Long time going: Religion and the duration of Crusading

International Security

Volumn 34, Issue 2, 2009, Pages 162-193

  Horowitz, Michael C ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 77349092352     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: 15314804     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/isec.2009.34.2.162     Document Type: Article

References (197)

1. Mack P. Holt, "Putting Religion Back into the Wars of Religion," French Historical Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993), pp. 524-551.
2. Daniel Philpott, "The Religious Roots of Modern International Relations," World Politics, Vol. 52, No. 2 (January 2000), pp. 206-245.
3. Daniel Philpott, "The Challenge of September 11 to Secularism in International Relations," World Politics, Vol. 55, No. 1 (October 2002), pp. 66-95.
4. Timothy Samuel Shah and Monica Duffy Toft, "Why God Is Winning," Foreign Policy, No. 155 (July/August 2006), pp. 39-43.
5. Monica Duffy Toft, "Getting Religion? The Puzzling Case of Islam and Civil War," International Security, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Spring 2007), p. 98.
6. George W. Bush, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington, D.C.: White House, March 2006), http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/nsc/nss/2006.
7. Scott Wilson and Al Kamen, "'Global War on Terror' Is Given New Name," Washington Post, March 25, 2009.
8. Office of the Secretary of Defense, Quadrennial Defense Review Report (Washington, D.C.: Department of Defense, February 6, 2006), http://www.defenselink.mil/qdr/report/Report20060203.pdf.
9. See, for example, Jarret M. Brachman and William F. McCants, "Stealing Al Qaeda's Playbook," Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Vol. 29, No. 4 (July 2006), pp. 309-321.
10. Jonathan Riley-Smith, "Jihad Crusaders: What an Osama Bin Laden Means by 'Crusade,'" National Review, January 5, 2004, http://www.nationalreview.com/comment/rileysmith200401050839.asp.
11. George W. Bush, "Remarks by the President upon Arrival: The South Lawn," Office of the Press Secretary, September 16, 2001, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/09/20010916-2.html.
12. Jonathan Riley-Smith, "Islam and the Crusades in History and Imagination, 8 November 1898-11 September 2001," in Benjamin Z. Kedar, Helen Nicholson, and Riley-Smith, eds., Crusades, Vol. 2 (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2003), pp. 161-162.
13. This is not to say the war on terrorism is a crusade
14. Norman Housley, Contesting the Crusades (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2006), p. 157.
15. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New York: Routledge, 2001).
16. A related question not addressed here is why religious interpretations sometimes change to support military action. See, for example, Daniel Philpott, "Explaining the Political Ambivalence of Religion," American Political Science Review, Vol. 101, No. 3 (August 2007), pp. 505-525.
17. Rawi Abdelal, Rose McDermott, Yoshiko M. Herrera, and Alastair Iain Johnston, "Identity as a Variable," Perspectives on Politics, Vol. 4, No. 4 (December 2006), pp. 695-711, at p. 696. This article provisionally adopts their definition of identity.
18. Ibid.; and Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).
19. On the clash of civilizations, see Jonathan Fox, Religion, Civilization, and Civil War: 1945 through the New Millennium (Lanham, Md.: Lexington, 2004)
20. Errol A. Henderson and Richard Tucker, "Clear and Present Strangers: The Clash of Civilizations and International Conflict," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 45, No. 2 (June 2001), pp. 317-338
21. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996)
22. Bruce M. Russett, John R. Oneal, and Michaelene Cox, "Clash of Civilizations, or Realism and Liberalism Déjà Vu? Some Evidence," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 37, No. 5 (September 2000), pp. 583-608.
23. For a selection of work on religion and terrorism, see Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998)
24. Mark Juergensmeyer, Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000)
25. Marc Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004)
26. Jessica Stern, Terror in the Name of God: Why Religious Militants Kill (New York: Ecco, 2003)
27. Toft, "Getting Religion?" p. 128
28. Ron Hassner, "To Halve and to Hold: Conflicts over Sacred Space and the Problem of Indivisibility," Security Studies, Vol. 12, No. 4 (Summer 2003), pp. 1-33
29. Ron Hassner, "Fighting Insurgency on Sacred Ground," Washington Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Spring 2006), pp. 149-166.
30. Daniel H. Nexon, The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe: Religious Conflict, Dynastic Empires, and International Change (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2009), pp. 9-10.
31. Madeline Albright, The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and World Affairs (New York: HarperCollins, 2006)
32. Jonathan Fox and Shmuel Sandler, eds., Religion in World Conflict (New York: Routledge, 2006)
33. Chandana Chakrabarti and Joel Wilcox, eds., Religion and the Politics of War (Newcastle, U.K.: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2006)
34. Robert A. Seiple and Dennis R. Hoover, Religion and Security: The New Nexus in International Relations (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Little field, 2004)
35. Scott M. Thomas, The Global Resurgence of Religion and the Transformation of International Relations: The Struggle for the Soul of the Twenty-first Century (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).
36. See also Philpott, "The Challenge of September 11 to Secularism in International Relations."
37. For information on the Initiative on Religion in International Affairs, see http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/project/57/religion_in_international_affairs.html.
38. Brian Lai, "An Empirical Examination of Religion and Conflict in the Middle East, 1950-1992," Foreign Policy Analysis, Vol. 2, No. 1 (January 2006), pp. 21-36.
39. Jonathan Fox has written extensively on these issues, most recently in Fox, "The Rise of Religion and the Fall of the Civilization Paradigm as Explanations for Intra-state Conflict," Cambridge Review of International Affairs, Vol. 20, No. 3 (September 2007), pp. 361-382.
40. John M. Owen IV, "When Do Ideologies Produce Alliances? The Holy Roman Empire, 1517-1555," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 1 (March 2005), pp. 73-99.
41. Markus Fischer, "Feudal Europe, 800-1300: Communal Discourse and Conflictual Practices," International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Spring 1992), pp. 427-466
42. Rodney Bruce Hall and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, "Medieval Tales: Neorealist 'Science' and the Abuse of History," International Organization, Vol. 47, No. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 479-491.
43. Rodney Bruce Hall, "Moral Authority as a Power Resource," International Organization, Vol. 51, No. 4 (Autumn 1997), pp. 591-622, at p. 607.
44. Hall cites some of the same literature examined in this article, rejecting the notion of the Crusades as a "simple" failure. Ibid., p. 606.
45. Tal Dingott Alkopher, "The Social (and Religious) Meanings That Constitute War: The Crusades as Realpolitik vs. Socialpolitik," International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 49, No. 4 (December 2005), pp. 715-738, especially pp. 721-722.
46. This article is not making an essentialist claim about religion or arguing that religious motivations are more or less likely to lead to violent conflict than other motivations. It is certainly possible that religious impulses could be mobilized for peace as well as for war. This article also sets aside the question of the frequency with which religious motivations influence warfare.
47. The definition borrows heavily from Rodney Stark, "Micro Foundations of Religion: A Revised Theory," Sociological Theory, Vol. 17, No. 3 (November 1999), pp. 264-289, 270. The discussion of defining religion is similar to Toft, "Getting Religion?" pp. 99-100.
48. These are generalizations about extreme interpretations, not inevitable or dominant religious behaviors. Because most religious texts are considered supernaturally revealed, there are limits to the flexibility of believers when it comes to interpretation. Even when interpretations vary, adher ents frequently make uncompromising claims about behavior based on the text. This makes bargaining and compromises on issues seen as "religious" difficult.
49. This behavior does not necessarily follow from religious belief, but a violent actor motivated by religion might use that logic
50. Toft, "Getting Religion?" pp. 5-6.
51. The Abrahamic traditions contain many differences. For example, there is no equivalent to the papacy in modern Islam (or other variations of Christianity).
52. Even if the marginal payoff from religiously inspired, violent martyrdom seems low from an economic maximization perspective, whether or not others weigh costs and benefits differently is the relevant empirical question
53. The Ikhwan, a strict group of Wahhabi Muslims in modern-day Saudi Arabia, rebelled against the British presence in the Arabian Peninsula and the modernization plans of Abdul Aziz al-Saud, the first head of modern Saudi Arabia
54. H.R.P. Dickson, The Arab of the Desert (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1949), p. 348
55. quoted in James A. Aho, Religious Mythology and the Art of War: Comparative Religious Symbolisms of Military Violence (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981), p. 188.
56. The term "houris," used by a Wahhabi in this context, probably refers to virgin women promised to devout Muslims who reach paradise
57. There are some ideologies that approach religious devotion in the way they direct the life of adherents through ritual and instruction, such as Naziism
58. D. Scott Bennett and Allan C. Stam III, "The Duration of Interstate Wars, 1816-1985," American Political Science Review, Vol. 90, No. 2 (June 1996), pp. 239-257.
59. Karl R. de Rouen Jr. and David Sobek, among others, have explored similar variables in work on civil wars. De Rouen and Sobek, "The Dynamics of Civil War Duration and Outcome," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 41, No. 3 (May 2004), pp. 303-320.
60. Darren Filson and Suzanne Werner, "Bargaining and Fighting: The Impact of Regime Type on War Onset, Duration, and Outcomes," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 48, No. 2 (April 2004), pp. 296-313
61. Alastair Smith and Allan C. Stam, "Bargaining and the Nature of War," Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 48, No. 6 (December 2004), pp. 783-813
62. Branislav L. Slantchev, "How Initiators End Their Wars: The Duration of Warfare and the Terms of Peace," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 48, No. 4 (October 2004), pp. 813-829
63. James D. Fearon, "Why Do Some Civil Wars Last So Much Longer Than Others?" Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 41, No. 3 (May 2004), pp. 275-301.
64. Monica Duffy Toft, "Indivisible Territory, Geographic Concentration, and Ethnic War," Security Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2 (December 2006), pp. 82-119
65. Alexander Wendt, "Anarchy Is What States Make of It: The Social Construction of Power Politics," International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Spring 1992), pp. 391-425.
66. Paul Collier, Anke Hoeffler, and Måns Söderbom, "On the Duration of Civil War," Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 41, No. 3 (May 2004), pp. 253-273
67. See also James D. Fearon and David Laitin, "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War," American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 1 (February 2003), pp. 75-90.
68. Roy Licklider, "The Consequences of Negotiated Settlements in CivilWars, 1945-1993," American Political Science Review, Vol. 89, No. 3 (September 1995), pp. 681-690.
69. Paul F. Diehl and Gary Goertz, War and Peace in International Rivalry (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000)
70. Douglas Lemke and William Reed, "War and Rivalry among Great Powers," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 45, No. 2 (April 2001), pp. 457-469.
71. Michael Horowitz, "Does Religion Matter? The Impact of Religious Belief on Warfare," unpublished paper (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments-Long Term Strategy Project, April 2006).
72. Similar to more extreme ideologies (e.g., Maoism), religious systems are extremely difficult to fully implement because of their transcendent ideas. I thank an anonymous reviewer for clarifying this point.
73. This extends Toft's argument about rationalist explanations for war and the importance of issue indivisibility. Toft, "Indivisible Territory, Geographic Concentration, and Ethnic War," pp. 36-39. See also Hassner, "Fighting Insurgency on Sacred Ground."
74. This intensity might also lead to either more or less effective warfighting on the individual level
75. This is not to say that religious motivations influenced World War I
76. Fred Charles Iklé, Every War Must End (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971)
77. See also H.E. Goemans, War and Punishment: The Causes of War Termination and the First World War (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000).
78. For another perspective, see Elizabeth A. Stanley-Mitchell, "Working Out the Inevitable: Domestic Coalitions in War Termination," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2002.
79. Although I touch on issues of termination, a more complete treatment is beyond the scope of this article
80. T.V. Paul, G. John Ikenberry, and John A. Hall, eds., The Nation-State in Question (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003).
81. This argument is similar to that made by scholars interested in factors such as ethnicity. Monica Duffy Toft, The Geography of Ethnic Violence: Identity, Interests, and the Indivisibility of Territory (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton, N.J. University Press, 2003).
82. Philpott, "The Challenge of September 11 to Secularism in International Relations."
83. It makes sense to study the phenomenon of Crusading, rather than the duration of individual Crusades, because most scholars tend to conceptualize the Crusades as a wide-ranging phenomenon even when they examine specific instances. Also, given that popes used similar language when launching Crusades, it makes sense theologically to evaluate them together. Finally, it is often difficult to establish precise dates for war duration in the premodern period. When campaigning was geographically limited and constrained by the seasons, actors often fought a battle or two per year for several years without resolving the underlying dispute. Thus it is difficult to determine if that counts as one war or several wars.
84. Osama bin Ladin, Ayman al-Zawahiri, Abu-Yasir Rifa'i Ahmad Taha, Mir Hamzah, and Fazlur Rahman, "Jihad against Jews and Crusaders," World Islamic Front Statement, February 23, 1998, http://www.fas.org/irp/world/para/docs/980223-fatwa.htm.
85. Alexander L. George and Andrew Bennett, Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005).
86. Crusading indulgences were often plenary indulgences, but plenary indulgences were not confined to the Crusades.
87. Alkopher, "The Social (and Religious) Meanings That Constitute War," pp. 723-724. One difference between this article and Alkopher's is that he relies on the traditionalist definition of Crusading.
88. Jonathan Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? 3d ed. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 101-102.
89. Christopher Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom: Holy War and the Crusades (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 218-233.
90. For a broad overview of developments in Crusading historiography, see Giles Constable, "Historiography of the Crusades," in Angeliki E. Laiou and Roy P. Mottahedeh, eds., The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2001), pp. 2-25.
91. See also Susan Edgington, "The First Crusade: Reviewing the Evidence," in Jonathan Phillips, ed., The First Crusade: Origins and Impact (New York: St. Martin's, 1997), pp. 55-57.
92. Traditional Crusading research grouped the numbered Crusades-the major Crusades from the First Crusade through the fall of Acre in 1291-with events such as the Children's Crusades. More traditional Crusading research argued that the Crusades generally had something to do with papal approval and with the Holy Land. Carl Erdmann's 1935 work best exemplifies this line of scholarship. Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977 [1935]).
93. Neither received a spiritual grant from the Pope
94. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? p. 56.
95. James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. 151-153.
96. Over time, consistent with the Church's declining emphasis on penance, the theology shifted to de-emphasize the penitential aspect of Crusading
97. William J. Purkis, Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c. 1095-c. 1187 (Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell, 2008). Even at the outset of the Second Crusade, King Louis VII of France went through a Crusading vow ceremony on March 31, 1146, and a separate pilgrimage ceremony. Later the ceremonies were combined.
98. Jonathan S. Riley-Smith, "The State of Mind of Crusaders to the East, 1095-1300," in Riley-Smith, ed., The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 67.
99. Christopher Tyerman, however, disagrees with the pilgrimage claim. Tyerman, God's War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 72-73.
100. The spiritual rewards for Crusading complemented the preexisting idea of Christian martyrdom, suffering to forward Christ's mission. Martyrdom, however, was not an essential aspect of the theology itself. H.E.J. Cowdrey, "Martyrdom and the First Crusade," in Peter W. Edbury, ed., Crusade and Settlement: Papers Read at the First Conference of the Society for the Study of Crusades and the Latin East Presented to R.C. Small (Cardiff, U.K.: University College Cardiff Press, 1984), p. 50.
101. David S. Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, c. 300-1215 (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell, 2003), p. 152.
102. Peter Partner, God of Battles: Holy Wars of Christianity and Islam (London: HarperCollins, 1997), p. 67. For the soldiers, the requirements for penance were highly detailed: for example, one year per man killed, forty days per man struck, three days for wishing to kill a man.
103. Bachrach, Religion and the Conduct of War, pp. 101-102.
104. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? Although not the immediate predecessor to Urban II (Victor III was in between), Gregory VII set in motion key theological and practical reforms
105. See H.E.J. Cowdrey, "Pope Gregory VII's 'Crusading' Plans of 1074," republished in Popes, Monks, and Crusaders (London: Hambledon, 1984), sec. 10, pp. 27-40.
106. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?
107. I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out
108. Simon Lloyd, "The Crusading Movement: 1096-1274," in Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, p. 34.
109. Jonathan S. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 94-95.
110. Andre Chedevllie, Chartres et Ses Campagnes, Xie-XIIIe s. (Paris: Klincksieck, 1973), pp. 251-330, quoted in ibid., pp. 88-89. Neither took the cross themselves.
111. Third Crusade leaders Richard I, Guy of Lusignan, and Raymond of Tripoli all descended from Almoids of La Marche, the mother of First Crusade military leader Raymond of St. Gilles.
112. Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, pp. 134-136
113. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 189.
114. See Saint Bernard, "Apologia for the Second Crusade," in Medieval Sourcebook, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/bernard-apol.html.
115. Pope Innocent III, "Reprimand of Papal Legate," in Medieval Sourcebook, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1204innocent.html; and Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, pp. 57-59.
116. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? p. 11
117. Christoph T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades: Mendicant Friars and the Cross in the Thirteenth Century (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 2-3.
118. The financing system (i.e., the exchange of money as redemption for a Crusading vow) later evolved to become the sale of indulgences.
119. Cathars refers to the actual beliefs, which violated Catholic beliefs in the Trinity. Albigensian is a geographical definition based on the concentration of Cathars near or in the city of Albi.
120. Joseph Reese Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992). The campaign is remembered today mostly for its ferocity. Aubrey Burl, God's Heretics: The Albigensian Crusade (Stroud, U.K.: Sutton, 2002), p. xi.
121. For descriptions of Frederick II en route to the Levant, see Philip de Novare, "Les Gestes des Ciprois, The Crusade of Frederick II, 1228-29," in Medieval Sourcebook, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1228frederick2.html.
122. Tyerman, Fighting for Christendom, pp. 62-64.
123. "Second Council of Lyons (1274)," EternalWorld Television Network, http://www.ewtn.com/library/COUNCILS/LYONS2.HTM.
124. Both attracted thousands of followers; although similar to the First Shepherds' Crusade of 1251 and the Children's Crusade of 1212-previous Crusades that lacked papal authorization-they were unlikely to succeed even if they got off the ground
125. Norman Housley, "The Crusading Movement, 1274-1700," in Riley-Smith, The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades, p. 263.
126. See also Gary Dickson, The Children's Crusade: Medieval History, Modern Mythistory (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
127. Given that the twenty-six existing treatises probably represent a subset that has survived the centuries, the number was likely larger. Housley, "The Crusading Movement, 1274-1700," p. 264.
128. Tyerman, God's War, pp. 665-667.
129. Crusading continued despite the impact of the Great Schism (1378-1415).
130. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? pp. 97-98. These include at least one Crusade against heretics (the 1383 Crusade led by the Bishop of Norwich against Clementists in Flanders), several against likely pagans (such as the 1390 North African Crusade to Mahdia), many for territorial control, and some involving battles for papal control.
131. Housley, "The Crusading Movement, 1274-1700," p. 266.
132. Nicolas Vatin, "The Hospitallers at Rhodes and the Ottoman Turks, 1480-1522," in Norman Housley, ed., Crusading in the Fifteenth Century: Message and Impact (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 148-162.
133. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: A History, 2d ed. (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005), pp. 274-275.
134. Norman Housley, The Later Crusades, 1274-1580: From Lyons to Alcazar (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 411.
135. Ibid., p. 5.
136. Partner, God of Battles, pp. 188-189.
137. Pope Gregory XIII, "The Holy Bull, and Crusado of Rome," in Early English Books Online (Cambridge University Library, 1588).
138. Housley, The Later Crusades, p. 454. There are some references to Crusading indulgences being offered to Spanish forces that attacked the English in Ireland in the early seventeenth century, but these claims have not been verified.
139. Riley-Smith, The Crusades, p. 292.
140. Housley, Contesting the Crusades, p. 79
141. Norman Housley, "Costing the Crusade: Budgeting for Crusading Activity in the Fourteenth Century," in Marcus G. Bull and Housley, eds., The Experience of Crusading, Vol. 1:Western Approaches (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 46.
142. Lloyd, "The Crusading Movement," p. 50. Note that most knights in every generation did not Crusade. The argument here, however, is not that every knight engaged in Crusading, just that enough of them did to perpetuate the institution.
143. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London: Athlone, 1986), p. 17.
144. Erdmann, The Origin of the Idea of Crusade
145. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders
146. Tyerman, God's War, p. 157.
147. Marmoutier (Dunois), p. 81, quoted in Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 118.
148. In addition to Riley-Smith, see also Giles Constable, "Medieval Charters as a Source for the History of the Crusades," in Thomas F. Madden, ed., The Crusades: The Essential Readings (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), pp. 129-154.
149. Simon Lloyd, English Society and the Crusade: 1216-1307 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988), pp. 175-177.
150. James M. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade: 1213-1221 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1986), pp. 90-91.
151. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 109-111
152. John France, Victory in the East: A Military History of the First Crusade (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994)
153. Robert of Rheims, "Historia Iherosolimitana," RHC Oc 3, quoted in Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 112.
154. Most crusaders, especially in the early Crusades, experienced economic losses. Crusaders such as Guy of Rochefort, who reportedly returned home with great wealth, were an exception. Ibid., p. 149.
155. Lloyd, "The Crusading Movement," pp. 54-55.
156. Powell, Anatomy of a Crusade, pp. 100-101
157. Housley, "Costing the Crusade," pp. 53-57.
158. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader, p. 144
159. Hans E. Mayer, The Crusades, trans. John Gillingham, 2d ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 23.
160. In many cases, Crusaders were the aggressors, thus it is not surprising that the targets fought back
161. Paul Pierson, "Increasing Returns, Path Dependence, and the Study of Politics," American Political Science Review, Vol. 94, No. 2 (June 2000), pp. 251-267.
162. Paul Rousset, Histoire d'une idéologie: La Croisade [History of an ideology: The Crusade] (Lausanne, Switzerland: L'Age d'homme, 1983)
163. Housley, "The Crusading Movement, 1274-1700," pp. 270-272.
164. As Tyerman argues, however, the narrative of decline is itself too simplistic-actions under the banner of Crusading continued for decades, through Crusades against the Turks and other actions, often by leaders who genuinely believed in them. Tyerman, God's War, p. 836.
165. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusaders? pp. 282-284.
166. Partner, God of Battles, p. 187.
167. The roots of national identities do go back much further. One contrary example to "nationalized" behavior is the Crusading indulgence likely given by Pope Calixtus III to the relief army sent to Belgrade in 1456 to lift the Ottoman siege. Housley, Contesting the Crusades, p. 135. One could also say that the institution of Crusading was abandoned because the soldiers of Europe would no longer rally around the papacy. This, however, begs the question of why Crusading was no longer seen as useful. Popes continued to try to rally Crusaders against the Ottomans throughout the period.
168. Other victories included conquests in the Baltic region
169. Housley, The Later Crusades, pp. 377-378, 380
170. Tyerman, God's War, p. 911.
171. Nexon, The Struggle for Power in Early Modern Europe, p. 9.
172. Ibid., p. 10. The internal theological diversity of Protestantism made the concept of Crusading harder, as did the notion of salvation exclusively through faith, which ruled out the idea of receiving spiritual benefits for fighting on behalf of the Pope. Additionally, although the Wars of Religion and the Thirty Years' War had religious components, they differed from the Crusades in that they mostly occurred as clashes to occupy territory where participants could practice religion, and even Catholic participants did not receive indulgences after the late sixteenth century.
173. Even for Catholics, Martin Luther's rise likely helped to legitimate criticism of Crusading, especially because his critique of the Catholic Church focused on indulgences. Partner, God of Battles, pp. 188-190
174. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusaders? p. 46.
175. Crusading overlaps at the end of the period with the early modern European military revolution. The increases in army size necessary to succeed during the period further decreased the possibility of Crusading. Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West, 1500-1800 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988)
176. Clifford J. Rogers, The Military Revolution Debate: Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1995). Another important challenge to Crusading came from the ideas of Francisco de Vitoria and others who argued for a renewed conception of just war and separation of the secular and divine realms. I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing this out.
177. This also contributes to work on the ways that shifts in ideas influence behavior. Jeffrey W. Legro, Rethinking the World: Great Power Strategies and International Order (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2005).
178. This argument also applies to the notion described above that the First Crusade resulted from attempts by Byzantine Emperor Alexius I to rally Christian Europe against Muslim incursions into Byzantium
179. The knowledge that such activity was now possible could have impicitly or explicitly played into religious dialogues at the time
180. "Urban to all the faithful in Flanders, December 1095"; "Urban to his partisans in Bologna, 19 September 1096"; "Urban to the religious of the congregation of Vallombrosa, 7 October 1096; "Urban to the counts of Besalu, Empurias, Roussillon, and Cerdana and their knights, c. January 1096-29 July 1099"; and "The Council of Clermont grants an indulgence to Crusaders, 18-27 November 1095."
181. All appear in Louise Riley-Smith and Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Crusades: Idea and Reality, 1095-1274 (London: Edward Arnold, 1981), pp. 37-40.
182. Early Crusader families, such as the Montlherys and the Lusignans, remained and played vital roles throughout the existence of the Crusader Kingdoms. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 19, 190-192.
183. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades? p. 72. For a recent interpretation, see Conor Kostick, The Social Structure of the First Crusade (Boston: Brill, 2008).
184. For a recent interpretation, see Conor Kostick, The Social Structure of the First Crusade (Boston: Brill, 2008)
185. Mayer, The Crusades, p. 21. Mayer argues that historians frequently underplayed, rather than overplayed, socioeconomic factors.
186. Georges Duby, The Early Growth of the European Economy: Warriors and Peasants from the Seventh to the Twelfth Century, trans
187. Howard B. Clarke (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1974)
188. Mayer, The Crusades, p. 21.
189. William G. Zajac, "Captured Property on the First Crusade," in Jonathan Phillips, ed., The First Crusade: Origins and Impact (New York: St. Martin's, 1997), p. 155.
190. Tyerman, God's War, pp. 180-181.
191. Housley, The Later Crusades, pp. 55, 61, 85-87.
192. Riley-Smith argues that the demographic theory attributed to Duby was in reality a minor footnote in his overall argument about economic development in the region, and that it has received too much attention based on too little hard evidence. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, p. 134.
193. Although the younger-son argument has been generally undermined as a broad explanation for motivating individuals to become Crusaders, Valerie M. Hudson and Andrea M. den Boer argue that it did matter in the specific instance of Portugal. Hudson and den Boer, Bare Branches: The Security Implications of Asia's Surplus Male Population (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2004), pp. 212-214.
194. Thomas F. Madden, The New Concise History of the Crusades (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Little field, 2005), pp. 11-13.
195. Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusaders? p. 73. The demographic safety valve argument also cannot explain the timing of the First Crusade, because the relevant economic pressures existed for a hundred years prior to its beginning.
196. France, Victory in the East, p. 11.
197. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, pp. 72-73.