Spoiling inside: And out internal political contestation and the middle east peace process

International Security

Volumn 33, Issue 3, 2008, Pages 79-109

  Pearlman, Wendy ^a  

^a NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 59249095944     PISSN: 01622889     EISSN: 15314804     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1162/isec.2009.33.3.79     Document Type: Article

References (136)

1. John Darby, The Effects of Violence on Peace Processes (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001), p. 8.
2. Stephen John Stedman, "Spoiler Problems in Peace Processes," International Security, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Fall 1997), pp. 5-53.
3. George Tsebelis, Nested Games: Rational Choice in Comparative Politics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
4. Boaz Atzili, "Peace Process," in William A. Darity, ed., International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (Detroit, Mich.: Macmillan, 2008), pp. 185-186.
5. Thomas C. Schelling, The Strategy of Conflict (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960);
6. James D. Fearon, "Rationalist Explanations for War," International Organization, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Summer 1995), pp. 379-414;
7. R. Harrison Wagner, "Bargaining and War," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 44, No. 3 (July 2000), pp. 469-484;
8. and Robert Powell, "Bargaining Theory and International Conflict," Annual Review of Political Science., Vol. 5 (June 2002), pp. 255-289.
9. I. William Zartman, Ripe for Resolution: Conflict and Intervention in Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).
10. Robert D. Putnam, "Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games," International Organization, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Summer 1988), pp. 427-460;
11. James D. Fearon "Domestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputes," American Political Science Review, Vol. 88, No. 3 (September 1994), pp. 577-592;
12. and Stephen John Stedman, Peacemaking in Civil War: International Mediation in Zimbabwe, 1974-1980 (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1991).
13. Stedman, "Spoiler Problems in Peace Processes."
14. Kelly M. Greenhill and Solomon Major, "The Perils of Profiling: Civil War Spoilers and the Collapse of Intrastate Peace Accords," International Security, Vol. 31, No. 3 (Winter 2006/07), pp. 7-40.
15. Robert A. Pape, "The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism," American Political Science Review, Vol. 97, No. 3 (August 2003), pp. 343-361.
16. Andrew H. Kydd and Barbara F. Walter, "Sabotaging the Peace: The Politics of Extremist Violence," International Organizations, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Spring 2002), pp. 263-296.
17. Rui de Figueiredo Jr. and Barry R. Weingast, "Vicious Cycles: Endogenous Political Extremism and Political Violence," unpublished manuscript, University of California, Berkeley, October 2001.
18. Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), pp. 267-272.
19. Helena Cobban, The Palestine Liberation Organization: People, Power, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 139-140.
20. See Ehud Yaari, Strike Terror: The Story of Fatah, trans. Esther Yaari (New York: Sabra, 1970);
21. and John W. Amos II, Palestinian Resistance: Organization of a National Movement (New York: Pergamon, 1980).
22. Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston: Little, Brown, 1982), p. 758.
23. Jorgen S. Nielsen, ed., International Documents on Palestine, 1974
24. [hereafter cited as IDP] (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1977), pp. 315, 317, 335.
25. Yezid Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State: The Palestinian National Movement, 1949-1993 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 335.
26. Al-watha'iq al-arabiyah al-filastiniyah, 1973 [Palestinian Arab documents, hereafter Al-watha'iq] (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1974), pp. 466-467;
27. Jorgen S. Nielsen, ed., IDP, 1973 (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1977), pp. 517-519;
28. and Al-watha'iq, 1975 (Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1976), pp. 129-130.
29. For discussion, see Alain Gresh, The PLO: The Struggle Within: Towards an Independent Palestinian State, trans. A.M. Berrett (London: Zed, 1985), pp. 180-182, 220.
30. Kathleen Christison, Perceptions of Palestine: Their Influence on U.S. Middle East Policy (Berkeley: University of California Press), p. 140.
31. Avi Shlaim, Collusion across the Jordan: King Abdullah, the Zionist Movement, and the Partition of Palestine (Oxford: Clarendon, 1988).
32. Al-watha'iq, 1973, pp. 424-425;
33. Abu Iyad (Salah Khalaf), with Eric Rouleau, My Home, My Land: A Narrative of the Palestinian Struggle, trans. Linda Butler Koseoglu (New York: Times Books, 1981), pp. 139-140;
34. and Gresh, The PLO, p. 151.
35. Nielsen, IDP, 1973, p. 532.
36. Al-watha'iq, 1973, pp. 493, 515.
37. Aaron David Miller, The PLO and the Politics of Survival (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies Georgetown University, 1983), p. 35.
38. Kissinger, Years of Upheaval, p. 786;
39. and William B. Quandt, Peace Process: American Diplomacy and the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Washington, D.C. and Berkeley: Brookings Institution and the University of California Press, 1993), p. 205.
40. Al-watha'iq, 1973, pp. 469-472. For similar examples,
41. see Al-watha'iq, 1974, pp. 19-20;
42. and Nielsen, IDP, 1974, p. 509.
43. Al-watha'iq, 1973, pp. 430-432.
44. "Documents and Source Material: Arab Documents on Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 4, No. 2 (January1975), p. 169.
45. Alan Hart, Arafat: A Political Biography (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), pp. 346-347.
46. Gresh, The PLO, p. 153.
47. See also Ronald R. Macintyre, "The Palestine Liberation Organization: Tactics, Strategies, and Options towards the Geneva Peace Conference," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 4, No. 4 (July1975), pp. 65-89.
48. See Al-watha'iq, 1973, pp. 485-487;
49. and "Documents and Source Material: Arab Documents on Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 3, No. 3 (April 1974), pp. 187-191.
50. See Filastin al-Thawra, September 26, 1973, pp. 16-17.
51. For examples, see Al-watha'iq, 1973;
52. and Al-watha'iq, 1974.
53. "Who Should Represent the Palestinians?" Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 4, No. 3 (April 1975), p. 143.
54. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 339.
55. For similar dynamics in a later era, see Mia M. Bloom, "Palestinian Suicide Bombing: Popular Support, Market Share, and Outbidding," Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 119, No. 1 (Spring 2004), pp. 61-88.
56. Iyad, My Home, My Land, pp. 142-143.
57. Quoted in Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 341.
58. Ibid., p. 341.
59. Hart, Arafat, p. 371.
60. Bard E. O'Neill, Armed Struggle in Palestine: A Political-Military Analysis (Denver: Westview, 1978), pp. 215-216.
61. Ibid.
62. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, pp. 339-341.
63. On Fatah's overtures to the Soviet Union, see Filastin al-Thawra, December 1, 1974.
64. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 342.
65. Gresh, The PLO, p. 155.
66. Iyad, My Home, My Land, p. 142
67. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search, for State, p. 341.
68. Ibid., p. 351;
69. and Gresh, p. 142.
70. See Filasteen al-Thawra, September 26, 1974.
71. Iyad, My Home, My Land, p. 30.
72. Shaul Mishal, The PLO under Arafat: Between Gun and Olive Branch (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986) chap. 3.
73. See also Matti Steinberg, "The PLO and the Mini-Settlement," Jerusalem Quarterly, No. 21 (Fall 1981), pp. 129-144.
74. See "From the Hebrew Press," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 3, No. 4 (Summer 1974), pp. 147-155.
75. O'Neill, Armed Struggle in Palestine, p. 225.
76. Preamble, Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements, September 13, 1993.
77. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, pp. 654-655, 690-691.
78. Ali Jarbawi, Al-Intifadah wa-al-qiyadat al-siyasiyah fi al-Diffah al-Gharbiyah wa-Qita'a Gazzah: bahth fi al-nukbah al-siyasiyah [The intifada and political leadership in the West Bank and Gaza Strip: A study in political elites] (Beirut: Dar al-Taliyah, 1989);
79. Joost R. Hiltermann, Behind the Intifada: Labor and Women's Movements in the Occupied Territories (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1991);
80. Glenn E. Robinson, Building a Palestinian State: The Incomplete Revolution (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997);
81. and Meir Litvak, "Inside versus Outside: The Challenge of the Local Leadership, 1967-1994," in Avraham Sela and Moshe Ma'oz, eds., The PLO and Israel: From Armed Conflict to Political Settlement, 1964-1994 (New York: St. Martin's, 1997), pp. 171-196.
82. For example, see Hanan Ashrawi, This Side of Peace (New York: Touchstone, 1995), pp. 82-84, 185.
83. Nigel Craig Parsons, The Politics of the Palestinian Authority: From Oslo to al-Aqsa (New York: Routledge, 2005), pp. 70-73.
84. Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, p. 655.
85. Uri Savir, The Process: 1,100 Days that Changed the Middle East (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 4.
86. Rex Brynen, "The Neopatrimonial Dimension of Palestinian Politics," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1 (October 1995), pp. 23-36;
87. and Sayigh, Armed Struggle and the Search for State, pp. 454-460.
88. Sara Roy, "Palestinian Society and Economy: The Continued Denial of Possibility," Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 30, No. 4 (Summer 2001), p. 10.
89. Total Palestinian fatalities were 364 in the six-year period after the Oslo agreement and 1,162 before it. See B'Tselem, Oslo: Before and After, the Status of Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (Jerusalem: May 1999), p. 7.
90. Khalid al-Hindi, "Faham al-haraka li-tabi'at al-sira'a ma'a al-mushroua' al-sahiyoniyah wa filsafat idarathu" [The movement's understanding of the nature of the conflict with the Zionist project and its philosophy for managing it], in Jawad el-Hamad and Eyad al-Barghouti, eds., Dirasat al-fikr alsiyasi li-harakat al-muqawama al-islamiyah (Hamas), 1987-1996
91. [A study in the political ideology of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas)] (Amman: Middle East Studies Centre, 1997), pp. 131-135;
92. Shaul Mishal and Avraham Sela, The Palestinian Hamas: Vision, Violence, and Coexistence (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), p. 2;
93. and Graham Usher and Bassam Jarrar, "The Islamist Movement and the Palestinian Authority," Middle East Report, No. 189 (July-August 1994), pp. 28-29.
94. Khalid Hroub, "Harakat Hamas bayn al-Sulta al-Filastiniyya wa-Isra'il: Min Muthallath al Qiwa ila al-Mitraqa wal-Sandan" [The Hamas movement between the Palestinian Authority and Israel: From the triangle of forces to the hammer and anvil], Majallat al-Dirasat al-Filastiniyyah, No. 18 (Spring 1994), pp. 30-34;
95. Mishal and Sela, The Palestinian Hamas, pp. 71-72;
96. and Charmaine Seitz, "Coming of Age: Hamas's Rise to Prominence in the Post-Oslo Era," in Joel Beinin and Rebecca L. Stein, eds., The Struggle for Sovereignty: Palestine and Israel, 1993-2005 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006), pp. 113-117.
97. See, for example, Azzam Tamimi, Hamas: A History from Within (Northampton, Mass.: Olive Branch, 2007), chap. 7.
98. "Mishal li-ayyam: la nakhasha al-intikhabat al-mubakira wa hathihi sharutinah laha" [Mishal to AlAyyam: Early elections do not scare us and this is our condition for them], Al-Ayyam, April 2, 2008, p. 13.
99. Jeroen Gunning, "Peace with Hamas? The Transforming Potential of Political Participation," International Affairs, Vol. 80, No. 2 (March 2004), p. 243.
100. See Hroub, "Harakat Hamas bayn al-Sulta al-Filastiniyya wa-Isra'il," pp. 28-29;
101. Graham Usher, "Hamas Seeks a Place at the Table," Middle East International, May 13, 1994;
102. and Mishal and Sela, The Palestinian Hamas, p. 73.
103. Quoted in Lamis Andoni, "Palestinian Islamist Group Signals Shift in Strategy," Christian Science Monitor, September 13, 1994.
104. See Barry Rubin, "The Future of Palestinian Politics: Factions, Frictions, and Functions," Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 4, No. 3 (September 2000);
105. and Khaled Hroub, Hamas: Political Thought and Practice (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, 2000), pp. 100, 119-120.
106. Ashrawi, This Side of Peace, pp. 155-157.
107. See Ziad Abu-Amr, Islamic. Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 75.
108. Quoted in Andoni, "Palestinian Islamist Group Signals Shift in Strategy."
109. Hroub, "Harakat Hamas bayn al-Sulta al-Filastiniyya wa-Isra'il," pp. 28-29.
110. Center for Palestine Research and Studies, Public Opinion Poll, No. 22, March 29-31, 1996.
111. "Interview with Islamic Jihad Movement Secretary General Dr. Ramadan Abdallah Shaikh," Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, October 18, 1996, Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS)/WorId News Connection (WNC), insert October 24, 1996.
112. Ori Slonim, "The Hamas and Terror: An Alternative Explanation for the Use of Violence," Strategic Assessment, Vol. 2, No. 3 (December 1999).
113. "Interview with Hamas leader Shaykh Ahmad Yasin," Delo (Slovenia), October 27,1997, FBIS/WNC, insert November 2, 1998.
114. Sara Roy, "The Transformation of Islamic NGOs in Palestine," Middle East Report, No. 214 (Spring 2000), pp. 24-26.
115. See Mishal and Sela, The Palestinian Hamas, pp. 56, 58-59.
116. Graham Usher, Dispatches from Palestine: The Rise and Fall of the Oslo Peace Process (London: Pluto, 1999), p. 86;
117. and Peter Ezra Weinberger, Co-opting the PLO: A Critical Reconstruction of the Oslo Accords, 1993-1995 (Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2006), p. 121.
118. See Khalid Amayreh, "PNA and Hamas: Signs of Rapprochement," Middle East International, October, 20, 1995.
119. Mishal and Sela, The Pdestinian Hamas, pp. 73-74.
120. "Hamas Leaders Call for End to Violence," Palestine Report, March 8, 1996.
121. Salwa Kanaana, "The End of Armed Operations?" Palestine Report, May 31,1996;
122. Muhammed El-Hassan, "Internal Divisions Still Plague Hamas," Palestine Report, August 23,1996;
123. and Usher, Dispatches from. Palestine, p. 86.
124. In later years, the inverse would occur. See Zvi Bar'el, "Women's Work," Haaretz, January 23, 2004.
125. Salwa Kanaana and Stephanie Nolan, "Bombs Bring Chaos," Palestine Report, March 8, 1996.
126. Ghazi A. Hamad, "The Relationship between Hamas and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA): The Conflictual Past and the Unknown Future," in Wolfgang Freund, ed., Palestinian Perspectives, Vol. 1: Controversies from the Promised Land (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999), p. 182.
127. Ziad Abdul Fateh, "What Is Hamas Trying To Do?" Al-Ayyam, March 2, 1996,
128. reprinted in Palestine Report, March 8, 1996.
129. See Edward. Newman and Oliver Richmond, "Introduction: Obstacles to Peace Processes: Understanding Spoiling," in Newman and Richmond, eds., Challenges to Peacebuilding: Managing Spoilers during Conflict Resolution (Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2006), p. 18 (emphasis in original).
130. International Institute for Strategic Studies, "Hamas Coup in Gaza: Fundamental Shift in Palestinian Politics," Strategic Comments, Vol. 13, No. 5 (June 2007), pp. 1-2;
131. and David Rose, "The Gaza Bombshell," Vanity Fair, Vol. 50, No. 4 (April 2008), pp. 192-197.
132. Amos Harel, "Will Hamas-Israel Truce Come to an End in January?" Haaretz, October 19, 2008.
133. Karen De Young, "Rice: Officials Advised Carter Not to Meet with Hamas," Washington Post, April 22, 2008. For a similar argument in other cases,
134. see Lisa Blaydes and Jennifer De Maio, "Spoiling the Peace? Peace Process Exclusivity and Political Violence in North-Central Africa," paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, San Francisco, California, March 26-30, 2008.
135. Quoted in International Crisis Group, "Round Two in Gaza," Middle East Briefing, No. 24 (Brussels: International Crisis Group, September 11, 2008), p. 12.
136. International Crisis Group, "After Mecca: Engaging Hamas," Middle East Report, No. 62 (Brussels: International Crisis Group, February 28, 2007), p. ii.