Trusting doctors: The decline of moral authority in American medicine

Trusting Doctors: The Decline of Moral Authority in American Medicine

Volumn , Issue , 2008, Pages

  Imber, Jonathan B ^a  

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References (485)

1. See P. M. Ellwood, Jr. and G. D. Lundberg, "Managed Care: A Work in Progress," JAMA 276 (1996): 1083-86.
2. See Jonathan B. Imber, Abortion and the Private Practice of Medicine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), especially chap. 6, "Innovation and the Refuge of Private Practice."
3. Created in 2002, the council has issued numerous reports on a wide range of subjects, including Human Cloning and Human Dignity: An Ethical Inquiry (2002); Beyond Therapy: Biotechnology and the Pursuit of Happiness (2003); Monitoring Stem Cell Research (2004); Reproduction and Responsibility: The Regulation of New Biotechnologies (2004); and Taking Care: Ethical Caregiving in Our Aging Society (2005).
4. See Edward C. Halperin, "The Jewish Problem in U.S. Medical Education, 1920-1955," Journal of the History of Medicine 56 (2001): 140-67.
5. A poignant account is given by Wilbur H. Watson, Against the Odds: Blacks in the Profession of Medicine in the United States (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1999).
6. Ludwig Edelstein, Hippocrates the Oath or the Hippocratic Oath (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1943), p. 3.
7. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/doctors/oath_modern.html (accessed July 23, 2007).
8. See Owsei Temkin, Hippocrates in a World of Pagans and Christians (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991).
9. See also Leon R. Kass, "Is There a Medical Ethic? The Hippocratic Oath and the Sources of Ethical Medicine," in Toward a More Natural Science: Biology and Human Affairs (New York: Free Press, 1985), pp. 224-46.
10. See Chester R. Burns, "Reciprocity in the Development of Anglo-American Medical Ethics, 1765-1865," in Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of the History of Medicine (London: Wellcome Institute of the History of Medicine, 1974), 1:813-19, reprinted in Legacies in Ethics and Medicine, ed. Chester R. Burns (New York: Science History Publications, 1977), pp. 300-306.
11. John Harley Warner, The Therapeutic Perspective: Medical Practice, Knowledge, and Identity in America, 1820-1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986), p. 11.
12. See John Harley Warner, "Science, Healing and the Physician's Identity: A Problem of Professional Character in Nineteenth-Century America," in Essays in the History of Therapeutics, ed. W. F. Bynum and Vivian Nutton (Atlanta: Rodopi, 1991), pp. 65-88.
13. An obituary appears in Minutes of the Synod of Minnesota, vol. 4, no. 2 (St. Paul: Jackson and Smith, 1906), p. 173.
14. West, Medical Science and Profession, p. 3.
15. Oliver Wendell Holmes, "The Medical Profession in Massachusetts," in Medical Essays (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911), p. 367.
16. West, Medical Science and Profession, pp. 10-11.
17. In chapter 4, I examine in more detail the medical school commencement and its symbolic importance for defining the role of future physicians.
18. At medical colleges established exclusively for women (e.g., Medical College of Pennsylvania), commencement addresses were sometimes delivered by women.
19. In at least two instances in the nineteenth century, a rabbi delivered such an address: at Wayne State University in 1897 and Cooper Medical College in 1899. I have found no evidence that a Catholic priest delivered such an address during this time.
20. Based on the reconstructed records of addresses at these schools (in the author's possession).
21. Boardman, Claims of Religion, p. 7.
22. Such studies include Joseph F. Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession: The Role of Institutions, 1780-1860 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968);
23. William G. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century: From Sects to Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972);
24. Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education: The Formative Years, 1765-1910 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1976);
25. James G. Burrow, Organized Medicine in the Progressive Era: The Move toward Monopoly (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977);
26. Haller, American Medicine in Transition; Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1984);
27. Kenneth M. Ludmerer, Learning to Heal: The Development of American Medical Education (New York: Basic Books, 1985);
28. William G. Rothstein, American Medical Schools and the Practice of Medicine: A History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987);
29. James H. Cassedy, Medicine in America: A Short History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991);
30. John Duffy, From Humors to Medical Science: A History of American Medicine, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).
31. See also Ronald L. Numbers, "The Fall and Rise of the American Medical Profession," in The Professions in American History, ed. Nathan O. Hatch (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1988), pp. 51-72; and
32. John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," in Osiris, 2nd ser., 1 (1985): 37-58.
33. Ohio Medical and Surgical Journal, May 1, 1853, 444-45.
34. New-York Medical Press, March 17, 1860, 189.
35. Troyen A. Brennan, Just Doctoring: Medical Ethics in the Liberal State (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991), p. 75.
36. See Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (New York: Norton, 1976).
37. Fabian Franklin, The Life of Daniel Coit Gilman (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1910), p. 29.
38. Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "The Search for Professional Order in 19th Century American Medicine," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2nd. ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), p. 225-26.
39. Boardman, Claims of Religion, p. 18. Boardman took his quote from Nathaniel Chapman. See Nathaniel Chapman, An Introductory Lecture to a Course of Lectures on the Theory and Practice of Medicine, in the University of Pennsylvania: Delivered at the Opening of the Session of 1838-39 (Philadelphia: Bailey, 1838).
40. Boardman, Claims of Religion, p. 19.
41. Joel Parker, A Sermon on the Moral Responsibility of Physicians. Addressed to the Medical Students of Philadelphia, February 6, 1848 (Philadelphia: A. Scott, 1848), p. 5. Parker's biography is contained in the Dictionary of American Biography.
42. Parker had at least one more occasion to reflect on the relations between ministry and medicine, after he returned to New York in 1852. See Joel Parker, The Beloved Physician: A Tribute to the Memory of James C. Bliss, M.D., A Discourse on the Combined Influence of the Gospel and the Medical Profession in Forming the Character (New York: Samuel S. and William Wood, 1856).
43. Joseph Frederick Berg, The Faithful Physician; a Discourse Addressed to the Students of the Medical Colleges of Philadelphia, December 10, 1848 (Philadelphia: W. S. Young, 1849), p. 5.
44. Elias Root Beadle, The Sacredness of the Medical Profession. A Sermon Delivered Before the Students of Jefferson Medical College and the Medical Department of the University of Pennsylvania, November 19, 1865 (Philadelphia: James S. Claxton, 1865), p. 9.
45. Elias Root Beadle, The True Physician: A Sermon, Delivered before the Students of Jefferson Medical College and the Medical Department of the University of Pennsylvania, January 11, 1874 (Philadelphia, Turner Hamilton), pp. 6-7.
46. Medical exceptionalism is typically defined in therapeutic terms, as in the case of divergent therapies from the allopathic tradition such as homeopathy and eclecticism. My interest here is in the manners and morals of professional exceptionalism, illustrated in the case of Catholic approaches to medically complex problems.
47. The single best history of Catholic health care in the United States is Christopher J. Kauffman, Ministry and Meaning: A Religious History of Catholic Health Care in the United States (New York: Crossroad, 1995).
48. See also Ursula Stepsis and Dolores Liptak, eds., Pioneer Healers: The History of Women Religious in American Health Care (New York: Crossroad, 1989).
49. See Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism.
50. See Rev. John Blowick, Priestly Vocation (Dublin: M. H. Gill, 1932); and
51. Rev. Berard M. Riegert, The Obligation of Following a Religious Vocation: A Study of Theological Opinion from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Centuries (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1962).
52. See Jenny Franchot, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter with Catholicism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994).
53. For a thorough study of nineteenth-century medical jurisprudence, see James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
54. See Konold, History of American Medical Ethics.
55. David F. Kelly, The Emergence of Roman Catholic Medical Ethics in North America: An Historical-Methodological-Bibliographical Study (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1979), p. 44. Kelly's book is a nearly definitive undertaking of the substantial literature produced on medical matters under Catholic auspices.
56. Kelly cites one treatise by a Protestant physician, Ernst Joseph de Valenti (1798-1871), first published in 1831. See Medicina clerica; oder, Handbuch der Pastoral- Medizin, für Seelsorger, Pädagogen und Aerzte, nebst einer Diätetik für Geistliche (Leipzig: Kohler, 1831).
57. Carl Franz Nicolaus Capellmann, Pastoral Medicine (New York: F. Pustet, 1879).
58. See also Joseph G. Ryan, "The Chapel and the Operating Room: The Struggle of Roman Catholic Clergy, Physicians, and Believers with the Dilemmas of Obstetric Surgery, 1800-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 76 (2002): 473-78.
59. Capellmann, Pastoral Medicine (1882), p. v.
60. The definitive discussion in English on the evolution in Catholic thinking on abortion is John Connery, S.J., Abortion: The Development of the Roman Catholic Perspective (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1977); see, in particular, chaps. 12-15.
61. Capellmann, Pastoral Medicine (1882), p. 15.
62. I have outlined this progress in Imber, Abortion and Private Practice.
63. Capellmann referred to various operations for inducing labor and delivery, including perforation (of the uterus), cephalotripsy (crushing of the fetal head to facilitate delivery), embryotomy (cutting up of the fetus to facilitate delivery), embryothlasy, and craniotomy (surgical cutting to pieces of the fetal skull to facilitate delivery). For a study of the ancient practice of craniotomy, see Louis Bakay, An Early History of Craniotomy: From Antiquity to the Napoleonic Era (Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas, 1985).
64. See Carl Capellmann, De occisione foetus: quam abortu provocato, perforatione, cephalotripsia medici audent: eine Studie fur Aetzte und Theologen (Aachen: Rudolf Barth, 1875).
65. Capellmann, Pastoral Medicine (1882), p. 18.
66. Martin S. Pernick, A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Professionalism, and Anesthesia in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985).
67. Capellmann, Pastoral Medicine (1882), p. 24.
68. Busey, Souvenir, p. 10.
69. John R. Bodo, The Protestant Clergy and Public Issues, 1812-1848 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1954), pp. 24-25.
70. For background on these and similar tensions, see Stow Persons, "Religion and Modernity, 1865-1914," in The Shaping of American Religion, ed. James Ward Smith and A. Leland Jamison (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961), pp. 369-401.
71. An important study of the evolution of alcohol policy in the welfare state is Dan E. Beauchamp, Beyond Alcoholism: Alcohol and Public Health Policy (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980).
72. See Daniel Feller, The Jacksonian Promise: America, 1815-1840 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).
73. Busey, Souvenir, p. 21.
74. "The Romish Intrigue: Frémont a Catholic!!" (New York: Robert M. De Witt? 1856), p. 15.
75. For background on Frémont's career and the issue of his religious affiliation in particular, see Ferol Egan, Frémont: Explorer for a Restless Nation (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1977), pp. 508-9;
76. Michael F. Holt, "Another Look at the Election of 1856," in James Buchanan and the Political Crisis of the 1850s, ed. Michael J. Birkner (Selinsgrove, PA: Susquehannna University Press, 1996), pp. 37-67.
77. See also Sally Denton, Passion and Principle: John and Jessie Frémont, the Couple Whose Power, Politics, and Love Shaped Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Bloomsbury, 2007).
78. Busey, Souvenir, p. 223.
79. Joseph T. Durkin, S.J., Georgetown University: The Middle Years (1840-1900) (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1963), p. 30.
80. Busey, Souvenir, p. 246.
81. See Christopher J. Kauffman, Tradition and Transformation in Catholic Culture: The Priests of Saint Sulpice in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1988).
82. See Ellen Wilson Fielding, "The Good Doctor," Human Life Review 22, no. 3 (1996): 87-92.
83. Andrew Klarmann, The Crux of Pastoral Medicine: The Perils of Embryonic Man, 4th ed. (New York: Frederick Pustet, 1912), pp. vi, vii.
84. George Wood Bayless, Some of the Rewards of Medicine: An Introductory Address Delivered in the Kentucky School of Medicine, October 30, 1858, at the Opening of the Session of 1858-9 (Louisville, Ky.: Morton and Griswold, 1858), p. 13.
85. Editorial, Medical Register (Philadelphia), April 2, 1887, p. 258.
86. For scholarly attempts that assess the status of the professions relative to one another during the nineteenth century, see R. D. Gidney and W.P.J. Millar, Professional Gentleman: The Professions in Nineteenth-Century Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994);
87. Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991);
88. Kimball, True Professional Ideal; William R. Johnson, "Education and Professional Life Styles: Law and Medicine in the Nineteenth Century," History of Education Quarterly 14 (1974): 185-207.
89. Holmes, Elsie Venner, p. 213.
90. See John Steadman Rice, A Disease of One's Own: Psychotherapy, Addiction, and the Emergence of Co-Dependency (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1996).
91. See also Howard L. Kaye, "Why Freud Hated America," Wilson Quarterly 17, no. 2 (1993): 118-25.
92. The cultural implications of this transfer of authority are examined by Nathan G. Hale, Jr., Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in the United States, 1876-1917 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971);
93. Francis G. Gosling, Before Freud: Neurasthenia and the American Medical Community, 1870-1910 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987).
94. The Church of England as well as the Roman Catholic Church were equally vulnerable to the criticisms of freethinkers, given the generalized nature of the dissent. See John Mackinnon Robertson, A History of Freethought in the Nineteenth Century (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1930).
95. The orthodoxies that Tyndall challenged in the latter part of the nineteenth century were often described as superstitions; in this sense, the formulation of orthodoxy today and the challenges to it arise from even deeper disagreements about the nature of moral authority.
96. John Tyndall, "Apology for the Belfast Address" (1874), in Fragments of Science (New York: P. F. Collier and Son, 1902), p. 219.
97. For an early, somewhat hostile, summary of Tyndall's religious views, see Richard A. Armstrong, Agnosticism and Theism in the Nineteenth Century: An Historical Study of Religious Thought (London: Philip Green, 1905), chap. 4, "Materialism and Atheism: John Tyndall and Charles Bradlaugh," pp. 101-34.
98. Wilfrid Ward, Problems and Persons (London: Longmans, Green, 1903), pp. 246-47.
99. See Edward A. White, Science and Religion in American Thought: The Impact of Naturalism (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1952);
100. John C. Greene, "Science and Religion," in The Rise of Adventism: Religion and Society in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America, ed. Edwin S. Gaustad (New York: Harper and Row, 1974), pp. 50-69;
101. James R. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978);
102. Ronald L. Numbers, "Science and Religion," in Historical Writing on American Science: Perspectives and Prospects, ed. Sally Gregory Kohlstedt and Margaret W. Rossiter (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), pp. 59-80;
103. David C. Lindberg and Ronald L. Numbers, eds., God and Nature: Historical Essays on the Encounter between Christianity and Science (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986).
104. For a critical reflection on the revisionist "neoharmonist" historiography of recent decades, see David A. Hollinger, "Justification by Verification: The Scientific Challenge to the Moral Authority of Christianity in Modern America," in Religion and Twentieth-Century American Intellectual Life, ed. Michael J. Lacey (Cambridge: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 116-35.
105. See Philip Kitcher, Abusing Science: The Case against Creationism (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982);
106. Marcel Chotkowski La Follette, ed., Creationism, Science, and the Law: The Arkansas Case (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983);
107. Raymond A. Eve and Francis B. Harrold, The Creationist Movement in Modern America (Boston: Twayne, 1991);
108. Ronald L. Numbers, The Creationists: The Evolution of Scientific Creationism (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1992);
109. George E. Webb, The Evolution Controversy in America (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1994);
110. Edward J. Larson, Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America's Continuing Debate over Science and Religion (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998).
111. See James Davison Hunter, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991);
112. Philip Rieff, "The Newer Noises of War in the Second Culture Camp: Notes on Professor Burt's Legal Fictions," Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities 3 (1991): 315-88;
113. David Martin, A General Theory of Secularization (New York: Harper and Row, 1978). Creationism may be taught without sanction in private schools; the issue has remained of legal consequence in public schools.
114. Frank M. Turner, quoting Asa Briggs, concludes, "The conflict between science and religion petered out, giving way to new debates about the nature not of the Universe but of society." Turner, "Victorian Conflict," p. 376, quoting Asa Briggs, The Age of Improvement, 1783-1867 (New York: David Mckay, 1964), p. 488.
115. See Frank M. Turner, "Rainfall, Plagues, and the Prince of Wales: A Chapter in the Conflict of Religion and Science," Journal of British Studies 8, no. 2 (1974): 48.
116. See also Frank M. Turner, Contesting Cultural Authority: Essays in Victorian Intellectual Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), in which a revised version of the same essay appears, pp. 151-70. My discussion in the following pages is indebted to Turner's work and draws from it conspicuously.
117. Charles Kingsley, "Lord Palmerston and the Presbytery of Edinburgh," Fraser's Magazine 49 (1854): 47, 51, quoted in Turner, "Rainfall, Plagues," p. 50.
118. Turner, "Rainfall, Plagues," p. 51.
119. The finest account of the successive interpretations of the cause of cholera, from religious to scientific explanations, is Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (1962; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987).
120. Fortnightly Review, December 1, 1865.
121. Quoted in Eve and Creasey, Life of Tyndall, p. 125. Stanley sought toleration in principle and in practice. See Rowland E. Prothero, ed., The Life and Correspondence of Arthur Penrhyn Stanley, vol. 2 (New York: Charles Scribner's, 1893), p. 348-49;
122. Frances J. Woodward, The Doctor's Disciples: A Study of Four Pupils of Arnold of Rugby (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), p. 58-59.
123. Turner, "Rainfall, Plagues," p. 62.
124. See also Allan Mazur, The Dynamics of Technical Controversy (Washington, DC: Communications Press, 1981), pp. 10-12;
125. Jon H. Roberts, Darwinism and the Divine in America: Protestant Intellectuals and Organic Evolution, 1859-1900 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 72-75.
126. Means, The Prayer-Gauge Debate, p. 16.
127. Originally in The Spectator, July 6, 1872, pp. 846, 847. Means, The Prayer-Gauge Debate, p. 24.
128. In his affectionate summary of the "ingenuity of his [Galton's] idiosyncratic methods," Stephen Jay Gould noted, "He even proposed and began to carry out a statistical inquiry into the efficacy of prayer!" The Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1981), p. 75.
129. For studies of Galton, see among other works, D. W. Forrest, Francis Galton: The Life and Work of a Victorian Genius (New York: Taplinger, 1974);
130. Ruth Schwartz Cowan, Sir Francis Galton and the Study of Heredity in the Nineteenth Century (New York: Garland, 1985);
131. Nicholas Wright Gillham, A Life of Sir Francis Galton: From African Exploration to the Birth of Eugenics (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001);
132. Michael Bulmer, Francis Galton: Pioneer of Heredity and Biometry (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003);
133. Martin Brookes, Extreme Measures: The Dark Visions and Bright Ideas of Francis Galton (New York: Bloomsbury 2004). See also The Galton Institute, Sir Francis Galton, FRS: The Legacy of His Ideas (Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, England: Macmillan in association with the Galton Institute, 1993).
134. Originally in Fortnightly Review, August 1872, pp. 125-35. Means, The Prayer-Gauge Debate, p. 88.
135. See appendix A, "Mortality of Registered Physicians in England and Wales, 1920-22," in Frederick L. Hoffman, Life and Death in the Medical Profession (Newark, NJ: Prudential Press, 1932), pp. 25-26.
136. Means, The Prayer-Gauge Debate, pp. 93-94.
137. See Martha S. Vogeler, Frederic Harrison: The Vocation of a Positivist (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984).
138. Jellett, The Efficacy of Prayer, p. 182.
139. See Roberts, Darwin and the Divine, pp. 19-20. For further background, see also Herbert Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America: 1800-1860 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978)
140. J. David Hoeveler, Jr., James McCosh and the Scottish Intellectual Tradition from Glasgow to Princeton (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981).See also William Milligan Sloane, ed., The Life of James Mc-Cosh: A Record Chiefly Autobiographical (New York: Charles Scribner's, 1896). 60. Means, The Prayer-Gauge Debate, p. 144.
141. Mark Hopkins, Prayer and the Prayer Gauge (New York: Dodd and Mead, 1874), p. 40. Hopkins originally delivered the text as a sermon. See Mark Hopkins, Prayer and the Prayer Gauge: A Discourse Delivered in the First Presbyterian Church, Troy, NY, December 15, 1872 (Albany, NY: Weed, Parsons, 1873).
142. Hugh Miller Thompson, "The Christian Doctrine of Prayer," in Christian Truth and Modern Opinion. Seven Sermons Preached in New York by Clergymen of the Protestant Episcopal Church (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1874), p. 64.
143. Quoted in Eve and Creasey, Life of Tyndall, p. 171. Eve and Creasey give an account of Tyndall's visit to America, in chapter 14.
144. The Nation, December 24, 1874, p. 420.
145. Rev. Dr. Frederick de Sola Mendes, Tyndallism and Judaism: Substance of a Sermon Delivered Nov. 14, 1874, In the Synagogue, "Shaaray Tefila," 44th St., New York (New York: Printed by Request, 1874), p. 9.
146. C. S. Lewis addressed the "efficacy" of prayer in Atlantic Monthly in 1959, recalling much of the debate reviewed here. C. S. Lewis, "The Efficacy of Prayer," in The World's Last Night and Other Essays (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960).
147. See C.R.B. Joyce and R.M.C. Weldon, "The Objective Efficacy of Prayer: A Double-Blind Clinical Trial," Journal of Chronic Diseases 18 (April 1965): 367-77;
148. Platon J. Cullipp, "The Efficacy of Prayer: a Triple-Blind Study," Medical Times 97 (1969): 201-4;
149. Stephen G. Brush, "The Prayer Test," American Scientist 62 (1974): 561-63;
150. R. C. Byrd, "Positive Therapeutic Effects of Intercessory Prayer in a Coronary Care Unit Population," Southern Medical Journal 81 (1988): 826-29;
151. William Kruskal, "Miracles and Statistics: The Casual Assumption of Independence," Journal of the American Statistical Association 83 (1988): 929-40;
152. C. Marwick, "Should Physicians Prescribe Prayer for Health? Spiritual Aspects of Well-Being Considered," JAMA 273 (1995): 1561-62;
153. Herbert Benson et al., "Study of the Therapeutic Effects of Intercessory Prayer (STEP) in Cardiac Bypass Patients: A Multicenter Randomized Trial of Uncertainty and Certainty of Receiving Intercessory Prayer," American Heart Journal 151 (2006): 934-42. Press reports on this last study by Benson et al. received front-page attention in "Long-Awaited Medical Study Questions the Power of Prayer," New York Times, March 31, 2006.
154. For example, see Theodore J. Chamberlain and Christopher A. Hall, Realized Religion: Research on the Relationship between Religion and Health (West Conshohocken, PA: Templeton Foundation Press, 2000); and Harold G. Koenig and Harvey Jay Cohen, eds., The Link between Religion and Health: Psychoneuroimmunology and the Faith Factor (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002). Both of these volumes were sponsored by the John Templeton Foundation, the leading supporter of such investigations in recent years.
155. Daniel J. Macgowan, Claims of the Missionary Enterprise on the Medical Profession: An Address Delivered Before the Temperance Society of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of the University of the State of New-York, October 28, 1842 (New York: William Osborn, 1842), p. 13.
156. The best account of foreign missions is William R. Hutchison, Errand to the World: American Protestant Thought and Foreign Missions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), in particular, pp. 163ff.
157. See also A. F. Walls, " 'The Heavy Artillery of the Missionary Army': The Domestic Importance of the Nineteenth-Century Medical Missionary," in The Church and Healing, ed. W. J. Sheils (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1983), pp. 287-97;
158. Henry Warner Bowden, "An Overview of Cultural Factors in the American Protestant Missionary Enterprise," in American Missions in Bicentennial Perspective, ed. R. Pierce Beaver (South Pasadena, CA: William Carey Library, 1977), pp. 40-62.
159. For a contemporaneous assessment of foreign missions in the first quarter of the twentieth century, see Archibald G. Baker, "Though Concerning Protestant Foreign Missions," in Religious Thought in the Last Quarter-Century, ed. Gerald Birney Smith (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927), pp. 207-27.
160. James S. Dennis, Christian Missions and Social Progress: A Sociological Study of Foreign Missions (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1899), 2:400-433.
161. See also W. J. Wanless, M.D., The Medical Mission: Its Place, Power and Appeal (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1900).
162. For a Catholic account, see T.W.M. Marshall, Christian Missions: Their Agents, and Their Results, 5th ed., 2 vols. (New York: P. J. Kennedy, 1896).
163. Daniel J. Macgowan, Claims of the Missionary Enterprise on the Medical Profession: An Address Delivered Before the Temperance Society of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of the University of the State of New-York, October 28, 1842 (New York: William Osborn, 1842), p. 13.
164. James S. Dennis, Christian Missions and Social Progress: A Sociological Study of Foreign Missions (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1899), 2:400-433.
165. See also W. J. Wanless, M.D., The Medical Mission: Its Place, Power and Appeal (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1900).
166. For a Catholic account, see T.W.M. Marshall, Christian Missions: Their Agents, and Their Results, 5th ed., 2 vols. (New York: P. J. Kennedy, 1896).
167. J. G. Kerr, Medical Missions at Home and Abroad (San Francisco: A. L. Bancroft, 1878), p. 3.
168. A possibly unique study of the physical health of missionaries is by William G. Lennox, who was then on the faculty of Harvard Medical School. See The Health and Turnover of Missionaries (New York: Press of the Methodist Book Concern, 1933).
169. See also J. H. Raymond, History of the Long Island College Hospital and Its Graduates Together with The Hoagland Laboratory and The Polhemus Memorial Clinic (Brooklyn, NY: Association of the Alumni, 1899)
170. James Macfarlane Winfield, "The Long Island College Hospital," Long Island Medical Journal 4, no. 7 (1910): 225-38.
171. See David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise: Hospitals and Health Care in Brooklyn and New York, 1885-1915 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 100-101.
172. Editorial, "Success in a Crowded Profession," Medical Record (New York) March 11, 1876, p. 175.
173. Medical Record (New York) March 19, 1887, p. 331.
174. Godkin, Reflections and Comments, p. 237.
175. For background to the rise of Protestant liberalism in the second half of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, see William R. Hutchison, The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976).
176. See, for example, Austin Flint (1812-1886), An Address: Delivered to the Graduates of the Long Island College Hospital, Brooklyn, N.Y. at the Annual Commencement, on the Evening of July 24th, 1860 (Brooklyn: Wilton, 1860).
177. See the Dictionary of American Biography.
178. See Harriet Mott Stryker-Rodda, Brooklyn and Long Island Sanitary Fair (New York: Long Island Historical Society, 1964).
179. Scudder later became secretary to the American Medical Missionary Society when it was organized in 1885 in Chicago. See American Medical Missionary Society, Constitution with an Account of Its Organization and a Plea for Medical Missions (Chicago: C. W. Magill, n.d.).
180. "Young Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 26, 1874.
181. "Long Island College Hospital," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 27, 1867.
182. In later years, Littlejohn published Individualism: Its Growth and Tendencies, with Some Suggestions as to the Remedy for Its Evils (New York: T. Whittaker, 1881).
183. "Long Island College Hospital," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 27, 1867.
184. Abram N. Littlejohn, Conciones Ad Clerum, 1879-1880, 3rd ed. (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1881), p. 47.
185. Littlejohn took up the question of the cure of souls again in adumbrated form in The Christian Ministry at the Close of the Nineteenth Century, The Bishop Paddock Lectures, 1884 (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1884), pp. 313-27.
186. "Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 28, 1878.
187. See J. Wade Caurthers, Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gentle Radical (University: University of Alabama Press, 1977).
188. "Graduates," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 25, 1879.
189. See also William A. Snively, "A Good Man's Death," in Testimonies to the Supernatural (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1888), pp. 115-24.
190. The minister was the Reverend Charles H. Hall. "Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 20, 1883.
191. The minister was the Reverend Robert R. Meredith. "More Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, March 24, 1892.
192. "Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 24, 1880.
193. "Seventy-Two New Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 19, 1898, p. 7.
194. Medical Record, April 1, 1872, p. 94.
195. See Clifford E. Clark, Jr., Henry Ward Beecher: Spokesman for a Middle-Class America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).
196. "New Doctors," Brooklyn Daily Eagle, March 10, 1888.
197. See Kurt Danziger, Constructing the Subject: Historical Origins of Psychological Research (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
198. See Francis Greenwood Peabody, Reminiscences of Present-Day Saints (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927), pp. 110-11.
199. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 182.
200. Frank Parsons, Choosing a Vocation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1909), pp. 4-5.
201. Hugo Münsterberg, "Finding a Life Work," McClure's Magazine, February 1910, pp. 398-403.
202. See Matthew Hale, Jr., Human Science and Social Order: Hugo Münsterberg and the Origins of Applied Psychology (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), pp. 122-23.
203. Hugo Münsterberg, Vocation and Learning (St. Louis, MO: Lewis Publishing, 1910), p. 233.
204. For background, see Lancelot Law Whyte, The Unconscious before Freud (London: Tavistock, 1962).
205. Alfred T. Schofield, Unconscious Therapeutics; or, The Personality of the Physician, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston's, 1906), p. 22. The quote is taken from Maurice de Fleury, Medicine and the Mind (London: Downey, 1900), p. 372.
206. Schofield, Unconscious Therapeutics, pp. 29-30.
207. These works included D. W. Cathell's The Physician Himself
208. S. Weir Mitchell's Doctors and Patients; Ian Maclaren's A Doctor of the Old School; and Jukes De Styrap's The Young Practitioner.
209. Schofield, Unconscious Therapeutics, p. 98n.
210. The most thorough account of Henderson's life and career is John Parascandola, "Lawrence J. Henderson and the Concept of Organized Systems," Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1968.
211. "Physician and Patient as a Social System," in L. J. Henderson on the Social System: Selected Writings, ed. Bernard Barber (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 202. The essay was originally published in the New England Journal of Medicine 212 (1935): 819-23.
212. See James Peter Warbasse, Three Voyages: The Story of an Inquiring Soul Exploring His Way Through Life and Living It as He Goes, Being Fragments of an Autobiography (Superior, Wis.: Cooperative League of the U.S.A., 1956).
213. Hawkins, Medical Sociology, p. 19.
214. See also Samuel W. Bloom, The Word as Scalpel: A History of Medical Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002).
215. James Peter Warbasse, Medical Sociology: A Series of Observations Touching upon the Sociology of Health and the Relations of Medicine to Society (New York: D. Appleton, 1909), p. 44.
216. Warbasse, Medical Sociology, p. 114.
217. Henry Allen Moe, "The Doctor as Citizen," in The Power of Freedom in Human Affairs (Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society and Princeton University Press, 1977), p. 54, 57. The essay first appeared in Annals of Internal Medicine 32, no. 2 (1950).
218. Joseph Garland, ed., The Physician and His Practice (Boston: Little, Brown, 1954), p. xi.
219. See John P. McGovern and Chester R. Burns, Humanism in Medicine (Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas, 1973).
220. Daniel C. Elkin, "A Case for the Study of the Humanities in the Making of a Doctor," Annals of Surgery 136, no. 3 (1952): 340. See Stanley Dorst, "Education for Professional Services," Journal of Medical Education 26 (1951): 269.
221. Elkin, "Study of the Humanities," p. 340.
222. "Medicine and Religion Program Set," JAMA 188 (1964): 59.
223. Abraham Joshua Heschel, The Insecurity of Freedom (New York: Noonday Press, 1967), p. 34.
224. "Psychiatrist, Rabbi Agree on Importance of Warm Physician-Patient Relationship," JAMA 189 (1964): 27.
225. "MDs, Clergymen: Both Vital to 'Healing' Ministry," JAMA 193 (1965): 39.
226. See Robert R. Huntley, "Epidemiology of Family Practice," JAMA 185 (1963): 175-78
227. Robert J. Haggerty, "Etiology of Decline in General Practice," JAMA 185 (1963): 179-82.
228. "MDs, Clergymen," p. 40.
229. "'When Do You Pull the Plug?'" JAMA 205 (1968): 29.
230. Kenneth S. Lynn, "Introduction to the Issue, 'The Professions,'" Daedalus 92 (1963): 647.
231. See also Kenneth S. Lynn and the Editors of Daedalus, The Professions in America (Cambridge, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1965).
232. See Dianna B. Dutton with contributions by Thomas A. Preston and Nancy E. Pfund, Worse Than the Disease: Pitfalls of Medical Progress (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
233. Eric J. Cassell, Talking with Patients, vol. 2: Clinical Technique (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), p. ix.
234. Eric J. Cassell, Talking with Patients, vol. 1: The Theory of Doctor-Patient Communication (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), p. 1.
235. Cassell, Talking with Patients, 2:157.
236. Elliot G. Mishler et al., Social Contexts of Health, Illness, and Patient Care (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 196.
237. One measure of Illich's critical influence was his appearance on National Public Radio to discuss the changing doctor-patient relationship and its effect on medical care, with Susan Stamberg, June 3, 1976, following the publication of Medical Nemesis in the United States.
238. Ivan Illich, Medical Nemesis: The Expropriation of Health (New York: Pantheon, 1976), p. 3.
239. I examine McKeown's work in further detail in chapter 7.
240. See Renée C. Fox, "The Medicalization and Demedicalization of American Society," in Essays in Medical Sociology: Journeys into the Field (New York: Wiley, 1979), pp. 465-83.
241. Illich, Medical Nemesis, p. 33.
242. New York Times Book Review, May 2, 1976, p. 2. The editors provided the following caption line: "The 20th-century's leading Luddite turns to medicine."
243. Apparently the dismissal of Illich's arguments and approaches apply as well to his work on education. See David A. Gabbard, Silencing Ivan Illich: A Foucauldian Analysis of Intellectual Exclusion (San Francisco: Austin and Winfield, 1993).
244. Illich, Medical Nemesis, p. 127.
245. Talcott Parsons, "Social Structure and Dynamic Process: The Case of Modern Medical Practice," in The Social System (New York: Free Press, 1951), pp. 428-79.
246. Parsons further developed his perspectives on the physician-patient relation in response to his critics. See "The Sick Role and the Role of the Physician Reconsidered," Millbank Memorial Fund Quarterly/Health and Society, Summer 1975, pp. 257-78.
247. Mizrahi, Getting Rid of Patients.
248. Carol Hanisch, "The Personal is Political" (1970) in Radical Feminism: A Documentary Reader, ed. Barbara A. Crow (New York: New York University Press, 2000), pp. 113-16.
249. Although now remembered as a radical feminist idea, Hanisch's formulation was remarkably tolerant, even quizzical in its approach to "apolitical" women. The emergence of the cliché conceals the ways in which radical feminist challenges were initially arguments internal to the Left. The triumph of feminism in matters of health suggests an important convergence between "women's" health and "public" health.
250. For an excellent historical summary, see Ellen S. More, Restoring the Balance: Women Physicians and the Profession of Medicine, 1850-1995 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999).
251. New England Free Press originally published the book in 1971, and Simon and Schuster in 1973.
252. Boston Women's Health Book Collective, Our Bodies, Ourselves: A Book by and for Women (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1973). The 1973 edition was 276 pages. A second edition, published in 1976, was 383 pages. The New Our Bodies, Ourselves, published in 1984 was 647 pages. The twenty-fifth anniversary edition, published in 1992, was 751 pages. A 1998 edition, Our Bodies, Ourselves for the New Century, was 780 pages.
253. Boston Women's Health Book Collective, Our Bodies, Ourselves (1973), p. 1.
254. Candace West, Routine Complications: Troubles with Talk between Doctors and Patients (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), p. 11.
255. For overviews of social-scientific literature on the physician-patient relation since 1975
256. West, Routine Complications, chap. 2; Howard Waitzkin, The Politics of Medical Encounters: How Patients and Doctors Deal with Social Problems (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), chap. 2
257. L.M.L. Ong et al., "Doctor-Patient Communication: A Review of the Literature," Social Science and Medicine 40 (1995): 903-18.
258. Sue Fisher, In the Patient's Best Interest: Women and the Politics of Medical Decisions (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986), p. 5.
259. For debates and studies on these matters, internal to the social sciences, see Sue Fisher and Alexandra Dundas Todd, eds., The Social Organization of Doctor- Patient Communication (Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1983)
260. Sue Fisher, "Institutional Authority and the Structure of Discourse," Discourse Processes 7 (1984): 210-24
261. Eliot G. Mishler, The Discourse of Medicine: Dialectics of Medical Interviews (Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1984)
262. Sue Fisher and Alexandra Dundas Todd, eds., Discourse and Institutional Authority: Medicine, Education, and Law (Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 1986)
263. Christian Heath, Body Movement and Speech in Medical Interaction (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986)
264. George Psathas, ed., Interaction Competence (Washington, DC: University Press of America, 1990)
265. Paul ten Have, "Talk and Institution: A Reconsideration of the 'Asymmetry' of Doctor-Patient Interaction," in Talk and Social Structure: Studies in Ethnomethodology and Conversation Analysis, ed. Deirdre Boden and Don H. Zimmerman (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 138-63
266. Paul Atkinson, Medical Talk and Medical Work (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1995)
267. Nancy Ainsworth-Vaughn, Claiming Power in Doctor-Patient Talk (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998).
268. The implications of the absorption of social-scientific work into the practical work of physicians are illustrated in a literature written by physicians about physician-patient communication. For example, see the work of Frederic W. Platt, Conversation Failure: Case Studies in Doctor-Patient Communication (Tacoma, WA: Life Sciences Press, 1992) and Conversation Repair: Case Studies in Doctor-Patient Communication (Boston: Little, Brown, 1995).
269. In addition to works that address the sociolinguistic context of physicianpatient interaction, see Diana Scully and Pauline Bart, "A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Orifice: Women in Gynecology Textbooks," American Journal of Sociology 78 (1973): 1045-50
270. Diana Scully, Men Who Control Women's Health: The Miseducation of Obstetrician-Gynecologists (1980; Williston, VT: Teachers College Press, 1994)
271. Emily Martin, The Woman in the Body: A Cultural Analysis of Reproduction (1987; Boston: Beacon Press, 2001).
272. Raymond Firth, "Acculturation in Relation to Concepts of Health and Disease," in Medicine and Anthropology, ed. Iago Galdston (New York: International Universities Press, 1959), p. 129.
273. Consider, for example, Norman Cousins, Anatomy of an Illness as Perceived by the Patient: Reflections on Healing and Regeneration (New York: Norton, 1979). Although much of Cousins's influence was reflected in the importance of humor and "positive thinking" in illness, his message was also directed at the need for doctorpatient teamwork.
274. This is particularly the case in the work of the anthropologist Arthur Kleinman. See his The Illness Narratives: Suffering, Healing, and the Human Condition (New York: Basic Books, 1988).
275. Arthur W. Frank, The Wounded Storyteller: Body, Illness, and Ethics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), pp. 146-47.
276. Arthur W. Frank, At the Will of the Body: Reflections on Illness (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1991).
277. Frank, The Wounded Storyteller, p. 92.
278. For the centrality of narrative in postmodernity, see George Steiner, Grammars of Creation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001); in bioethics in particular
279. Hilde Lindemann Nelson, ed., Stories and Their Limits: Narrative Approaches to Bioethics (New York: Routledge, 1997)
280. Rita Charon and Martha Montello, Stories Matter: The Role of Narrative in Medical Ethics (New York: Routledge, 2002). These latter two books clearly reconstitute an earlier agenda of linking personal transformation with political purpose, less evident in Frank's work.
281. Arthur Frank, The Wounded Storyteller, p. 115.
282. Peter D. Kramer, Listening to Prozac (New York: Viking, 1993).
283. Sandra M. Gilbert, Wrongful Death: A Medical Tragedy (New York: Norton, 1995), p. 311.
284. Lisa Alther, "American Tragedies," review of Wrongful Death: A Medical Tragedy and Dreaming: Hard Luck and Good Times in America, in Women's Review of Books, July 1995, p. 18.
285. The apparent complexities of characterizing what kind of era of medicine we are presently in is illustrated in Jacob S. Hacker and Theodore R. Marmor, "The Misleading Language of Managed Care," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 24 (1999): 1033-43.
286. Allan M. Brandt and Martha Gardner, "The Golden Age of Medicine?" in Medicine in the 20th Century, ed. Roger Cooter and John Pickstone (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 2000), pp. 21-37.
287. JAMA 143 (1950): 746. On the same page, announcement was made that the inauguration of the new president, Dr. Elmer L. Henderson, would be broadcast live for the first time on radio.
288. Current Medical Digest, October 1933, p. 9. At the time, the editors took pride in following "thirty of the leading journals of the world."
289. Grace Metalious, Peyton Place (1956; Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1999).
290. Bantam Books, Inc. v. Sullivan, 372 U.S. 58 (1963).
291. For a thorough appraisal of the social history of medicine, see Frank Huisman and John Harley Warner, eds., Locating Medical History: The Stories and Their Meanings (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004).
292. John C. Burnham, How the Idea of Profession Changed the Writing of Medical History (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1998).
293. Thomas Henry Huxley, "On the Physical Basis of Life," in Lay Sermons, Addresses, and Reviews (New York: D. Appleton, 1871), p. 140. In the same volume of essays, Huxley is more forthright: "While as for the 'culte systématique de l"humanité,' I, in my blindness, could not distinguish it from sheer Popery, with M. Comte in the chair of St. Peter, and the names of most of the saints changed" ("The Scientific Aspects of Positivism," p. 149).
294. Hans Barth, The Idea of Order: Contributions to a Philosophy of Politics, trans. Ernest W. Hankamer and William M. Newell (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1960), p. 128.
295. F. A. Hayek, The Counter-Revolution of Science: Studies on the Abuse of Reason (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1952).
296. John H. Evans has documented in fascinating detail the role that bioethicists came to play in the shaping of bioethical debate with the increased role of the state in both organizing and rationalizing how this debate would take place. My interest here is to step back further in order to characterize the cultural and moral frameworks in which such usurpation became possible.
297. John H. Evans, Playing God? Human Genetic Engineering and the Rationalization of Public Bioethical Debate (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002).
298. Daniel Callahan, Abortion: Law, Choice, and Morality (New York: Macmillan, 1970). Callahan dedicated his book to the Berrigan brothers, Daniel and Philip, and to Elizabeth Bartelme.
299. John T. Noonan, A Private Choice: Abortion in America in the Seventies (New York: Free Press, 1979).
300. Kelly, Emergence of Catholic Medical Ethics.
301. Charles J. McFadden, Medical Ethics, 3rd ed. (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis, 1955), p. xiii.
302. Paul Tillich, "Moralisms and Morality from the Point of View of the Ethicist," in Ministry and Medicine in Human Relations, ed. Iago Galdston (New York: International Universities Press, 1955), p. 131.
303. For an extensive theological discussion of Protestant and Roman Catholic approaches to ethics, see James M. Gustafson, Protestant and Roman Catholic Ethics: Prospects for Rapprochement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978).
304. Tillich's further reflections on health in "The Meaning of Health," Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 5, no. 1 (1961): 92-100.
305. Stephen Toulmin, "How Medicine Saved the Life of Ethics," Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 25, no. 4 (1982): 736-50.
306. See also a less noticed but equally important assessment by Richard M. Zaner, "Is 'Ethicist' Anything to Call a Philosopher?" Human Studies 7, no. 1 (1984): 71-90.
307. Veatch, "Diverging Traditions," pp. 121-32.
308. Joseph Fletcher, Morals and Medicine: The Moral Problems of: The Patient's Right to Know the Truth, Contraception, Artificial Insemination, Sterilization, Euthanasia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1954), p. 6. Fletcher was an Episcopal priest whose work ushered in the era of "bioethics," a term adopted in part to move beyond the corruption of Protestant ethics as business ethics only as well as beyond the narrow and Catholic meanings associated with "pastoral" medicine.
309. Joseph Fletcher acknowledged as much: "As we often find in these matters of specific concrete moral questions, there is no Protestant discussion of surgery, autopsy, and other mutilative procedures-not even on the ethics of transplant donation." "Our Shameful Waste of Human Tissue: An Ethical Problem for the Living and the Dead," in The Religious Situation: 1969, ed. Donald R. Cutler (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), p. 230.
310. Frederick N. Dyer, Champion of Women and the Unborn: Horatio Robinson Storer, M.D. (Canton, MA: Science History Publication, 1999).
311. James C. Mohr, Abortion in America: The Origins and Evolution of National Policy, 1800-1900 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978.
312. A second meaning of "neologism," "a meaningless word coined by a psychotic," has its applicability as well, insofar as the broader institutional and cultural mandates of both sociology and bioethics cannot be easily defined or identified.
313. Andrew Wernick, Auguste Comte and the Religion of Humanity: The Posttheistic Program of French Social Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
314. Van Rensselaer Potter, Bioethics: Bridge to the Future (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1971).
315. For an assessment of the word "bioethics," see Warren T. Reich, "The Word "Bioethics": Its Birth and the Legacies of Those Who Shaped It," Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 4 (1994): 319-35
316. Warren T. Reich, "The Word 'Bioethics': The Struggle over Its Earliest Meanings," Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 5 (1995): 19-34.
317. Robert Martensen, "The History of Bioethics: An Essay Review," Journal of the History of Medicine 56, no. 2 (2001): 168-75.
318. K. Danner Clouser, "Bioethics," in Encyclopedia of Bioethics, ed. Warren T. Reich (New York: Free Press, 1978), p. 118.
319. All quotations of "A Bioethical Creed for Individuals" come from Potter, Bioethics, inside cover.
320. David J. Rothman, Strangers at the Bedside: A History of How Law and Bioethics Transformed Medical Decision Making (New York: Basic Books, 1991)
321. Albert R. Jonsen, The Birth of Bioethics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998)
322. M. L. Tina Stevens, Bioethics in America: Origins and Cultural Politics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000).
323. Rothman, Strangers at the Bedside, p. 247.
324. Eliot Freidson, Professionalism Reborn: Theory, Prophecy, and Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
325. Samuel W. Bloom, "Professionalism in the Practice of Medicine," Mount Sinai Journal of Medicine 69, no. 6 (2002): 398-403
326. Rosemary A. Stevens, "Themes in the History of Medical Professionalism," Mount Sinai Journal of Medicine 69, no. 6 (2002): 357-62.
327. Nancy Howell Lee, The Search for an Abortionist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1969). Howell, a sociologist, studied social networks and the differential access to abortion.
328. Edward G. Andrew, Conscience and Its Critics: Protestant Conscience, Enlightenment Reason, and Modern Subjectivity (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001). In his own time, Joseph Fletcher led one of the best-known debates implicating antinomianism, which was then called "situation ethics." See Harvey Cox, The Situation Ethics Debate (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1968).
329. Two useful resources that examine the absence of religious ideas and thinking in much of contemporary bioethical thought are John F. Kilner, Nigel M. de S. Cameron, and David L. Schiedermayer, eds., Bioethics and the Future of Medicine: A Christian Appraisal (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995)
330. Allen Verhey, Religion and Medical Ethics: Looking Back, Looking Forward (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996).
331. Gilbert Meilaender, Bioethics: A Primer for Christians (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996)
332. Leon R. Kass, Life, Liberty and the Defense of Dignity: The Challenge for Bioethics (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2002)
333. Eric Cohen, "Conservative Bioethics and the Search for Wisdom," Hastings Center Report 36, no. 1 (2006): 44-56. chapter 7 Anxiety in the Age of Epidemiology
334. Stephen Spender, Poems (London: Faber and Faber, 1933), p. 41.
335. Daniel Patrick Moynihan recognized long ago the implications of studying traffic fatalities as nonrandom events, which are useful to understand statistically for the purposes of the improvement of public policy based on such understanding. See Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The War against the Automobile," Public Interest, Spring 1966, pp. 10-26.
336. The remarkable increase in public anxieties about nuclear war, and their rapid disappearance, is exemplified in such works as Ruth Adams and Susan Cullen, eds., The Final Epidemic: Physicians and Scientists on Nuclear War (Chicago: Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1981)
337. Spencer R. Weart, Nuclear Fear: A History of Images (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988).
338. A comprehensive history of modern epidemiology has yet to be written. An excellent place to begin is Mervyn Susser, Causal Thinking in the Health Sciences (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), as well as Mervyn Susser, "Epidemiology in the United States after World War II: The Evolution of Technique," Epidemiologic Reviews 7 (1985): 147-77.
339. Jay S. Kaufman, "Looking Back on 'Causal Thinking in the Health Sciences,'" Annual Review of Public Health 21 (May 2000): 101-19
340. Mark Parascandola, "Epidemiology: Second-Rate Science?" Public Health Reports 113, no. 4 (1998): 312-20.
341. For an excellent textbook introduction, see Paul D. Stolley and Tamar Lasky, Investigating Disease Patterns: The Science of Epidemiology (New York: Scientific American Library, 1995).
342. William G. Rothstein, Public Health and the Risk Factor: A History of an Uneven Medical Revolution (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester, 2003).
343. Thomas McKeown, The Role of Medicine: Dream, Mirage, or Nemesis? 2nd ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979).
344. McKeown's arguments became the source for considerable debate, in particular, among quantitative historians of a new generation. See his The Modern Rise of Population (New York: Academic Press, 1976) and The Origins of Human Disease (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
345. Dorothy Porter, "The History of Public Health: Current Themes and Approaches," Hygiea Internationalis 1, no. 1 (1999): 9-21
346. John Colgrove, "The McKeown Thesis: A Historical Controversy and Its Enduring Influence," in American Journal of Public Health 92 (2002): 725-29.
347. The Journal of Chronic Diseases, for example, was launched in 1955. See "The Changing Role of Chronic Disease," (pp. 86-87) which estimated that approximately four million people were suffering from serious chronic illness. Journal of Chronic Diseases 1 (January 1955).
348. Mrs. H. M. Plunkett, Women, Plumbers, and Doctors; or, Household Sanitation (New York: D. Appleton, 1885). See James H. Cassedy, "The Flamboyant Colonel Waring: An Anticontagionist Holds the American Stage in the Age of Pasteur and Koch," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 36 (1962): 163-76.
349. Constance A. Nathanson, "Disease as Social Change: Toward a Theory of Public Health," Population and Development Review 22 (1996): 609-37.
350. Henry E. Sigerist, "Living under the Shadow," in When Doctors are Patients, ed. Max Pinner and Benjamin F. Miller (New York: Norton, 1952), p. 3.
351. For a little noticed but excellent overview of the "worried well"
352. Arthur J. Barsky, Worried Sick: Our Troubled Quest for Wellness (Boston: Little, Brown, 1988).
353. Jonathan R. Cole, "Dietary Cholesterol and Heart Disease: The Construction of a Medical 'Fact,'" in Surveying Social Life: Papers in Honor of Herbert H. Hyman, ed. Hubert J. O'Gorman (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), pp. 437-66.
354. McKeown, The Role of Medicine, pp. 135, 145, and 151. If such a revitalization has occurred, it is probably best understood at present as the renewed emphasis in medical education on what is called "bedside manner," which now invokes more than a half century of research on physician-patient communication.
355. Russell, Educated Guesses.
356. Sally Satel, "ADD Overdose," Wall Street Journal, July 23, 2003, p. A14.
357. Mark Twain, The Adventures of Tom Sawyer (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1903), pp. 126-27.
358. The sociological literature on "risk" is extensive. An excellent overview is Iain Wilkinson, Anxiety in a Risk Society (New York: Routledge, 2001).
359. For other important statements, see Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991)
360. Ulrich Beck, Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1992)
361. Deborah Lupton, Risk (New York: Routledge, 1999).
362. No informed reader can afford to ignore the following works: Allan M. Brandt, "The Cigarette, Risk, and American Culture," Daedalus 119 (1990): 155-76
363. Allan M. Brandt, The Cigarette Century: The Rise, Fall, and Deadly Persistence of the Product That Defined America (New York: Basic Books, 2007)
364. Lester Breslow, "Some Sequels to the Surgeon General's Report on Smoking and Health Thirty Years Later," Annals of Epidemiology 6 (1996): 372-75
365. John C. Burnham, "American Physicians and Tobacco Use: Two Surgeons General, 1929 and 1964," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 1-31
366. Johannes Clemmesen, "Lung Cancer from Smoking: Delays and Attitudes, 1912-1965," American Journal of Industrial Medicine 23 (1993): 941-53
367. Richard Doll, "Uncovering the Effects of Smoking: Historical Perspective," Statistical Methods in Medical Research 7 (1998): 87-117
368. Richard Doll, "The First Reports on Smoking and Lung Cancer," in Ashes to Ashes: The History of Smoking and Health, ed. S. Lock, L. A. Reynolds and E. M. Tansey (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998), pp. 130-42
369. Michael J. McFarlane, "Evolution of the Epidemiology of Lung Cancer: A Twentieth Century Phenomenon," chapter 9 in Lung Cancer: The Evolution of Concepts, ed. John G. Gruhn and Steven T. Rosen, vol. 1 (New York: Field and Wood, 1989), pp. 219-39
370. Alton Ochsner, "My First Recognition of the Relationship of Smoking and Lung Cancer," Preventive Medicine 2 (1973): 611-14
371. John Parascandola, "The Surgeons General and Smoking," Public Health Reports 112 (1997): 440-42
372. Mark Parascandola, "Cigarettes and the US Public Health Service in the 1950s," American Journal of Public Health 91 (2001): 196-205
373. Stanley Joel Reiser, "Smoking and Health: The Congress and Causality," in Knowledge and Power: Essays on Science and Government, ed. Sanford A. Lakoff (New York: Free Press, 1966), pp. 293-311
374. Jesse L. Steinfeld, "Smoking and Lung Cancer: A Milestone in Awareness" (a commentary on E. L. Wynder and E. A. Graham, "Tobacco Smoking as a Possible Risk Factor in Bronchiogenic Carcinoma: A Study of 684 Proved Cases"), JAMA 253 (1985): 2995-97
375. Paul D. Stolley, "When Genius Errs: R. A. Fisher and the Lung Cancer Controversy," American Journal of Epidemiology 133 (1991): 416-26
376. Jan P. Vandenbroucke, "Those Who Were Wrong," American Journal of Epidemiology 130 (1989): 3-5
377. Colin White, "Research on Smoking and Lung Cancer: A Landmark in the History of Chronic Disease Epidemiology," Yale Journal of Biology and Medicine 63 (1990): 29-46
378. Ernst L. Wynder, "Tobacco as a Cause of Lung Cancer: Some Reflections," American Journal of Epidemiology 146 (1997): 687-94.
379. David J. Rothman, "The Fielding H. Garrison Lecture: Serving Clio and Client: The Historian as Expert Witness," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 77 (2003): 25-44
380. Jonathan D. Martin, "Historians at the Gate: Accommodating Expert Historical Testimony in Federal Courts," New York University Law Review 78 (2003): 1518-49.
381. Colin Talley, Howard I. Kushner, and Claire E. Sterk, "Lung Cancer, Chronic Disease Epidemiology, and Medicine, 1948-1964," Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 59, no. 3 (2004): 329-74
382. Allan M. Brandt, "From Analysis to Advocacy: Crossing Boundaries as a Historian of Health Policy," in Huisman and Warner, Locating Medical History, pp. 460-84
383. Robert N. Proctor, "'Everyone Knew but No One Had Proof ': Tobacco Industry Use of Medical History Expertise in US Courts, 1990-2002," Tobacco Control 15, no. 6 (2006): iv117-iv125.
384. Richard Kluger, Ashes to Ashes: America's Hundred-Year Cigarette War, the Public Health, and the Unabashed Triumph of Philip Morris (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996); Cassandra Tate, Cigarette Wars: The Triumph of "The Little White Slaver" (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); and Brandt, The Cigarette Century.
385. Richard Klein, Cigarettes Are Sublime (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1993).
386. Ronald J. Troyer and Gerald E. Markle, Cigarettes: The Battle over Smoking (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1983)
387. Jacob Sullum, For Your Own Good: The Anti-smoking Crusade and the Tyranny of Public Health (New York: Free Press, 1998).
388. One way to appreciate this difference is to compare the strategy of litigation, which is more recent, with earlier attempts to persuade smokers to quit. See Richard A. Daynard, "Tobacco Liability Litigation as a Cancer Control Strategy," Journal of the National Cancer Institute 80, no. 1 (1988): 9-13.
389. Peter D. Jacobson and Kenneth E. Warner, "Litigation and Public Health Policy Making: The Case of Tobacco Control," Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 24 (1999): 769-804.
390. Allan M. Brandt, "The Rise and Fall of the Cigarette: A Brief History of the Antismoking Movement in the United States," in Advancing Health in Developing Countries: The Role of Social Research, ed. Lincoln C. Chen, Arthur Kleinman, and Norma C. Ware (New York: Auburn House, 1992), pp. 59-77.
391. Alton Ochsner and Michael DeBakey, "Symposium on Cancer, Primary Pulmonary Malignancy, Treatment by Total Pneumonectomy, Analysis of 79 Collected Cases and Presentation of 7 Personal Cases," Surgery, Gynecology, and Obstetrics 68 (1939): 435. A similar effort to link smoking with health was published a year earlier by Raymond Pearl, whose interest was not lung cancer but rather longevity-the three greatest inhibitors of longevity were smoking, alcohol, and hard labor.
392. Raymond Pearl, "Tobacco Smoking and Longevity," Science 87, no. 2253 (1938): 216-17.
393. Alton Ochsner and Michael DeBakey, "Carcinoma of the Lung," Archives of Surgery 42, no. 2 (1941): 221.
394. John Wilds and Ira Harkey, Alton Ochsner, Surgeon of the South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), p. 177.
395. See John C. Burnham, Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History (New York: New York University Press, 1993).
396. Wynder's own account provides one of the best introductions to his multiple contributions. Ernst L. Wynder, "The Past, Present, and Future of the Prevention of Lung Cancer," Cancer Epidemiology Biomarkers and Prevention 7, no. 9 (1998): 735-48.
397. There are many useful accounts of these developments, the best by Doll and Hill themselves, already cited in note 20. See also Richard Doll, "Sir Austin Bradford Hill and the Progress of Medicine," British Medical Journal 305 (1992): 1521-26; and
398. Richard Doll, "Sir Austin Bradford Hill: A Personal View of His Contribution to Epidemiology," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, ser. A (Statistics in Society), 158, no. 1 (1995): 155-63. Hill's own contributions to statistical thinking are best exemplified in A. Bradford Hill, "Observation and Experiment," New England Journal of Medicine 248 (1953): 995-1001; and Sir Austin Bradford Hill, "The Environment and Disease: Association or Causation?" (President's Address Section of Occupational Medicine), Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 58 (May 1965): 295-300. And see the entire issue of Statistics in Medicine 1, no. 4 (1984), which includes a bibliography of Hill's work.
399. Doll provides an overview of the methodological virtues and problems with both retrospective and prospective studies in Richard Doll, "Retrospective and Prospective Studies," in Medical Surveys and Clinical Trials, ed. L. J. Witts, 2nd ed.(London: Oxford University Press, 1964), pp. 71-98.
400. It is interesting to note that animal studies of the toxic effects of alcohol on living tissue were conducted in the late nineteenth century but were unsuccessful in establishing a link between alcohol and cirrhosis of the liver. See Thomas S. Chen and Peter S. Chen, Understanding the Liver: A History (Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1984), p. 132.
401. Wynder's reputation in light of present-day tobacco litigation has been challenged because he held out for a "safer" cigarette. See Nicole Fields and S. Chapman, "Chasing Ernst L. Wynder: 40 Years of Philip Morris' Efforts to Influence a Leading Scientist," Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 57 (2003): 571-78.
402. See also Ernst L. Wynder, "Some Concepts of the Less Harmful Cigarette," in A Safe Cigarette? ed. Gio B. Gori and Fred G. Bock (Cold Spring Harbor, NY: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory, 1980), pp. 3-12.
403. On the first twenty years of NCI, see Michael B. Shimkin, "As Memory Serves-an Informal History of the National Cancer Institute, 1937-57," Journal of the National Cancer Institute 59, no. 2 (suppl.) (1977): 559-600.
404. For background on ACS, see Victor A. Triolo and Michael B. Shimkin, "The American Cancer Society and Cancer Research Origins and Organization: 1913-1943," Cancer Research 29 (1969): 1615-40.
405. See James T. Patterson, The Dread Disease: Cancer and Modern American Culture (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987).
406. E. Cuyler Hammond and Daniel Horn, "Tobacco and Lung Cancer," in Cancer of the Lung (Endemiology), A Symposium, ed. J. Clemmesen (Paris: C.I.O.M.S., 1953), pp. 81-85.
407. E. Cuyler Hammond, "The Place of Tobacco in the Etiology of Lung Cancer," in CA, A Bulletin of Cancer Progress, March 1954, p. 49.
408. Around the same time as controversy began to grow about cigarettes, economic assessments of the costs of traffic accidents were already becoming important in guiding public safety campaigns. See D. J. Reynolds, "The Cost of Road Accidents," Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, ser. A (General), part 4 (1956): 393-408.
409. New York Times, June 5, 1957, p. 1.
410. David M. Spain, "The Duty of the Physician towards His Patients in Regard to Cigarette Smoking," CA, March-April 1959, p. 62.
411. "Lung Cancer Prevention and the Physician," CA, March-April 1960, p. 54.
412. Howard C. Taylor, "Physicians and Cigarette Smoking," CA, January- February 1963, p. 43. Taylor also observed that "The vast majority of physicians, however, have with respect to this problem claimed the layman's privilege of ignorance. 'We are not cancer researchers or specialists in the diseases of the heart or chest.' 'We do not have any opinion because we haven't bothered to study the evidence'" (p. 43).
413. Thomas G. Harvey, "Is This the Negligent Physician?" CA, March-April 1963, p. 75.
414. See History of Cancer Control Project, UCLA School of Public Health, principal researcher and writer Larry Agran, A History of Cancer Control in the United States, 1946-1971, vol. 1: A History of Scientific and Technical Advances in Cancer Control (Washington, DC: Dept. of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National Cancer Institute, Division of Cancer Control and Rehabilitation, 1978), chap. 3, "Tobaccogenic Cancer," pp. 169-95.
415. See Hill, "The Environment and Disease."
416. Physicians' opinions about abortion in the heyday of the liberalization of abortion laws were interestingly more "conservative" the more likely they might be personally faced with a request to perform one. See Imber, Abortion and Private Practice, pp. 24-30.
417. "Professional Briefs," Medical Economics 42 (1965): 218.
418. Joseph Gusfield, "The Social Symbolism of Smoking and Health," in Smoking Policy: Law, Politics, and Culture, ed. Robert L. Rabin and Stephen D. Sugarman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), esp. pp. 54-55.
419. For example, such matters as masturbation and circumcision, as a result of medical and social epidemiology scrutiny, are no longer exclusively condemned or approved in religious and moral terms. See Allan M. Brandt and Paul Rozin, eds., Morality and Health (New York: Routledge, 1997).
420. John Passmore, The Perfectibility of Man (London: Duckworth, 1970), p. 174n.
421. See Dutton, Worse Than the Disease.
422. Roberta J Apfel and Susan M. Fisher, To Do No Harm: DES and the Dilemmas of Modern Medicine (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).
423. See Michael D. Green, Bendectin and Birth Defects: The Challenges of Mass Toxic Substances Litigation (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996); and
424. Joseph Sanders, Bendectin on Trial: A Study of Mass Tort Litigation (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998).
425. Alvan R. Feinstein, "Scientific Standards in Epidemiologic Studies of the Menace of Daily Life," Science 242, no. 4883 (1988): 1257-63.
426. For a classic account of the historical development of clinical research, see J. P. Bull, "The Historical Development of Clinical Therapeutic Trials," Journal of Chronic Diseases 10 (September 1959): 218-48.
427. Letters, Science 243, Issue 4896 (1989): 1255.
428. Taubes has written in the tradition of scientific muckraking that has provoked enthusiastic supporters and critics. See his Nobel Dreams: Power, Deceit, and the Ultimate Experiment (New York: Random House, 1987), and Bad Science: The Short Life and Weird Times of Cold Fusion (New York: Random House, 1993).
429. Gary Taubes, "Epidemiology Faces Its Limits," Science 269, no. 5221 (1995): 164-65, 167-69.
430. See Irwin D. Bross, "Why Proof of Safety Is Much More Difficult Than Proof of Hazard," Biometrics 41 (1985): 785-93.
431. See also Steven P. Millard, "Proof of Safety vs Proof of Hazard," Biometrics 43 (1987): 719-24, along with Bross's response, pp. 724-25.
432. The letter was signed by Walter Willett, Sander Greenland, Brian MacMahon, Dimitrios Trichopoulos, Ken Rothman, David Thomas, Michael Thun, and Noel Weiss. Science 269, no. 5229 (1995): 1325-26.
433. "To Doctor James Craik," September 8, 1789, in The Writings of George Washington (Washington, DC: USGPO, 1939), 30:396.
434. See John C. Burnham, "American Medicine's Golden Age: What Happened to It?" Science 215 (1982): 1474-79. For a more recent account, taking this theme to heart and to task, see Brandt and Gardner, "Golden Age of Medicine?"
435. Burnham, "American Medicine's Golden Age," p. 1476. Burnham's account lays out important elements of what I examine here, including his discussion of the physician's "sacredotal role."
436. See W. Bruce Fye, M.D., "William Osler's Departure from North America: The Price of Success," reprinted from the New England Journal of Medicine 320 (1989):1425, in Barondess and Roland, The Persisting Osler II, pp. 245-57.
437. Harvey Cushing, The Life of Sir William Osler, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), 1:664-74.
438. N. John Hall, Anthony Trollope: A Biography (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 485. Hall refers to Robert Tracy, Trollope's Later Novels (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1978), p. 285. See Massinger, Middleton, and Rowley, The Excellent Comedy Called, The Old Law, or, A New Way to Please You (London: Printed for Edward Archer, 1656). See also Bradford A. Booth, Anthony Trollope: Aspects of His Life and Art (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958), p. 129.
439. Anthony Trollope, The Fixed Period (1882; New York: Penguin, 1993), p. 39.
440. Tracy, Trollope's Later Novels, p. 287.
441. See Donald Smalley, ed., Trollope: The Critical Heritage (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969), pp. 487-92.
442. Hall, Anthony Trollope, p. 487.
443. See David Skilton, "The Fixed Period: Anthony Trollope's Novel of 1980," Studies in the Literary Imagination 6 (Fall 1973): 46.
444. William Osler, "The Fixed Period," in Aequanimitas, pp. 381-83.
445. New York Times, February 27, 1905, p. 1.
446. For accounts of this episode, see Henry R. Viets, "William Osler and 'The Fixed Period,'" Bulletin of the History of Medicine 36 (1962): 368-70;
447. Steven L. Berk, M.D., "Sir William Osler, Ageism, and 'The Fixed Period': A Secret Revealed," Journal of the American Gerontological Society 37 (1989): 263-66, reprinted in Barondess and Roland, The Persisting Osler II, pp. 297-301; Michael Bliss, William Osler: A Life in Medicine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 321-28.
448. William Osler, preface to Aequanimitas, p. viii. An early biographer of Osler noted that his convictions about such matters were deeply self-referential, attributing their strength to his own early maturity. See Edith Gittings Reid, The Great Physician: A Short Life of Sir William Osler (London: Oxford University Press, 1931), pp. 174-77.
449. See David B. Hogan, "Sir William Osler: Fixed Terms, Fixed Ideas, and 'Fixed Period,'" Annals of the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada 28, no. 1 (1995): 25-29.
450. See Eliot Freidson, Professionalism: The Third Logic (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001).
451. See George Ritzer and David Walczak, "Rationalization and the Deprofessionalization of Physicians," Social Forces 67, no. 1 (1988): 1-21.
452. Bernhard J. Stern already noted a trend in the increase of salaried physicians between the late 1920s and early 1940s (American Medical Practice, p. 100).
453. See Burnham, Idea of Profession. See also Arthur Isak Applbaum, Ethics for Adversaries: The Morality of Roles in Public and Professional Life (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), esp. chap. 3, "Doctor, Schmoctor: Practice Positivism and Its Complications," pp. 45-60.
454. James T. Stephens and Edward LeRoy Long, Jr., The Christian as a Doctor (New York: Association Press, 1960), p. 54. See JAMA 171:16 (December 19, 1959): p. 147.
455. Stephens and Long, Christian as Doctor, p. 55. See "Old Fashioned Doctors Disliked, Poll Shows," New York Times, December 30, 1958, p. 20.
456. Marilyn Chase, "Health Journal," Wall Street Journal, September 23, 1996, p. B1.
457. See Janice Hopkins Tanne, "The Best Doctors in America," American Health, March 1996, pp. 61-88. The phenomenon of "best lists" in medicine is not reserved to physicians. See U.S. News and World Report, September 2, 1996, "America's Top HMOs: The First Rigorous Assessment of Quality, State by State."
458. Wall Street Journal, September 23, 1996, p. B1.
459. Charles L. Bosk, Forgive and Remember, p. 192.
460. Peter Sloterdijk, The Critique of Cynical Reason, trans. Michael Eldred (1983; London: Verso, 1988), p. 267.
461. Max Weber, "Science as a Vocation," in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, ed. and trans. H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (London: Routlege and Kegan Paul), p. 144.
462. The debate on how to reduce the scarcity of organs for transplant is examined well by Sally Satel, "Supply, Demand, and Kidney Transplants," Policy Review 144 (August-September 2007): 59-69.
463. See L. A. Siminoff, R. M. Arnold, A. L. Caplan, B. A. Virnig, and D. L. Seltzer. "Public Policy Governing Organ and Tissue Procurement in the United States: Results from the National Organ and Tissue Procurement Study," Annals of Internal Medicine 123, no. 1 (1995): 10-17.
464. See Edwin Rembert Dubose, Jr., "The Illusion of Trust: A Phenomenological and Theological Investigation of the Medical Profession's Fiduciary Commitment," Ph.D. diss., Rice University, 1990. See also Bradford H. Gray, "Trust and Trustworthy Care in the Managed Care Era" Health Affairs 16, no. 1 (1997): 34-49.
465. Gilbert Meilander, The Nature of Suffering and the Goals of Medicine, by Eric J. Cassell, Commentary, April 1992, p. 60.
466. See Elliott, Better Than Well.
467. Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (London: Hogarth Press, 1961), 21:90-91.
468. Friedrich Nietzsche, Twilight of the Idols or How to Philosophize with a Hammer (New York: Penguin, 1968), p. 88.
469. James, Varieties of Religious Experience, pp. 239-40.
470. See Herbert Spiegelberg, "'Accident of Birth': A Non-utilitarian Motif in Mill's Philosophy," Journal of the History of Ideas 22 (1961): 135-46, reprinted in Steppingstones Toward an Ethics for Fellow Existers: Essays, 1944-1984 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1986), pp. 107-30.
471. Bernard Shaw, Doctors' Delusions, Crude Criminology, and Sham Education (London: Constable, 1932), p. 1.
472. See Tom Verducci and Lester Monson, "What Happened to Ted Williams?" Sports Illustrated, August 8, 2003, pp. 66-73.
473. Information about both facilities can be found at their respective websites: http://www.alcor.org/ and http://www.cryonics.org/refs.html.
474. http://www.cryonics.org/whatsnew.html.
475. "A Cold Calculus Leads Cryonauts to Put Assets on Ice," Wall Street Journal, January 21-22, 2006, A1, A7.
476. See Lewis D. Solomon, The Quest for Human Longevity: Science, Business, and Public Policy (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2006).
477. See Stephen G. Post and Robert H. Binstock, eds., The Fountain of Youth: Cultural, Scientific, and Ethical Perspectives on a Biomedical Goal (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004).
478. See Sidney Perkowitz, Digital People: From Bionic Humans to Androids (Washington, DC: Joseph Henry Press, National Academies Press, 2004).
479. The resonance of the desire to please one's mother with the latest news from the Cryonics Institute about sons cryopreserving their mothers should not go unobserved.
480. See Leon Kass, "Mortality," in Powers that Make us Human: The Foundations of Medical Ethics, ed. Kenneth Vaux (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), pp. 7-27.
481. See also Daniel Callahan, "The Desire for Eternal Life: Scientific versus Religious Visions: The 2002-03 Ingersoll Lecture," Harvard Divinity School Bulletin 31, no. 2 (2003). On Spielberg's films, see Lester D. Friedman, Citizen Spielberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006).
482. Julius B. Poppinga, letter to the editor, New York Times, June 13, 1994, p. A14.
483. See Herbert Hendin, Seduced by Death: Doctors, Patients, and Assisted Suicide (New York: Norton, 1998).
484. See also Kathleen M. Foley and Herbert Hendin, eds., The Case against Assisted Suicide: For the Right to End-of-Life Care (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004).
485. Ramsey, Ethics at Edges, p. 42.