in Martin Wight and Herbert Butterfield, eds., Diplomatic Investigations (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966), p. 128.
37. Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 7th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006)
38. see the foreword by Kenneth W. Thompson and W. David Clinton, p. xxiv.
39. For a more detailed analysis, see Alexandra Gheciu, NATO in the “New Europe”: The Politics of International Socialization after the Cold War (Palo Alto, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2005)
40. and Michael C. Williams, “The Discipline of the Democratic Peace: Kant, Liberalism and the Social Construction of Security Communities,” European Journal of International Relations 7, no. 4 (2001), pp. 525–553.
41. For an examination of the origins and operationalization of the so-called liberal peace thesis, see Roland Paris, At War's End: Building Peace after Civil Conflicts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), ch. 2.
42. See, for instance, Bernard Kouchner, “The Challenge of Rebuilding Kosovo,” NATO Review 47, no. 4 (1999)
43. and the “Report of the Secretary General of the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo,” UN Security Council Document S/1999/779, July 12, 1999.
44. National Security Strategy of the United States of America, p. 7.
45. See, for example, “The Alliance's Strategic Concept,” NATO Press Release, Washington, DC, April 23–24, 1999; available at www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99–065e.htm.
46. A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy, December 12, 2003; available at www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf.
47. Speech by Indian Ambassador to the United Nations, Kamalesh Sharma, UN doc. S/PV.4497, March 26, 2002.
48. Joint Statement on Counterterrorism by the President of the United States and the President of Russia, Shanghai, October 21, 2001; available at www.ln.mid.ru/bl.nsf/5d5fc0348b8b2d26c3256def0051fa20/ dfe9a9a6bb8e0d4443256bc3005201fb?OpenDocument.
49. For an analysis of the “morality of states” perspective, see, for instance, R. J. Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 113–115.
50. Bass, “Jus Post Bellum,” pp. 394–395.
51. “Chinese Foreign Ministry Statement Welcomes ‘New Stage’ in Cambodian Settlement,” Xinhua News Agency, September 11, 1990.
52. Speech by Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations, Shen Guofang, UN doc. S/PV.4057, October 25, 1999.
53. See also the speech by Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations, Liu Zhenmin, UN doc. S/PV.5512, August 15, 2006.
54. “China Says Afghan People Must Have Final Say in Their Future,” Xinhua News Agency, Beijing, November 12, 2001.
55. Speech by Chinese Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr. Shen Guofang, UN doc. S/PV.4272, February 5, 2001.
56. Henry Shue, “Exporting Hazards,” in Peter G. Brown and Henry Shue, eds., Boundaries: National Autonomy and Its Limits (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1981), pp. 135–136.
57. See also Goodin, Protecting the Vulernable, pp. 126–127.
58. A recent statement of this argument can be found in Ian Hurd, After Anarchy: Legitimacy and Power in the United Nations Security Council (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007).
59. Toni Erskine, “‘Blood on the UN's Hands’? Assigning Duties and Apportioning Blame to an Intergovernmental Organisation,” Global Society 18, no. 1 (2004), pp. 21–42.
60. See for example, David D. Caron, “The Legitimacy of the Collective Authority of the Security Council,” American Journal of International Law 87 (1993), pp. 552–588
61. and the introduction to Lowe et al, eds., The United Nations Security Council and War.
62. For a philosophical analysis that weighs effectiveness against other criteria in judging the UN's legitimacy, see James Pattison, “Humanitarian Intervention and International Law: The Moral Importance of an Intervener's Legal Status,” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10, no. 3 (2007), pp. 301–319.
63. Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable, p. 125.
64. David Rodin, “The Responsibility to Protect and the Logic of Rights,” in Oliver Jütersonke and Keith Krause, eds., From Rights to Responsibilities: Rethinking Interventions for Humanitarian Purposes (Geneva: Graduate Institute of International Studies, 2006).
65. David Miller, “The Responsibility to Protect Human Rights,” article presented to the International Symposium on Justice, Legitimacy, and Public International Law, University of Bern, December, 15–17, 2006.
66. John Stuart Mill, “A Few Words on Nonintervention” (1859), in Gertrude Himmelfarb, ed., Essays on Politics and Culture (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1973), pp. 368–384.
67. See David Chandler, Bosnia: Faking Democracy after Dayton, 2nd ed. (London: Pluto, 2000).
68. Robert Jackson, The Global Covenant: Human Conduct in a World of States (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 412
69. and Bain, Between Anarchy and Society, p. 26.
70. Responsibility to Protect, p. 44.
71. Mohammed Ayoob, “Humanitarian Intervention and State Sovereignty,” International Journal of Human Rights 6, no.1 (2002), p. 93.
72. Michael Oakeshott, “The Tower of Babel,” in his Rationalism in Politics and Other Essays (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1991), pp. 478–479.
73. Feldman, What We Owe Iraq, p. 22.
74. A. Gheciu's interviews with British, American, and Canadian officials, May-July 2008.
75. For further elaboration, see Chesterman, You, the People, p. 252.
76. See David Campbell, “Apartheid Cartography: The Political Anthropology and Spatial Effects of International Diplomacy in Bosnia,” Political Geography 18, no. 4 (1999), pp. 395–435.
77. Astri Suhrke, “Reconstruction as Modernisation: The ‘Post-Conflict’ Project in Afghanistan,” Third World Quarterly 28, no. 7 (2007), pp. 1291–1308.
78. Nick Grono, “Success in Afghanistan: How to Define It, How to Make It Happen,” Speech at the Policy Dialogue Conference, European Policy Centre, Brussels, April 2, 2008; available at www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5371&l=1.
79. Examples of scholars who have argued for potential solutions to manage these dilemmas include Caplan, International Governance of War-Torn Territories and Paris, At War's End.