Jus post bellum

Philosophy and Public Affairs

Volumn 32, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 384-412

  Bass, Gary J ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33845464936     PISSN: 00483915     EISSN: 10884963     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1088-4963.2004.00019.x     Document Type: Article

References (128)

1. In 1919, for instance, the editors of The New Republic wrote of the Treaty of Versailles, "If a war which was supposed to put an end to war culminates without strenuous protest by humane men and women in a treaty of peace which renders peace impossible, the liberalism which preached this meaning for the war will have committed suicide." ("Peace at Any Price," The New Republic, May 24, 1919, p. 101.)
2. L. Holmes, On War and Morality (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 146-82
3. for a splendid discussion of jus ad bellum and jus in bello, but with nothing said about postwar outcomes. The same can be said about the pastoral letter by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops, The Challenge of Peace: God's Promise and Our Response (Washington, D.C.:United States Catholic Conference, 1983), pp. 28-48.
4. For compelling thoughts about postwar justice, see James Turner Johnson, Morality and Contemporary Warfare (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), pp. 207-18
5. The most comprehensive effort on jus post bellum I have found is Brian Orend's helpful War and International Justice: A Kantian Perspective (Waterloo, Ont.: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2000), pp. 217-63.
6. He lists five principles: a just termination of the war once its objectives have been largely met; right intention, meaning no revenge; working with a legitimate domestic authority that respects human rights; discrimination, meaning no collective punishment; and proportionality He lists five principles: a just termination of the war once its objectives have been largely met; right intention, meaning no revenge; working with a legitimate domestic authority that respects human rights; discrimination, meaning no collective punishment; and proportionality.
7. "In the President's Words: 'Free People Will Keep the Peace of the World'," The New York Times, February 27, 2003, p. A10.
8. Jimmy Carter, "Just War-or Just a War?" The New York Times, March 9, 2003, Week in Review section, p. 13. In fact, the just war tradition originally only mandated a return to the status quo ante.
9. St. Augustine, Concerning the City of God Against the Pagans, trans. Henry Bettenson (London: Penguin, 1984), bk. 19, ch. 12, p. 866.
10. Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations (New York: Basic, 1992), p. 123.
11. John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1999), p. 59. See also pp. 122-23.
12. Rawls, Law of Peoples, p. 98.
13. Rawls, Law of Peoples, p. 96. Italics added.
14. Colin Powell with Joseph E. Persico, My American Journey (New York: Random House, 1995), p. 588.
15. Edward N. Luttwak, "No-Score War," Times Literary Supplement, July 14, 2000, p. 15 For a more nuanced argument about moral duties in postwar Kosovo.
16. see Stephen Holmes, "Looking Away," London Review of Books, November 14, 2001.
17. Michael Ignatieff, "The Burden," The New York Times Magazine, January 5, 2003, pp. 26-27
18. Kenneth M. Pollack, The Threatening Storm: The Case for Invading Iraq (New York: Random House, 2002), pp. 328-39, 386-410
19. David Remnick, "Making a Case," The New Yorker, February 3, 2003, p. 31
20. Barham A. Salih, "Give Us a Chance to Build a Democratic Iraq," The New York Times, February 5, 2003, p. A27.
21. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, pp. 25-32
22. James D. Morrow, "The Institutional Features of the Prisoners of War Treaties," International Organization 55 (2001): 971-91.
23. Elisabeth Bumiller, "Bush Defends Barring Nations From Iraq Deals," The New York Times, December 12, 2003, p. A1.
24. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 86.
25. Josef Joffe, "After Bipolarity: Eastern and Western Europe between Two Ages," in The Strategic Implications of Change in the Soviet Union (London: International nstitute for Strategic Studies, winter 1989-90), Adelphi paper no. 247, p. 71.
26. Ze'ev Schiff and Ehud Ya'ari, Israel's Lebanon War, trans. Ina Friedman (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984), pp. 42-43, 48-49, 52-61.
27. Winston S. Churchill, The Second World War: The Gathering Storm (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1948), p. 11.
28. Cowley to Russell, August 3, 1860, in Great Britain, Foreign Office, Correspondence Relating to the Affairs of Syria 1860-61 (London: Harrison and Sons, 1861), pp. 38-39.
29. French Foreign Ministry archives diplomatiques, Quai d'Orsay, Paris: Mémoires et documents, Turquie, vol. 122, "Note sur les Causes de l'évacuation de la Syrie par la France, 1860-61.
30. George F. Kennan, "Diplomacy in the Modern World," in American Diplomacy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), p. 101. See also Carl von Clausewitz, On War
31. See also Carl von Clausewitz, On War, trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 603, 579-81, 603-37.
32. St. Augustine, City of God, bk. 19, ch. 7, p. 861.
33. A.J.P. Taylor, Bismarck: The Man and Statesman (New York: Knopf, 1955), p. 79.
34. Michael Howard, The Franco-Prussian War: The German Invasion of France, 1870-1871 (London: Routledge, 1988), pp. 441, 449.
35. Holmes, On War and Morality, pp. 147-48.
36. Stanley Hoffmann, Duties Beyond Borders: On the Limits and Possibilities of Ethical International Relations (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1981), pp. 50-51
37. Rawls, Law of Peoples, p. 101.
38. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 117.
39. Dan Reiter and Allan C. Stam, Democracies at War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 164-92
40. H. E. Goemans, War and Punishment: The Causes of War Termination and the First World War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), p. 7.
41. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 121. Orend disagrees: "There is . . . no such thing as a morally mandated unconditional surrender" (War and International Justice, p. 233).
42. Howard, Franco-Prussian War, p. 449.
43. G. John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001).
44. Robert Jervis, "Cooperation under the Security Dilemma," World Politics 30 (1978):167-214
45. Robert Jervis, Perception and Misperception in International Politics (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1976), pp. 58-83
46. Stephen Walt, The Origins of Alliances (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), pp. 147-80.
47. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, pp. 121-22
48. Judith N. Shklar, Ordinary Vices (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 4
49. See also Clausewitz, On War, p. 80.
50. John Stuart Mill, "A Few Words on Non-Intervention," in Dissertations and Discussions: Political, Philosophical, and Historical, vol. 3 (London: Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1867), p. 167.
51. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 123.
52. Other theorists are more skeptical about the weight of sovereignty. See Charles R. Beitz, Political Theory and International Relations (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 71.
53. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 115.
54. "Revenge is strictly ruled out as an animating force" (Orend, War and International Justice, p. 232).
55. Morgenthau to FDR, in Morgenthau Diary-Germany (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967), vol. I, pp. 631-32
56. Henry L. Stimson Diaries (at Yale University, New Haven, Conn.), vol. 48, pp. 36, 44.
57. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 123.
58. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 113.
59. On the United States' reconstruction of Japan, see John W. Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II (New York: Norton, 1999).
60. Ian Buruma, The Wages of Guilt:Memories of War in Germany and Japan (New York: Meridian, 1994).
61. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 116.
62. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 106.
63. Genocide epitomizes what Judith Shklar would have called the summum malum. As Shklar wrote, "Cruelty is different-and not, I think, just because we are too squeamish" (Shklar, Ordinary Vices, p. 3).
64. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, pp. 51-55, 58-63, 101-08.
65. Robert O. Keohane, "Political Authority after Interventions: Gradations in Sovereignty," in Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas.
66. J. L. Holzgrefe and Robert O. Keohane (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp 275-98.
67. Recent scholarship suggests that even on Walzerian grounds, the reconstruction of Imperial Japan was indeed justified. To be sure, there is no precise analogue to the Holocaust, but Imperial Japan was nevertheless cruel beyond reason. Most historians would probably argue that Japan was sufficiently murderous in Nanjing and elsewhere that it would qualify for inclusion alongside Milosevic's Serbia-and probably in even worse company. See Ian Buruma, "War and Remembrance: Memories of the Nanjing Massacre Are Drenched in Politics," Far Eastern Economic Review, September 5, 1991, pp. 51-52
68. The Nanjing Massacre in History and Historiography, ed. Joshua A. Fogel (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).
69. Hezbollah claims to be poised to launch a wider international campaign against the United States and the West. (Neil MacFarquhar, "Hezbollah Becomes Potent Anti-U.S. Force," The New York Times, December 24, 2002, pp. A1, A12.)
70. John Stuart Mill, "Representative Government," in Three Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), p. 380.
71. Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars, p. 116.
72. Samantha Power, "A Problem from Hell": America and the Age of Genocide (New York: Basic, 2002).
73. Shklar, Ordinary Vices, pp. 15-23.
74. British Public Records Office, Kew, London: FO 371/4172/12905, January 7, 1919.
75. Michael Walzer, "Lone Ranger," The New Republic, April 27, 1998, pp. 10-11.
76. Floyd Abrams, Kampuchea, After the Worst: A Report on Current Violations of Human Rights (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1985).
77. Power, Problem from Hell, pp. 329-89;
78. Philip Gourevitch, We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda (New York: Farrar, Straus,&Giroux, 1998), pp. 104-07.
79. Alison Des Forges et al., Leave None to Tell the Story:Genocide in Rwanda (New York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), pp. 747-65.
80. National Democratic Institute report on Serbia, May 2002; the International Republican Institute, Serbian National Survey," November 2002 National Democratic Institute report on Serbia, May 2002; the International Republican Institute, "Serbian National Survey," November 2002.
81. David Rieff, Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West (New York: Simon&Schuster, 1996)
82. Richard K. Betts, "The Delusion of Impartial Intervention," Foreign Affairs 73 (1994): 20-33.
83. Ikenberry, After Victory, pp. 3-7, 233-56
84. Judith N. Shklar, Legalism: Law, Morals, and Political Trials (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986). There is little empirical evidence for the common claim that war crimes trials will deter future perpetrators
85. See my Stay the Hand of Vengeance: The Politics of War Crimes Tribunals (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 290-95.
86. Kant argues against pardons in The Metaphysics of Morals (in Kant, Practical Philosophy, ed. Mary J. Gregor [New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996], pp. 473-78).
87. Alexander Hamilton takes the opposite position in Federalist no. 74 (James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, ed. Isaac Kramnick [New York: Penguin, 1987], pp. 422-24).
88. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 141.
89. George Stephanopoulos, All Too Human: A Political Education (New York: Little, Brown, 1999), pp. 193-94
90. Arafat's subsequent rejection of the Camp David peace proposal makes Rabin's decision look more tragic.
91. Raymond Aron, Peace and War: A Theory of International Relations, trans. Richard Howard and Annette Baker Fox (New York: Praeger, 1967), p. 115.
92. Bass, Stay the Hand of Vengeance, p. 232.
93. Steve R. Weisman, "Exile for Hussein May Be an Option, U.S. Officials Hint," The New York Times, January 20, 2003, p. A1.
94. For an argument against such an amnesty, see "No Exit," The New Republic, February 3, 2003, p. 7.
95. Ryan Lizza, "Where Angels Fear to Tread," The New Republic, July 24, 2000, p. 22.
96. Richard Holbrooke, To End a War (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 98.
97. Hazem Ghobarah, Paul Huth and Bruce Russett, "Civil Wars Kill and Maim People- Long after the Shooting Stops," American Political Science Review 97 (2003): 189-202.
98. Michael J. Shuck, "When the Shooting Stops: Missing Elements in Just War Theory," The Christian Century, October 24, 1994, p. 983.
99. Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation:My Years in the State Department (New York: Norton, 1969), p. 77.
100. For a similar argument, see Orend, War and International Justice, pp. 227-28.
101. In March 1945, a Gallup poll found that fully 71 percent of Americans thought that three or four million German men should be forced to spend two or three years rebuilding Soviet cities. (The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1935-1971, ed. George H. Gallup [New York: Random House, 1972], vol. I: 1935-1948, vol. I, pp. 491-92.)
102. Martha Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness: Facing History after Genocide and Mass Violence (Boston: Beacon, 1998), p. 93.
103. John Maynard Keynes, The Economic Consequences of the Peace (London: Macmillan&Co., 1920). Shuck might frown on reparations as immorally punitive ("When the Shooting Stops," p. 982).
104. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, trans. Anne Cohler et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), bk. 2
105. Rawls, Law of Peoples, p. 46
106. Norman Angell, The Great Illusion: A Study of the Relation of Military Power in Nations to their Economic and Social Advantage, 3rd ed. (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1911). For skeptical notes
107. see Alexander Hamilton, Federalist no. 6, in Federalist Papers, pp. 106-07
108. William James, "The Moral Equivalent of War," in War: Studies from Psychology, Sociology, Anthropology, ed. Leon Bramson and George W. Goethals (New York: Basic Books, 1968), p. 22
109. A.J.P. Taylor, The Struggle for Mastery in Europe1848-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), p. 255.
110. Kant, "To Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch (1795)," in Perpetual Peace and Other Essays, trans. Ted Humphrey (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett, 1983), p. 125.
111. His fourth preliminary article is that there should be no national debts for the purpose of gaining power; that is, states cannot run up debt as they fight long, bruising wars.
112. Madison, "Universal Peace" (1792), in TheMind of the Founder: Sources of the Political Thought of James Madison, ed. Marvin Meyers (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1973), p. 193.
113. Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness, pp. 91-112
114. Elazar Barkan, The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices (New York: Norton, 2000), pp. 317-22.
115. Gneisenau to Müffling, June 27, 1815, in Baron von Müffling, Passages From My Life; Together with Memoirs of the Campaign of 1813and1814and , ed. Philip Yorke (London: Richard Bentley, 1853), p. 273.
116. Howard, Franco-Prussian War, pp. 441, 447
117. Donald Kagan, On the Origins of War and the Preservation of Peace (New York: Doubleday, 1994), p. 292.
118. Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust, trans. Haim Watzman (New York: Hill & Wang, 1994), pp. 189-252
119. Barkan, Guilt of Nations, pp. 3-29.
120. Leslie T. Hatamiya, Righting a Wrong: Japanese Americans and the Passage of the Civil Liberties Act of 1988(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993).
121. Barkan, Guilt of Nations, pp. xxiv, 30-45
122. Minow, Between Vengeance and Forgiveness, pp. 94-102.
123. B92 news report, January 24, 2003.
124. Sally Marks, "The Myth of Reparations," Central European History 11 (1978): 231-55;
125. Marc Trachtenberg, Reparation in World Politics: France and European Economic Diplomacy,1916-1923(New York: Columbia University Press, 1980).
126. Kagan, Origins of War, pp. 288-93, 303-07
127. Margaret Olwen Macmillan, Paris 1919 Six Months That Changed the World (New York: Random House, 2002).
128. Kagan, Origins of War, p. 291.