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Volumn 49, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 670-690

Bureaucratic politics and overseas investment by Chinese state-owned oil companies: Illusory champions

Author keywords

"Going Out" strategy; China; National oil company; Outward foreign direct investment; State enterprise relationships

Indexed keywords

BUREAUCRACY; FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; OIL INDUSTRY; POLITICS; STATE OWNED ENTERPRISE;

EID: 69749088357     PISSN: 00044687     EISSN: 1533838X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/as.2009.49.4.670     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (68)

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    • According to an official investigation, only one-third of Chinese transnational operations are profitable, and the remaining ventures either suffer losses or just manage to break even. For details, see Zhang Xiaoji, "Daqiye Zouchuqu Zhengce Yanjiu" [Policy studies on big enterprises' "Going Out"], in Zhongguo Duiwai Kaifang de Qianyan Wenti [Frontier issues in China's foreign economic policy], ed. Zhang Xiaoji (Beijing: Zhongguo Fazhan Chubanshe, 2003), p. 107.
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    • One exception is the works by Erica S. Downs that examine China's energy security policy making and the role of NOCs in China's global hunt for oil. The author notes that Chinese NOCs are capable of pursuing their own commercial interests and thus further exacerbate the problem of fragmented authority in the making of energy security policy. See, for example, Erica S. Downs, "The Fact and Fiction of Sino-African Energy Relations," China Security 3:3 (Summer 2007), pp. 42-68
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    • From a realist's view, a rising state is presumably a revisionist state, challenging existing international rules and norms. Because material power is the only element that decides the international configuration, redistribution of power makes a rising power discontent with the status quo. By heavily relying on the implication of state capability for foreign policy, realism is a state-centered approach in which states are the units of analysis. Consequently, this approach suggests that a rising power in general, and an ascendant China in particular, is barely a status quo state. From the realist perspective, this is why the U.S. has a profound interest in containing a growing China.
    • From a realist's view, a rising state is presumably a revisionist state, challenging existing international rules and norms. Because material power is the only element that decides the international configuration, redistribution of power makes a rising power discontent with the status quo. By heavily relying on the implication of state capability for foreign policy, realism is a state-centered approach in which states are the units of analysis. Consequently, this approach suggests that a rising power in general, and an ascendant China in particular, is barely a status quo state. From the realist perspective, this is why the U.S. has a profound interest in containing a growing China.
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    • For detailed case studies on pioneer Chinese multinational enterprises (MNEs) that have enjoyed governmental policy privileges during this period, see Yongjin Zhang, China's Emerging Global Businesses: Political Economy and Institutional Investigations (New York: Palgrave Macmillian, 2003), chs. 5, 6, 7.
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    • For more on this, see the State Council's 1993 document, Guowuyuan Guanyu Zhanting Shougou Haiwai Qiye he Jinyibu Jiaqiang Haiwai Touzi Guanli de Tongzhi [Circular of the State Council concerning postponing the acquisitions of foreign enterprises and further reinforcing the management of overseas investment]; Zhang Xiaoji, Daqiye Zouchuqu Zhengce Yanjiu, p. 110.
    • For more on this, see the State Council's 1993 document, "Guowuyuan Guanyu Zhanting Shougou Haiwai Qiye he Jinyibu Jiaqiang Haiwai Touzi Guanli de Tongzhi" [Circular of the State Council concerning postponing the acquisitions of foreign enterprises and further reinforcing the management of overseas investment]; Zhang Xiaoji, "Daqiye Zouchuqu Zhengce Yanjiu," p. 110.
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    • See Dali L. Yang, Remaking the Chinese Leviathan: Market Transition and the Politics of Governance in China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004). According to Yang, the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s was a precipitating event that drove the Jiang-Zhu administration to launch a new round of administrative rationalization, leading to China's progress toward a regulatory state.
    • See Dali L. Yang, Remaking the Chinese Leviathan: Market Transition and the Politics of Governance in China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2004). According to Yang, the Asian financial crisis in the late 1990s was a "precipitating event" that drove the Jiang-Zhu administration to launch a new round of administrative rationalization, leading to China's progress toward a regulatory state.
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    • "Yinjinlai" refers to policies that attract capital inflows to serve the engine of China's spectacular economic growth. Since reform, China has attracted foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows by implementing numerous preferential policies and has become the largest recipient of FDI in the world in 2003. Therefore, the Chinese central government shifted its strategy to emphasize that "Going Out" and "Bringing In" should go forward together. On the report, see Xinhua News Agency, , accessed January 18, 2009.
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    • For a detailed assessment on the oligopolistic competition among three Chinese NOCs and government regulation of the industry, see Wang Dan, Zhongguo Shiyou Chanye Fazhan Lujing: Guazhan Jingzheng yu Guizhi [The development path of the Chinese oil industry: Oligopolistic competition and regulation, Beijing: Zhongguo Shehuikexue Chubanshe, 2007
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    • For more on the restructuring of China's oil industry in the 1990s, see Kun-Chin Lin, "Macroeconomic Disequilibria and Enterprise Reform: Restructuring the Chinese Oil and Petrochemical Industries in the 1990s," China Journal 60 (July 2008), pp. 49-79.
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    • For a detailed account of NOCs' internal restructuring program, see Zhang, Catch-up and Competitiveness in China, chs, 5 and 6. Core businesses mainly refer to activities involved in the exploration, development, transportation, storage, refining, and marketing of oil and gas. Non-core businesses refer to technical service for the core businesses, social service, and diversified businesses. CNPC and Sinopec put their core businesses under the new subsidiaries, PetroChina in 1999 and Sinopec Group in 2000, respectively, which were listed on the global stock market in 2000.
    • For a detailed account of NOCs' internal restructuring program, see Zhang, Catch-up and Competitiveness in China, chs, 5 and 6. Core businesses mainly refer to activities involved in the exploration, development, transportation, storage, refining, and marketing of oil and gas. Non-core businesses refer to technical service for the core businesses, social service, and diversified businesses. CNPC and Sinopec put their core businesses under the new subsidiaries, PetroChina in 1999 and Sinopec Group in 2000, respectively, which were listed on the global stock market in 2000.
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    • Lin finds that NOC managers hold a short-term mentality toward firms management, which emphasizes the fulfillment of NOCs' short-term goals despiter accumulated consequences for the firms in the long run. The phenomenon resulted from the inability of the post-reform institution to reflect existing social structures.
    • Lin finds that NOC managers hold a short-term mentality toward firms management, which emphasizes the fulfillment of NOCs' short-term goals despiter accumulated consequences for the firms in the long run. The phenomenon resulted from the inability of the post-reform institution to reflect existing social structures.
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    • Lieberthal and Oksenberg label China's bureaucratic structures as a fragmented structure of authority. For details on the conceptual framework, see, Princeton: Princeton University Press, ch. 4
    • Lieberthal and Oksenberg label China's bureaucratic structures as a "fragmented structure of authority." For details on the conceptual framework, see Kenneth Lieberthal and Michel Oksenberg, Policy Making in China: Leaders, Structures, and Processes (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), ch. 4.
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    • These government bodies include the National Energy Leading Group under the State Council, the NDRC, MOC, SASAC, Ministry of Land and Resources, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Construction, the State Environmental Protection Administration, the Administration of Work Safety, and the Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection, and Quarantine. For detailed duties of each regulatory department, see, ch. 7
    • These government bodies include the National Energy Leading Group under the State Council, the NDRC, MOC, SASAC, Ministry of Land and Resources, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Construction, the State Environmental Protection Administration, the Administration of Work Safety, and the Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection, and Quarantine. For detailed duties of each regulatory department, see Wang, Zhongguo Shiyou Chanye Fazhan Lujing, ch. 7.
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    • It is worth noting that the authority of the NDRC, as the most powerful energy regulator, is also diffused to different subordinate units such as the Bureau of Energy and the Department of Price. See
    • It is worth noting that the authority of the NDRC, as the most powerful energy regulator, is also diffused to different subordinate units such as the Bureau of Energy and the Department of Price. See Downs, The Brookings Foreign Policy Studies Energy Security Series: China.
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    • For a detailed study on the evolution of China's energy governance regime, see Kong Bo, "Institutional Insecurity," China Security 2:2 (Summer 2006), pp. 64-88.
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    • In 1983, the central state established Sinopec to manage the affairs of oil refineries and petrochemical production that were originally under the authorities of the MPI and the Ministry of Chemical Industry. In 1988, the MPI was transformed into CNPC, which was directly led by the State Council
    • In 1983, the central state established Sinopec to manage the affairs of oil refineries and petrochemical production that were originally under the authorities of the MPI and the Ministry of Chemical Industry. In 1988, the MPI was transformed into CNPC, which was directly led by the State Council.
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    • One notable example is the financial scandal of Singapore-listed China Aviation Oil, hitting the headlines in the end of 2004 when it appealed to Singapore's High Court for protection from creditors after losing 550 million dollars in speculative oil derivatives trading. For the special reports of this incident, see Jukui 5.5 Yi Meiyuan, Zhonghangyou Zhejichensha Shimo [The loss of 550 million, the story of Zhonghangyou], Renmin Ribao, , accessed March 7, 2008.
    • One notable example is the financial scandal of Singapore-listed China Aviation Oil, hitting the headlines in the end of 2004 when it appealed to Singapore's High Court for protection from creditors after losing 550 million dollars in speculative oil derivatives trading. For the special reports of this incident, see "Jukui 5.5 Yi Meiyuan, Zhonghangyou Zhejichensha Shimo" [The loss of 550 million, the story of Zhonghangyou], Renmin Ribao, , accessed March 7, 2008.
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    • For example, CNPC and Sinopec formed a joint venture, Andes Petroleum Corporation, to purchase EnCana Corporation's assets in Ecuador, including oilfields and pipelines for 1.42 billion dollars. See, 2005 Qiye Shida Haiwai Binggou [Top ten overseas acquisitions in 2005], Zhongguo Jingji Shibao [China Economic Times], January 25, 2006.
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