Critique of security

Critique of Security

Volumn , Issue , 2008, Pages

  Neocleous, Mark ^a  

^a BRUNEL UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 59049094954     PISSN: None     EISSN: None     Source Type: Book    
DOI: None     Document Type: Book

References (683)

1. Cited in David Lister, 'Two Wheels: Good. Two Legs: Terrorist Suspect', The Times, 17 October 2005.
2. MI5, Protecting Against Terrorism (HMSO, 2005), p. 11.
3. Michael J. Shapiro, Reading the Postmodern Polity: Political Theory as Textual Practice (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992).
4. Iraq: Law of Occupation, House of Commons Research Paper 03/51, 2 June 2003, pp. 7-8.
5. Michael Dillon, Politics of Security: Towards a Political Philosophy of Conti - nental Thought (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 14; Michael Dillon, 'Culture, Governance, and Global Politics', in François Debrix and Cynthia Weber (eds), Rituals of Mediation: International Politics and Social Meaning (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003), p. 136; David A. Baldwin, 'The Concept of Security', Review of International Studies, Vol. 23, No. 1, 1997, pp. 5-26, p. 26.
6. AUT Look [Newsletter of the former Association of University Teachers in Britain], November 2004, p. 9; Food Security Ltd, 'Factsheet', no date [Spring 2006]; tiger case cited in James Randerson, 'Tigers on the Brink of Extinction', The Guardian, 21 July 2006, p. 3.
7. Bradley S. Klein, 'Conclusion: Every Month is "Security Awareness Month"', in Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams (eds), Critical Security Studies: Concepts and Cases (London: UCL Press, 1997).
8. See Joseph J. Romm, Defining National Security (New York, 1983); Emma Rothschild, 'What is Security?', Daedalus, Vol. 124, No. 3, 1995, pp. 53-98; Mohammed Ayoob, 'Defining Security: A Subaltern Realist Perspective', in Krause and Williams (eds), Critical Security Studies.
9. Lester Brown, Redefining National Security, Worldwatch Papers No. 14 (Washington, 1977); Richard Ullmann, 'Redefining Security', International Security, Vol. 8, No. 1, 1983, pp. 129-53; Jessica Tuchman Mathews, 'Re - defining Security', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 68, No. 2, 1989, pp. 162-77.
10. J. Ann Tickner, 'Re-visioning Security', in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds), International Relations Theory Today (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995).
11. Bradley S. Klein, 'Politics by Design: Remapping Security Landscapes', European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 4, No. 3, 1998, pp. 327-45.
12. J. Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); Jill Steans, Gender and International Relations (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1997), pp. 104-29; Miranda Alison, 'Women as Agents of Political Violence: Gendering Security', Security Dialogue, Vol. 35, No. 4, 2004, pp. 447-63.
13. Anthony Burke, 'Aporias of Security', Alternatives, Vol. 27, No. 1, 2002, pp. 1-27; Beyond Security, Ethics and Violence: War Against the Other (London: Routledge, 2007), pp. 52-3, 78.
14. Lucia Zedner, 'Too Much Security?', International Journal of the Sociology of Law, Vol. 31, No. 3, 2003, pp. 155-84.
15. Ian Loader and Neil Walker, Civilizing Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
16. Michael Williams, 'Words, Images, Enemies: Securitization and Inter - national Politics', International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 47, No. 4, 2003, pp. 511-31; William Walters, 'Figuring Security: Notes on Power, In/Security and Territory', paper presented at the Global Norms Under Siege Symposium, Queens University Belfast, May 2005.
17. Mark Neocleous, Imagining the State (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003); The Monstrous and the Dead: Burke, Marx, Fascism (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2005). The best work on this aspect of security is David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992).
18. Ole Waever, 'Securitization and Desecuritization', in Ronnie D. Lipshutz (ed.), On Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), p. 75.
19. Didier Bigo, 'The Mobius Ribbon of Internal and External Security(ies)', in Mathias Albert, David Jacobson and Yosef Lapid (eds), Identities, Borders, Orders: Rethinking International Relations Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), p. 95.
20. André Gorz, 'Security: Against What? For What? With What?', Telos, 58, 1983-4, pp. 158-68; Giorgio Agamben, 'Security and Terror', Theory and Event, Vol. 5, No. 4, 2002.
21. Corey Robin, 'Protocols of Machismo', London Review of Books, 19 May 2005, pp. 11-14.
22. Dillon, Politics of Security, p. 16.
23. Mark Neocleous, The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power (London: Pluto Press, 2000).
24. Ken Booth, 'Security and Emancipation', Review of International Studies, Vol. 17, No. 4, 1991, pp. 313-26, pp. 319, 323. Also Richard Wyn Jones, Security, Strategy, and Critical Theory (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999); Ken Booth (ed.), Critical Security Studies and World Politics (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005).
25. For some bizarre reason Loader and Walker, Civilizing Security, p. 83, lump me in with 'critical security studies', a lumping which is even more bizarre when one realises that their understanding of 'critical security studies' is that it involves 'a leftist articulation of Carl Schmitt's charac - terization of modern politics'. This is a lazy and misleading description of my work, since I have been arguing against leftist articulations of Schmitt for well over a decade now - see 'Friend or Enemy? Reading Schmitt Politically', Radical Philosophy, 79, 1996, pp. 13-23. I carry on this argument in Chapter 2 below.
26. United Nations Development Programme, Human Development Report 1994 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 23.
27. Simon Dalby, Environmental Security (Minneapolis: University of Minne - sota Press, 2002), p. xxvi.
28. Letter to Lassalle, 22 February 1858, in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 40 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983), p. 270.
29. Louis Althusser, 'Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses' (1969), in Lenin and Philosophy and other Essays, trans. Ben Brewster (London: New Left Books, 1971), p. 161.
30. The model here is Theodor Adorno, 'Culture Industry Reconsidered' (1964), trans. Anson Rabinbach, in The Culture Industry: Selected Essays on Mass Culture, ed. J. M. Bernstein (London: Routledge, 1991).
31. Michel Foucault, 'What is Critique?', Lecture at the Sorbonne, 27 May 1978, trans. Kevin Paul Geiman, in James Schmidt (ed.), What is Enlightenment? (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1996), p. 384.
32. Michel Foucault, 'Practicing Criticism' (1981), trans. Alan Sheridan, in Lawrence D. Kritzman (ed.), Michel Foucault: Politics, Philosophy, Culture. Interviews and Other Writings, 1977-1984 (New York: Routledge, 1988), p. 154.
33. Michel Foucault, 'Rituals of Exclusion', in Foucault Live: Collected Inter - views, 1961-1984, trans. Lysa Hochroth and John Johnston (New York: Semiotext(e), 1996), p. 68.
34. I use the term 'national security state' at times to refer to the specific entity which emerged in post-war America. At other times, however, I also use it as a cover term for the complex of networks which operates through the state in general, a network which includes the security and intelligence services but also a range of state and parastate apparatuses.
35. Williams, 'Words, Images, Enemies', p. 523; Bradley S. Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order: The Global Politics of Deterrence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 140; Kanishka Jayasuriya, 'September 11, Security, and the New Postliberal Politics of Fear', in Eric Hershberg and Kevin W, Moore (eds), Critical Views of September 11 (New York: New Press, 2002).
36. Jef Huysmans, 'Defining Social Constructivism in Security Studies: The Normative Dilemma in Writing Security', Alternatives, Vol. 27, Special Issue, 2002, pp. 41-62, p. 43.
37. Harry Harootunian, 'The Imperial Present and the Second Coming of Fascism', boundary 2, Vol. 34, No. 1, 2007, pp. 1-15, p. 11.
38. Mark Neocleous, Fascism (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 1997); Theodor Adorno, 'The Meaning of Working Through the Past', in Critical Models: Interventions and Catchwords, trans. Henry W. Pickford (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998); Harry Harootunian, 'The Future of Fascism', Radical Philosophy, 136, 2006, pp. 23-33; Samir Amin, Capitalism in the Age of Globalization (London: Zed Books, 1997), pp. 102-3; Nikhil Singh, 'The Afterlife of Fascism', South Atlantic Quarterly, Vol. 105, No. 1, 2006, pp. 71-93, p. 79.
39. See, for example, the British Home Office document Counter-Terrorism Powers: Reconciling Security and Liberty in an Open Society: A Discussion Paper (Cm 6147, February 2004), and Paper by the UK Presidency [of the EU], Liberty and Security: Striking the Right Balance (2005).
40. Ronald Dworkin, 'The Threat to Patriotism', New York Review, 28 February 2002, pp. 44-9, building on his questioning of the metaphor in Taking Rights Seriously (London: Duckworth, 1978), p. 198; Andrew Ashworth, The Criminal Process: An Evaluative Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 30; 'Security, Terrorism and the Value of Human Rights', in Benjamin J. Goold and Liora Lazarus (eds), Security and Human Rights (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2007). Also Jeremy Waldron, 'Security and Liberty: The Image of Balance', Journal of Political Philosophy, Vol. 11, No. 2, 2003, pp. 191-210; Laura K. Donohue, 'Security and Freedom on the Fulcrum', Terrorism and Political Violence, Vol. 17, No. 1, 2005, pp. 69-87.
41. Ian Loader and Neil Walker, Civilizing Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 55, emphasis added.
42. Michel Foucault, 'Governmentality' (1978), in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991); '"Omnes and Singulatim": Toward a Critique of Political Reason', in Power: The Essential Works, Vol. 3 (London: Penguin, 2000); 'The Risks of Security' (1983), in Power: The Essential Works, Vol. 3 (London: Penguin, 2000); Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the College de France, 1977-1978, ed. Michel Senellart (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
43. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (1651), ed. Richard Tuck (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 120; also pp. 117-19.
44. John Locke, Two Treatises (1690), ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), II, sections 4, 8, 17.
45. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 95, 220.
46. For discussions see Larry Arnhart, '"The God-Like Prince": John Locke, Executive Prerogative, and the American Presidency', Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 9, No. 2, 1979, pp. 121-30; Harvey C. Mansfield, Taming the Prince: The Ambivalence of Modern Executive Power (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989); Sheldon Wolin, The Presence of the Past: Essays on the State and the Constitution (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989); Pasquale Pasquino, 'Locke on King's Pre - rogative', Political Theory, Vol. 26, No. 2, 1998, pp. 198-208; Clement Fatovic, 'Constitutionalism and Contingency: Locke's Theory of Pre - rogative', History of Political Thought, Vol. 25, No. 2, 2004, pp. 276-97.
47. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 6, 13.
48. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 159, 160, 164.
49. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 210; Robert Filmer, The Anarchy of a Limited or Mixed Monarchy (1648), in Sir Robert Filmer, Patriarcha and Other Writings, ed. Johann P. Somerville (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni - versity Press, 1991).
50. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 158; Hobbes, Leviathan, p. 231.
51. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 3, 147.
52. Wolin, Presence of the Past, p. 168.
53. Mansfield, Taming the Prince, p. 200.
54. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 145, 147.
55. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 98.
56. Leo Strauss identified the extent of Locke's Hobbesian tendencies in Natural Right and History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp. 227-33. For context see Peter Laslett, 'Introduction' to Locke, Two Treatises, p. 72.
57. John Locke, 'An Essay on Toleration' (1667), in Political Essays, ed. Mark Goldie (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 142.
58. John Dunn, The Political Thought of John Locke: An Historical Account of the Argument of the 'Two Treatises of Government' (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), p. 150.
59. Francesco Guicciardini, Dialogue on the Government of Florence (1521-4), trans. Alison Brown (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 159.
60. Niccolò Machiavelli, Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius (1513-17), in Chief Works, Vol. 1, p. 218.
61. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince (1532), in The Chief Works and Others, Vol. 1, trans. Allan Gilbert (Durham: Duke University Press, 1958), p. 66.
62. Mark Neocleous, Imagining the State (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003), pp. 40-6.
63. Locke speaks of sovereignty almost entirely in relation to God, Adam's power and paternalism. As Franz Neumann notes, Locke's system is therefore a typically Whig system and the expression of a genuine national liberalism: 'His system, which claims to know no sovereignty, proves to be a typical bourgeois system of state and law, in which sovereignty is not called sovereignty but prerogative' - The Rule of Law: Political Theory and the Legal System in Modern Society (1936) (Leaming - ton Spa: Berg, 1986), p. 125. Also see Arthur Selwyn Miller, Democratic Dictatorship: The Emergent Constitution of Control (Westport, CT: Green - wood Press, 1981), pp. 81, 97.
64. Dunn, Political Thought of John Locke, p. 163. Dunn adds (pp. 161, 199) that although Locke was interested in this style of writing, there is no way in which he saw himself as writing any kind of 'mirror for princes'. Yet he nonetheless concedes (p. 39) that the essay on toleration contains an explicit assertion of the primacy of reason of state.
65. Richard Ashcraft, Revolutionary Politics and Locke's Two Treatises of Government (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 382-3.
66. Geraint Parry, John Locke (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1978), p. 130.
67. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 161-6.
68. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 171, emphasis added.
69. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 168.
70. Michael Ignatieff suggests that this is Locke's way of implying that people should take up arms to defend their freedom, but gives no textual evidence for this or an explanation for the interpretation - The Lesser Evil: Political Ethics in an Age of Terror (Markham, ON: Penguin Canada, 2004), p. 43. In paragraph 21 of the Second Treatise Locke does suggest that the absence of any appeal but to Heaven is equal to the state of war, which might imply the taking up of arms. And yet one might equally argue that the opposite is the case: the idea that 'may the Lord judge between me and you' is found in the Bible (in 1 Samuel, 24: 12), but there it is explicitly set against the taking up of arms: 'may the Lord judge between me and you, may the Lord avenge me; but my hand shall not be against you'.
71. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 147, 148, 154, 156, 159.
72. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 42, 164, 165, 166.
73. See Christopher Anderson, '"Safe Enough in His Honesty and Prudence": The Ordinary Conduct of Government in the Thought of John Locke', History of Political Thought, Vol. 13, No. 4, 1992, pp. 605-30.
74. Locke, Two Treatises, II, sections 162, 164.
75. Mansfield, Taming the Prince, p. 184; also 188, 200; Leo Strauss, What is Political Philosophy? (New York: Free Press, 1959) p. 218. Also note Laslett's comment, in his 'Introduction' to the Two Treatises (p. 88), that Locke 'could perhaps be looked upon as Machiavelli's philosopher', though Locke himself was of course resistant to any idea that he might be thought as having anything in common with Machiavelli. Nathan Tarcov has also traced an underlying Machiavellianism in Locke's Thoughts Concerning Education (1690), not least in Locke's recom - mendation for government by means of reverence, his attack on precepts and his recommendation that punishment be carried out by someone other than the parent who gives the orders. Nathan Tarcov, Locke's Education for Liberty (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984).
76. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 158, emphasis added.
77. As we will see in Chapter 3, this becomes the basis for a conception of 'economic security' that becomes central to liberal order-building in the twentieth century.
78. William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, Vol. 1 (1865), (London: Dawsons, 1966), pp. 230, 239, 244.
79. Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (1748), trans. Anne Cohler, Basia Miller and Harold Stone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), Pt 2, Bk 11, Ch. 6; Pt 2, Bk 12, Ch. 19. Montesquieu here preempts Attorney General John Ashcroft's need to veil the statue of Justice in his office during the 'war on terror'. But in some senses John Ashcroft is more interesting than Montesquieu, at least on this occasion. His purported reason for veiling the statue was that he found it too revealing - although more than one person has guessed that maybe he just couldn't stand the sight of justice. There is a common interpretation of Montesquieu which suggests that his aim was to do away with prerogative or discretionary power. For example, see Bernard Manin, 'Checks, Balances and Boundaries: The Separation of Powers in the Constitutional Debate of 1787', in Biancamaria Fontana (ed.), The Invention of the Modern Republic (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 41. My point is that although this may appear to be the case, he ultimately concedes the need for such powers.
80. Peter N. Miller, Defining the Common Good: Empire, Religion and Philos - ophy in Eighteenth-century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 9, 23, 127.
81. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, Pt 5, Bk 26, Ch. 23; David Hume, An Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals (1751), in Enquiries Concerning the Human Understanding and Concerning the Principles of Morals (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1951), Sect. III, Pt II.
82. David Hume, 'Of Passive Obedience', in Essays Moral, Political and Literary, ed. Eugene F. Miller (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985), p. 489.
83. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract (1762), Book IV, Ch. VI, in The Social Contract and Discourses, trans G. D. H. Cole (London: Dent, 1973), p. 264.
84. Adam Smith, Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776), ed. R. H. Campbell, A. S. Skinner and W. B. Todd (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1979), p. 539.
85. Also see James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, The Federalist Papers (1787-8), No. 8 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), p. 114.
86. As we will see in Chapter 2, nothing could be further from the truth than Carl Schmitt's suggestion that liberalism ignores the problem of emergency.
87. Smith, Wealth of Nations, pp. 707, 787.
88. Adam Smith, Lectures on Jurisprudence, ed. R. L. Meek, D. D. Raphael and P. G. Stein (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1982), pp. 405, 412, 540, 722.
89. Smith, Lectures, p. 944.
90. Smith, Wealth of Nations, pp. 706-7.
91. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 787.
92. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 921.
93. Jeremy Bentham, Principles of the Civil Code, in The Works of Jeremy Bentham, Part II (Edinburgh: William Tait, 1838), pp. 302-7, 311.
94. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, Pt 2, Bk 12, Chs 1 and 2; Pt 2, Bk 11, Ch. 6. Note too that for Montesquieu the death penalty for murder or attempted murder is justified not because the murderer has taken away someone's liberty, but because they have 'violated security' - Pt 2, Bk 12, Ch. 4.
95. David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (1740), ed. L. A. Selby-Bigge (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 550; also see p. 485 where he comments on the centrality of security to the purpose of society, and pp. 538 and 541 on security as the foundation of justice.
96. Adam Ferguson, An Essay on the History of Civil Society (1767) (Edin - burgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966), p. 143; Thomas Paine, Common Sense (1776), in Rights of Man, Common Sense and Other Political Writings, ed. Mark Philp (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 7; Joseph Priestly, 'An Essay on the First Principles of Government' (1771), in Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 32; William Paley, The Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy (London: R. Faulder, 1785), pp. 444-5; Federalist Papers, 70, p. 402; Wilhelm von Humboldt, The Limits of State Action (1792) (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1993), p. 84; George Washington, 'Farewell Address, 19 Sept., 1796', in Writings (New York: Library of America, 1997), p. 969.
97. [Benjamin Newton], Another Dissertation on the Mutual Support of Trade and Civil Liberty (London: T. Payne, 1756), p. 18.
98. Henry Care, British Liberties, or the Free-born Subject's Inheritance (London: Edward and Charles Dilly, 1766), pp. iii, vii-viii. The earlier text was English Liberties; or, the Free-born Subject's Inheritance (London: Sara Hares, 1691).
99. Graham Burchell, 'Peculiar Interests: Civil Society and Governing "The System of Natural Liberty"', in Burchell, Gordon and Miller (eds), Foucault Effect, p. 139. This subsumption of liberty under security runs through a whole range of contemporary projects supposedly rooted in liberal visions. On the one hand we find documents about liberty that are in fact documents about security. The Schengen Convention of 1990, for example, was intended to assert the principle of liberty (a new community founded on the principle of the free movement of persons across borders within the EU) but established the very grounds for restricting such movement - the grounds of national security (in Articles 2.2 and 96). The principle of liberty is thereby subsumed under the logic of securing 'Fortress Europe'. On the other hand, documents about security are often presented as documents about liberty. The French Projet de loi sécurité intérieure (PLSI) launched in October 2002 and intended to address the four million or so crimes recorded in the previous year by improving the internal security forces, modernising the French legal system and strengthening the authority of public agents to restore security, rests on one fundamental assumption: that security is 'the first of all liberties'. This also somewhat undermines the project of critical security studies which, as noted in the Introduction, relies on linking security and emancipation, both theoretically and empirically. As can now be seen more clearly, this is far closer to classical liberalism than to twentiethcentury critical theory.
100. Foucault, 'Lecture of 18 January 1978', and 'Lecture of 5 April', in Security, Territory, Population, pp. 48, 348; Colin Gordon, 'Governmental Rationality: An Introduction', in Burchell et al. (eds), Foucault Effect, p. 20.
101. Mitchell Dean, 'Powers of Life and Death Beyond Governmentality', Cultural Values, Vol. 6, Nos 1 and 2, 2002, pp. 119-38.
102. In Utilitarianism, On Liberty and Considerations on Representative Government (London: Dent and Sons, 1972), p. 50.
103. Mill, Representative Government, in Utilitarianism, p. 355.
104. John Stuart Mill, On Liberty (1859) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1974), p. 175.
105. Mill, Representative Government, p. 188.
106. Michel Foucault, 'History of Systems of Thought, 1979', Philosophy and Social Criticism, Vol. 8, No. 3, 1981, pp. 353-9, p. 355.
107. Bentham, Principles of the Civil Code, p. 308.
108. Michael Dillon, Politics of Security: Towards a Political Philosophy of Continental Thought (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 16; Sheldon Wolin, Politics and Vision, Expanded Edition (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Uni - versity Press, 2004), pp. 282-97; Judith N. Shklar, 'The Liberalism of Fear', in Nancy L. Rosenblum (ed.), Liberalism and the Moral Life (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 29.
109. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1690), ed. John W. Yolton (London: Everyman, 1961), Bk 2, Ch. 20, section 6.
110. John Stuart Mill, 'Nature', in Three Essays on Religion (1874), (London: Watts and Co., 1904), pp. 17-18.
111. Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759), ed. D. D. Raphael and A. L. Mackie (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1982), pp. 12, 13.
112. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 6 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1984), p. 487.
113. I have pursued this in a different direction in The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of Police Power (London: Pluto Press, 2000).
114. Bentham, Principles of the Civil Code, p. 308; Jeremy Bentham, 'Method and Leading Features of an Institute of Political Economy' (1801-4), in Jeremy Bentham's Economic Writings, Vol. 3, ed. W. Stark (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1954), pp. 309-11, 318, 324.
115. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 124.
116. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 715.
117. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 910.
118. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 833.
119. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 540.
120. Bentham, 'Institute of Political Economy', p. 310.
121. Mill, Representative Government, p. 188. Also see J. S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy (1848) (London: Longmans, 1904), Bk III, Ch. XVII.
122. Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 944; also see pp. 456 and 710. William Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England, p. 125; Paine, Rights of Man, p. 162; French Declaration, Clause II; Newton, Dissertation on Mutual Support, pp. 12-13, 17.
123. Karl Marx, 'On the Jewish Question' (1844), Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 3 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1975), p. 163, translation modified.
124. Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1, trans. Ben Fowkes (1867) (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), p. 801.
125. On the question of the 'person' see Neocleous, Imagining the State, pp. 72-97.
126. Wendy Brown has shown the extent to which toleration also functions as regulatory and depoliticising power for liberalism in Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).
127. Mitchell Dean, The Constitution of Poverty: Toward a Theory of Liberal Governance (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 196; Governmentality: Power and Rule in Modern Society (London: Sage, 1999), p. 117.
128. See my Fabrication of Social Order. On the question of security in relation to absolutism see Stephen Holmes, Passions and Constraint: On the Theory of Liberal Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), pp. 246, 258.
129. Dean, Governmentality, p. 137. Also Mitchell Dean, 'Liberal Government and Authoritarianism', Economy and Society, Vol. 31, No. 1, 2002, pp. 37-61.
130. Dershowitz first pushed this argument on TV and in print media in early 2002. The argument appears in Why Terrorism Works: Under standing the Threat, Responding to the Challenge (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), pp. 131-63. Bentham laid the liberal grounds for this in his manuscripts on torture. These can be found in W. L. and P. E. Twining, 'Bentham on Torture', Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, Vol. 24, No. 3, 1973, pp. 305-56. Dershowitz is pleased to note (p. 142) that Bentham constructed a 'compelling hypothetical case to support his utilitarian argument against an absolute prohibition on torture'. In June 2004, the Law faculty at Harvard, including Dershowitz, circulated a petition signed by 481 prominent professors of law and politics from 110 American universities condemning the abuses of detainees. Yet the real thrust of the letter was not in fact an attack on all forms of torture, but a call for 'a coercive interrogation policy' made 'within the strict confines of a democratic process'. In other words, and in typical liberal fashion, the problem lay not in the torture but in which body sanctions it - it should be sanctioned by the legislature rather than the executive. One can only hope that the tortured are reassured that their pain and misery are ratified by due process. Following this, funding from Homeland Security helped forge a project by the Law School and Kennedy School of Government to draw up a code for coercive interrogation. I will have more to say about the role of academics in the security complex in Chapter 5.
131. Ignatieff, Lesser Evil, pp. 138-41.
132. Ignatieff, Lesser Evil, pp. ix, 21.
133. Mariano Aguirre suggests that Ignatieff provides conservative argu - ments to the liberal audience and liberal alibis to the conservatives. See 'Exporting Democracy, Revising Torture: The Complex Missions of Michael Ignatieff', openDemocracy, 15 July 2005. This is in one sense true, though as I have been suggesting, the alibis in question involve far less 'smuggling' of concepts than Aguirre suggests - they are in fact part of the history of liberalism.
134. Bruce Ackerman, 'The Emergency Constitution', Yale Law Journal, Vol. 113, No. 5, 2004, pp. 1029-91, p. 1037; Michael Walzer, 'Emergency Ethics' (1988), in Arguing About War (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), pp. 33-50, building on an earlier argument concerning 'supreme emergency' in Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977). The 'supreme emergency exemption' is also defended by John Rawls, The Law of Peoples (Cam - bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), pp. 98-9, and constitutes the basis of the argument in Ignatieff's Lesser Evil. I will have much more to say about 'emergency' in the chapter which follows. Waldron, 'Security and Liberty', p. 207. Also Richard Posner, 'Security versus Civil Liberties', The Atlantic Monthly, December 2001, pp. 46-7.
135. Michael Ignatieff, 'If Torture Works', Prospect, April 2006, p. 35.
136. See Colin Dayan, The Story of Cruel and Unusual (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2007).
137. Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (New York: Viking Press, 1963), p. 3.
138. Ian Brownlie, International Law and the Use of Force by States (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 42.
139. H. W. Fowler, Dictionary of Modern English Usage (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), p. 168.
140. Foucault, 'Lecture of 15 March 1978', in Security, Territory, Population, p. 262; Miller, Defining the Common Good, pp. 43, 46; Johann Sommer - ville, 'Ideology, Property and the Constitution', in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds), Conflict in Early Stuart England: Studies in Religion and Politics 1603-1642 (London: Longman, 1989), pp. 47-71.
141. Locke, Two Treatises, II, section 160.
142. Speech to the First Protectorate Parliament, 12 September, 1654, in Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, Vol. III (Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz, 1861), p. 263.
143. A. V. Dicey, Introduction to the Law of the Constitution (1885) (London: Macmillan, 1959), p. 202.
144. L. J. Roskill in Laker Airways Ltd v. Department of Trade, All England Law Reports, 1977, Vol. 2, pp. 196-7.
145. Council for Civil Service Unions v. Minister for the Civil Service, World Law Reports, 1984, Vol. 3, p. 1203.
146. This was Richard Nixon's view, adding that 'actions which otherwise would be unconstitutional, could become lawful if undertaken for the purpose of preserving the Constitution and the Nation' - television interview with David Frost, 19 May 1977, http://www.landmarkcases.org/nixon/nixonview.html.
147. Ernst Fraenkel, The Dual State: A Contribution to the Theory of Dictator - ship, trans. E. A. Shils (Oxford: Oxford University press, 1941), pp. 65, 71.
148. David Dyzenhaus, 'Deference, Security and Human Rights', in Benjamin J. Goold and Liora Lazarus (eds), Security and Human Rights (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2007), p. 132.
149. Carl Schmitt, Political Theology (1922), trans. George Schwab (Cam - bridge, MA: MIT Press, 1985), p. 5.
150. President Bush, 'Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People', 20 September 2001; Cheney, '56th Annual Alfred E. Smith Memorial Foundation Dinner', 18 October 2001; Tony Blair, 'Speech on Defence Policy to the Armed Forces', 12 January 2007.
151. Colin Powell described it as a long war on 14 September 2001, cited in Bob Woodward, Bush at War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2002), p. 65. The phrase is repeated in US Department of Defense Quadrennial Defense Report, 6 February 2006; 'lengthy campaign' is President Bush, 'Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American people', 20 September 2001; 'unknown duration' is in The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington: The White House, September 2002), Preface; Cheney called the emergency the 'new normalcy' in 'Remarks to the Republican Governor's Association', 25 October 2001.
152. Walter Benjamin, 'On the Concept of History' (1940), trans. Harry Zohn, in Selected Writings, Vol. 4: 1938-1940, ed. Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Belknap/Harvard, 2003), p. 392.
153. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (1995), trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998); Means Without End: Notes on Politics, trans. Vincenzo Binetti and Cesare Casarino (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000); State of Exception (2003), trans. Kevin Attell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005); 'Form-of-Life', trans. Cesare Casarino, in Paolo Virno and Michael Hardt (eds), Radical Thought in Italy: A Potential Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).
154. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 18, 39.
155. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (New York: Penguin, 2004), p. 7. In a review of State of Exception, Negri declares that there is no difference between the state of exception and constituent power and links the state of exception to the current permanent civil war. 'The Ripe Fruit of Redemption', Il Manifesto, 26 July 2003, trans. Arianna Bove and available at http://www.generation-online.org/t/negriagamben.htm.
156. Leo Panitch, 'Violence as a Tool of Order and Change: The War on Terrorism and the Anti-Globalization Movement', Options politiques, September 2002, pp. 40-4, p. 42.
157. Tony Bunyan, 'The Exceptional and Draconian Become the Norm', Statewatch Report, March 2005.
158. Jean-Claude Paye, 'Antiterrorist Measures, a Constituent Act', Telos, 128, 2004, p. 171-82.
159. Savas Michael-Matsas, 'Capitalist Decline, Nation State and State of Emergency', Critique, 36-7, June 2005, pp. 49-59.
160. Vivienne Jabri, 'War, the Politics of Security, and the Liberal State', in ELISE Collective Volume, Counter-Terrorism: Implications for the Liberal State in Europe (ELISE, 2005), p. 23.
161. Alex Callinicos, The New Mandarins of American Power: The Bush Administration's Plans for the World (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003), p. 6.
162. Wendy Brown, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 10; Judith Butler, Precarious Life: Powers of Mourning and Violence (London: Verso, 2006), pp. 80.
163. See, for example, Franz Schurmann, 'Emergency Powers - the New Paradigm in Democratic America', New California Media, 23 December 2002; Jess Whyte, 'The New Normal', Signature, March 2005.
164. Benjamin J. Goold and Liora Lazarus, 'Introduction: Security and Human Rights', in Benjamin J. Goold and Liora Lazarus (eds), Security and Human Rights (Oxford: Hart Publishing, 2007), pp. 2-4.
165. Bulent Diken and Carsten Bagge Lausten, The Culture of Exception: Sociology Facing the Camp (London: Routledge, 2005).
166. Paul Virilio, City of Panic (2004), trans. Julie Rose (London: Verso, 2005), p. 74.
167. Paul Gilroy, After Empire: Melancholia or Convivial Culture? (Abingdon: Routledge, 2004), p. 65.
168. 'Permanent War, Permanent State of Emergency', The Black Commen - tator, No. 14, 2002, identifying the permanent state of emergency as 'a permanent state of siege for Black America'.
169. Russell Jacoby, Picture Imperfect: Utopian Thought for an Anti-Utopian Age (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), p. ix.
170. Joanna Apap and Sergio Carrera, 'Maintaining Security Within Borders: Toward a Permanent State of Emergency in the EU?', Alternatives, Vol. 29, 2004, pp. 399-416.
171. Robert Tracinski, 'War Powers Without War', Ayn Rand Institute, Op-Eds, 3 December 2001; Robert Higgs, 'In the Name of Emergency', The Independent Institute, 17 October 2001.
172. Agamben, State of Exception, p. 51.
173. Many commentators have opted to talk of the state of exception rather than emergency, usually on the grounds that not all states of emergency constitute a threat to the norm or a challenge to sovereignty - the influence of Schmitt again shows itself. In one sense, this is true - one only has to think of states of emergency called on the grounds of 'natural' disaster to see the point. Agamben opts for exception on the grounds that exception connotes being 'taken outside' (ex capere), which lays on the thematic of the camp, although he sometimes oscillates between exception and emergency. Except on a few occasions I will be using 'emergency', for political reasons to which I shall allude towards the end of this chapter.
174. See here Jef Huysman, 'Minding Exceptions: The Politics of Insecurity and Liberal Democracy', Contemporary Political Theory, Vol. 3, No. 3, 2004, pp. 321-41.
175. Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998).
176. See J. V. Capua, 'Early History of Martial Law in England from the Fourteenth Century to the Petition of Right', Cambridge Law Journal, Vol. 36, 1977, pp. 152-73.
177. Sir Matthew Hale, The History of the Common Law of England (1713), ed. Charles M. Gray (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971) pp. 26-7.
178. Charles Fairman, The Law of Martial Rule (Chicago: Callaghan and Co., 1930), pp. 52-3; Nasser Hussain, The Jurisprudence of Emergency: Colonialism and the Rule of Law (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003); Charles Townsend, 'Martial Law: Legal and Administrative Problems of Civil Emergency in Britain and the Empire, 1800-1940', The Historical Journal, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1982, pp. 167-95; David Bonner, Emergency Powers in Peacetime (London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1985).
179. Henry Hallam, Constitutional History of England From the Accession of Henry VII to the Death of George II, Vol. 1, (London: John Murray, 1827), p. 258.
180. Hansard, Third Series, 17 March-10 April, 1851. Hence some claim that 'the expression martial law is not known to English law' - Leon Radzinowicz, A History of English Criminal Law and its Administration from 1750, Vol 4 (London: Stevens and Sons, 1968), p. 143.
181. Fairman, Law of Martial Rule, pp. 29-30; Charles Fairman, 'The Law of Martial Rule', American Political Science Review, Vol. 22, No. 3, 1928, pp. 591-616.
182. Sir David Dundas responding to questions from Peel and Gladstone about the case of Ceylon, cited in Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, A History of the Criminal Law of England, Vol. I (1883) (London: Burt Franklin, 1973), p. 213.
183. Michel Foucault, "Society Must be Defended": Lectures at the College de France, 1975-76, trans. David Macey (London: Penguin, 2003), p. 103.
184. Michael A. Conron, 'Law, Politics, and Chief Justice Taney: A Recon - sideration of the Luther v. Borden Decision', American Journal of Legal History, Vol. 11, 1967, pp. 377-88.
185. Frederick M. Watkins, 'The Problem of Constitutional Dictatorship', Public Policy, Vol. 1, 1940, pp. 324-79; Clinton Rossiter, Constitutional Dictatorship: Crisis Government in the Modern Democracies (1948) (New York: Harbinger Books, 1963); Carl Friedrich, Constitutional Government and Democracy: Theory and Practice in Europe and America (Boston: Ginn and Co., 1950), pp. 575-6; Lieutenant Colonel Joseph B. Kelly and Captain George A. Pelletier, Jr, 'Theories of Emergency Government', South Dakota Law Review, Vol. 11, 1966, pp. 42-69; Brian Loveman, The Constitution of Tyranny: Regimes of Exception in Spanish America (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); Oren Gross and Fionnuala Ni Aolain, Law in Times of Crisis: Emergency Powers in Theory and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 27.
186. J. H. Morgan, 'Martial Law', in Encyclopaedia Britannica, Fourteenth Edition, Vol. 14 (London: Encyclopaedia Britannica Co., 1929), p. 984.
187. A. V. Dicey, An Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution 288, 291 (10th ed. 1959); Stephen, History of the Criminal Law, pp. 208, 215; F. W. Maitland, The Constitutional History of England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950), p. 491.
188. Fredrick Pollock, 'What is Martial Law?', Law Quarterly Review, Vol. 18, 1902, pp. 152-8, at 156. For other positions on the case see W. S. Holdsworth, 'Martial Law Historically Considered', Law Quarterly Review, Vol. 18, 1902, pp. 117-52; H. Erle Richards, 'Martial Law', Law Quarterly Review, Vol. 18, 1902, pp. 153-42.
189. George M. Dennison, 'Martial Law: The Development of a Theory of Emergency Powers, 1776-1861', American Journal of Legal History, Vol. 18, No. 1, 1974, pp. 52-79; Jason Collins Weida, 'A Republic of Emergencies: Martial Law in American Jurisprudence', Connecticut Law Review, Vol. 36, 2004, pp. 1397-1438.
190. For discussion see Ballentine, 'Qualified Martial Law, A Legislative Proposal', Michigan Law Review, Vol. 14, 1915-16, pp. 102-8 (Pt 1) and 197-218 (Pt 2); F. David Trickey, 'Constitutional and Statutory Bases of Governors' Emergency Powers', Michigan Law Review, Vol. 64, 1965-6, pp. 290-307.
191. Fabian Tract, Emergency Powers: A Fresh Start (An Informal Group Fabian Tract), No. 416, 1972, p. 5.
192. Parliamentary Debates: House of Commons, Vol. LXXXIV, 31 July 1916, col. 2143.
193. Harold M. Bowman, 'Martial Law and the English Constitution', Michigan Law Review, Vol. 15, 1916, pp. 93-126, p. 98.
194. Morgan, 'Martial Law', p. 985.
195. Cornelius P. Cotter, 'Constitutionalizing Emergency Powers: The British Experience', Stanford Law Review, Vol. 5, 1952-3, pp. 382-417, p. 384.
196. Cited in Charles Townshend, Political Violence in Ireland: Government and Resistance since 1848 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), p. 311.
197. Cited in Thomas Jones, Whitehall Diary, Vol. III: Ireland 1918-1925 19-20 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). Jones was Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet.
198. Memo by Prime Minister, 19 May 1916, cited in Townshend, Political Violence, p. 310.
199. Letter from the JAG to Chief Secretary for Ireland, 19 July 1920, cited in Colin Campbell, Emergency Law in Ireland, 1918-1925 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), p. 134.
200. Cited in K. D. Ewing and C. A. Gearty, The Struggle for Civil Liberties: Political Freedom and the Rule of Law in Britain, 1914-1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 184.
201. This was also the pattern in the colonies, as martial law gradually came to be superseded by 'emergency powers'. See, for example, the discussion of the shift in Egypt between 1914 and 1958 in Nathan Brown, The Rule of Law in the Arab World: Courts in Egypt and the Gulf (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 82-3. For India see Venkat Iyer, States of Emergency: The Indian Experience (New Delhi: Butterworths, 2000).
202. William E. Scheuerman, 'Globalization and Exceptional Powers: The Erosion of Liberal Democracy', Radical Philosophy, 93, 1999, pp. 14-23.
203. William E. Scheuerman, 'The Economic State of Emergency', Cardozo Law Review, Vol. 21, 1999-2000, pp. 1869-94, p. 1877. Also see E. P. Thompson, 'The Secret State' (1978), in Writing by Candlelight (London: Merlin, 1980), p. 163
204. See the House of Commons Library Research Division, Emergency Powers (Background Paper, No. 66, n.d. [Jan. 1979]), p. 3.
205. Agamben, State of Exception, p. 2.
206. Cited in Hans Boldt, 'Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution, Its Historical and Political Implications', in Anthony Nicholls and Erich Matthias (eds), German Democracy and the Triumph of Hitler: Essays in Recent German History (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1971), p. 91.
207. Frederick Mundell Watkins, The Failure of Constitutional Emergency Powers under the German Republic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard UniversityPress, 1939), p. 82.
208. Watkins, Failure of Constitutional Emergency Powers, pp. 75-8, 91-5; Boldt, 'Article 48', pp. 90-2; Lindsay Rogers, Sanford Schwarz and Nicholas S. Kaltchas, 'German Political Institutions II: Article 48', Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 47, 1932, pp. 566-601.
209. Ernst Fraenkel, The Dual State: A Contribution to the Theory of Dictator - ship, trans. E. A. Shils (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1941), p. 3.
210. See James K. Pollock and Harlow Henman (eds), The Hitler Decrees (Ann Arbor: George Wahr, 1934), p. 10.
211. 'Address Delivered at Democratic State Convention', 29 September 1936, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 5 (New York: Random House, 1938), pp. 386.
212. Reflecting back in 1936, Roosevelt commented that the crisis of 1933 to 1934 was 'made to order for all those who would overthrow our form of government' - 'Address Delivered at Democratic State Convention', 29 September 1936, in Public Papers, Vol. 5, pp. 385-6. On 1934 as a crucial year in American labour history see Irving Bernstein, Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933-1941 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin and Co., 1971), p. 217.
213. William E. Leuchtenburg, 'The New Deal and the Analogue of War', in John Braeman, Robert H. Brenner and Everett Walters (eds), Change and Continuity in Twentieth-Century America (Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1964).
214. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Radio Address, Albany, NY, April 7, 1932', in The Public Pages and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 1 (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 624.
215. For example in Roosevelt, 'Radio Address, Albany, NY, April 7, 1932', p. 625.
216. Franklin D. Roosevelt, On Our Way (New York: John Day Co., 1934), p. 35.
217. See Jane Perry Clark, 'Emergencies and the Law', Political Science Quarterly, 49, 1934, pp. 268-83; Relyea, Brief History of Emergency Powers, p. 59; Michael R. Belknap, 'The New Deal and the Emergency Powers Doctrine', Texas Law Review, 62, 1983, pp. 67-109.
218. Francis Sejersted has shown the extent to which enabling acts were fundamental to economic modernisation and the development of cor - poratism in Norway following the war - 'From Liberal Consti tutionalism to Corporate Pluralism: The Conflict over the Enabling Acts in Norway after the Second World War and the Subsequent Constitutional Development', in Jon Elster and Rune Slagstad (eds), Constitutionalism and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
219. Hussain, Jurisprudence of Emergency. Also see B. O. Nwabueze, Consti tution alism in the Emergent States (London and Enugu, Nigeria: C. Hurst and Co., in association with Nwamife Publishers, 1973), pp. 173, 180.
220. Denys C. Holland, 'Emergency Legislation in the Commonwealth', Current Legal Problems, Vol. 13, 1960, pp. 148-70.
221. Schmitt, Political Theology, pp. 13-14. See here Franz Neumann, 'Approaches to the Study of Political Power' (1950), in The Democratic and the Authoritarian State: Essays in Political and Legal Theory (New York: Free Press, 1957). What Schmitt and contemporary Schmittianism fail to grasp is that the 'state of exception' is not exceptional. On the contrary, as I am arguing here, in the guise of emergency powers it permeates the everyday functioning of modern states, even those which consider themselves 'democratic'.
222. Report by Daniel O'Donnell for the International Commission of Jurists, Series B, No. 9, June 10 1987; Daniel O'Donnell, 'States of Exception', International Commission of Jurists Review, 21, 1978, p. 52-3.
223. The author of that report, Joan Fitzpatrick, was also author of two other reports for the International Law Association on the same theme. The research is found in Joan Fitzpatrick, Human Rights in Crisis: The International System for Protecting Rights During States of Emergency (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).
224. Report by the UN Special Rapporteur, Mr. Leandro Despouy, on the question of Human Rights and States of Emergency, United Nations, 1997 [hereafter 'Despouy Report'], paras 180-1. In a separate report from a year earlier, the same Special Rapporteur found 87 states having declared an emergency since 1985 - United Nations, Economic and Social Council, The Administration of Justice and the Human Rights of Detainees: Questions of Human Rights and States of Emergency (United Nations, 1996).
225. International Commission of Jurists, States of Emergency: Their Impact on Human Rights (1983), p. 413.
226. Cited in Daniel P. Franklin, Extraordinary Measures: The Exercise of Prerogative Powers in the United States (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991), p. 55.
227. Special Committee on the Termination of the National Emergency, United States Senate, Emergency Powers Statutes: Provisions of Federal Law Now in Effect Delegating to the Executive Authority in Time of National Emergency. Senate Report 93-549, 93rd Congress, 1st Session, November 1973.
228. See National Emergency Powers, Congressional Research Service Report 98-505, 18 September 2001, pp. 13-16; Terrorist Attacks and National Emergencies Act Declarations, Congressional Research Service Report, RS21017, 7 January 2005, pp. 5-6.
229. Merlyn Rees in the House of Commons, 9 July 1974 - Parliamentary Debates: House of Commons, Vol. 876, 1974, col. 1273.
230. Roy Jenkins in the House of Commons, 28 November 1974 - Parliamentary Debates: House of Commons, Vol. 882, 1974-5, col. 642.
231. Fionnuala Ni Aolain, The Politics of Force: Conflict Management and State Violence in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 2000); Laura Donohue, Counter-Terrorist Law and Emergency Powers in the United Kingdom, 1922-2000 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2001); Ewing and Gearty, Struggle for Civil Liberties, p. 331; Paddy Hillyard, 'The Normal - ization of Special Powers: From Northern Ireland to Britain', in Nicola Lacey (ed.), A Reader on Criminal Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
232. Ewing and Gearty, Struggle for Civil Liberties, pp. 161-8, 272; Ni Aolain, Politics of Force, p. 64.
233. Oren Gross, 'Providing for the Unexpected: Constitutional Emergency Provisions', Israeli Yearbook on Human Rights, Vol. 33, 2003, pp. 1-31; Oren Gross, 'Chaos and Rules: Should Responses to Violent Crises Always Be Constitutional?', Yale Law Journal, Vol. 112, No. 5, 2003, pp. 1011-134; Menachem Hofnung, Democracy, Law and National Security in Israel (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1996).
234. John Dugard, Human Rights and the South African Legal Order (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978), p. 112. Also see A. S. Mathews and R. C. Albino, 'The Permanence of the Temporary: An Examination of the 90- and 180-Day Detention Laws', South African Law Journal, 83, 1966, pp. 16-43; Nicholas Haysom, 'States of Emergency in a Post- Apartheid South Africa', Columbia Human Rights Law Review, Vol. 21, No. 1, 1989, pp. 139-62.
235. Cited in Stephen P. Marks, 'Principles and Norms of Human Rights Applicable in Emergency Situations', in Karel Vasak (ed.), The International Dimensions of Human Rights, Vol. 1 (Westport, CT and Paris: Greenwood Press/UNESCO, 1982), pp. 184-5. More generally, see Nwabueze, Constitutionalism in the Emergent States, p. 173.
236. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Report on the Situation of Human Rights in Paraguay (Washington, January 1978).
237. Despouy Report, para. 127. Also see Claudio Grossman, 'States of Emergency: Latin America and the United States', in Louis Henken and Albert J. Rosenthal (eds), Constitutionalism and Rights: The Influence of the United States Constitution Abroad (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990).
238. See United Nations, Economic and Social Council, The Administration of Justice and the Human Rights of Detainees: Questions of Human Rights and States of Emergency (United Nations, 1996).
239. Harold D. Lasswell, National Security and Individual Freedom (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1950), p. 29; Rossiter, Constitutional Dictatorship, p. 13; Albert L. Sturm, 'Emergencies and the Presidency', The Journal of Politics, 1, 1949, pp. 121-44, p. 141-2; Arthur S. Miller, 'Constitutional Law: Crisis Government Becomes the Norm', Ohio State Law Journal, Vol. 39, 1978, pp. 736-51; Gross and Aolain, Law in Times of Crisis, p. 175.
240. Adi Ophir, 'A Time of Occupation', in Roane Carey and Jonathan Shainin (eds), The Other Israel: Voices of Refusal and Dissent (New York: New Press, 2002), p. 60.
241. Note, for want of a recent example but which eschews the myth of temporariness, that just a few weeks after the attacks on the World Trade Center Dick Cheney commented that the changes being made for 'Homeland Security' are 'not a temporary measure just to meet one crisis' but 'will become permanent in American life . . . think of it as the new normalcy', 'Remarks to the Republican Governors Association', 25 October 2001.
242. H. P. Lee, Emergency Powers (Sydney: The Law Book Company, 1984), p. 4; Despouy Report, para. 20; Ergun Ozbudun and Mehmet Turhan, Emergency Powers (Strasbourg: Council of Europe, 1995), pp. 7-9.
243. William Gaillard, quoted in The Guardian, 5 April 2007.
244. United States Department of Health and Human Services, Child Abuse and Neglect: Critical First Steps in Response to a National Emergency (Washington: US Government Printing Office, August 1990).
245. On the latter see Aaron Perrine, 'The First Amendment Versus the World Trade Organization: Emergency Powers and the Battle in Seattle', Washington Law Review, 76, 2001, pp. 635-8.
246. The term 'emergency situation' or 'state of emergency' is now so overused that one expects that shortly we will find a new concept on the political market, something along the order of 'ultra-emergency'. The pattern has been set by the Department for Homeland Security starting to use 'ultra-catastrophe' to describe certain kinds of events. The ultra-catastrophe must surely constitute an ultra-emergency which in turn will necessarily generate ultra-emergency powers. For the Depart - ment's use of the term see 'Remarks by the Secretary of Homeland Security', 9 March 2006.
247. Gross, 'Providing for the Unexpected', p. 17.
248. Paul Virilio, 'The State of Emergency', in The Virilio Reader, ed. James Der Derian (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), p. 52.
249. George Bush, News Conference at Sea Island, Georgia, 10 June 2004, in Mark Danner, Torture and Truth: America, Abu Ghraib, and the War on Terror (London: Granta, 2004), p. 46. The 'kick some ass' comment is reported by Richard A. Clarke, Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror (New York: Free Press, 2004), pp. 23-4. The denial of knowledge of international law was at a press briefing, 11 December 2003. Rumsfeld's comment was at a press briefing in January 2002.
250. Iraq: Law of Occupation, House of Commons Research Paper 03/51, 2 June 2003, p. 25.
251. George Bush, Memorandum, 7 February 2002, in Danner, Torture and Truth, pp. 105-6.
252. Fleur Johns, 'Guantánamo Bay and the Annihilation of Exception', European Journal of International Law, Vol. 16, No. 4, 2005, pp. 613-35.
253. Chris af Johnick and Roger Normand, 'The Legitimation of Violence: A Critical History of the Laws of War', Harvard International Law Review, Vol. 35, No. 1, 1994, pp. 49-95, p. 50.
254. David Dyzenhaus, The Constitution of Law: Legality in a Time of Emergency (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
255. Jules Lobel, 'Emergency Power and the Decline of Liberalism', Yale Law Journal, 98, 1989, pp. 1385-433.
256. E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977), pp. 265-6. I have subjected this to longer critique in The Fabrication of Social Order: A Critical Theory of State Power (London: Pluto Press, 2000).
257. Hussain, Jurisprudence of Emergency, p. 124.
258. 'The best thing in the world is a command' - Schmitt, Legality and Legitimacy (1932), trans. Jeffrey Seitzer (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004), p. 9.
259. David Dyzenhaus, 'The Permanence of the Temporary: Can Emergency Powers be Normalized?', in Daniels et al. (eds), Security of Freedom, p. 25.
260. Neocleous, Fabrication of Social Order, pp. 106-18; China Miéville, Between Equal Rights: A Marxist Theory of International Law (Leiden: Brill, 2005), p. 194.
261. Walter Benjamin, 'Critique of Violence' (1921), trans. Edmund Jephcott, in Selected Writings, Vol. 1: 1913-1926, ed. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge, MA: Belknap/Harvard, 1996), pp. 239, 252. For Schmitt, in contrast, the sovereign may stand outside the normally valid legal system, but 'nevertheless belongs to it' (Political Theology, p. 7). Thus Schmitt never rejects the need for a legal system of some kind. It is not legality itself that is problematic for Schmitt.
262. Cited in Daniel Yergin, Shattered Peace: The Origins of the Cold War (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1980), pp. 194, 195.
263. Cited in Yergin, Shattered Peace, p. 195. In fact, the term itself was not entirely new. In Chapter 1 we saw it pop up very briefly in Smith's work. Moreover, a 'National Security League' had been established in 1914 by major companies such as US Steel and the Rockefeller oil companies, though it was concerned more with national identity than national security - a relationship I take up in Chapter 4. We might also point to a series of articles on foreign policy by Edward Mead Earle, such as 'American Military Policy and National Security', Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 1, 1938, pp. 1-13, and 'National Security and Foreign Policy, Yale Review, Vol. 29, No. 3, 1940, pp. 444-60, along with Walter Lippmann's suggestion that 'the ideal of peace had diverted our attention from the idea of national security' - U.S. Foreign Policy (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1943), p. 30. But what is significant is that although the term appears in these texts there is little substantive analysis of what it is or might mean.
264. This point had already been made in 1941 in terms of the distinction between security and defence - for example: 'Security is a broad concept; as distinguished from mere defense', Edward Mead Earle, 'The Threat to American Security', Yale Review, Vol. 30, No. 3, 1941, pp. 454- 80, p. 469. Also see his 'American Security: Its Changing Conditions', Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 218, 1941, pp. 186-93. But at this stage the notion of national security had not been attached to it.
265. Yergin, Shattered Peace, p. 194; Emily S. Rosenberg, 'Commentary: The Cold War and the Discourse of National Security', Diplomatic History, Vol. 17, No. 2, 1993, pp. 277-84; Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), p. 126.
266. International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (London: Macmillan, 1968), entry for 'national security', p. 40.
267. Arnold Wolfers, '"National Security" as an Ambiguous Symbol', Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 4, 1952, pp. 481-502, p. 483.
268. Morton Berkowitz and P. G. Bock (eds), American National Security: A Reader in Theory and Policy (New York: Free Press, 1965).
269. P. G. Bock and Morton Berkowitz, 'The Emerging Field of National Security', World Politics 19, 1966, pp. 122-36. But note that this article was in fact a long review of four edited collections, none of which used the notion of 'national security' in either title or subtitle. Rather, the books were Components of Defense (1965), International Stability (1964), Analysis for Military Decisions (1964), and International Behavior (1965).
270. Yergin, Shattered Peace, pp. 193-6. Saul Landau, The Dangerous Doctrine: National Security and U.S. Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1988), p. xiii.
271. Robert Latham, The Liberal Moment: Modernity, Security, and the Making of Postwar International Order (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 94. Rosenberg, 'Cold War and the Discourse of National Security', p. 283.
272. Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and Jaap de Wilde, Security: A New Framework for Analysis (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1998); pp. 7, 21, 131. Ole Waever, 'Securitization and Desecuritization', in Ronnie D. Lipshutz, ed., On Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), pp. 65-71.
273. R. B. J. Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Didier Bigo, 'The Mobius Ribbon of Internal and External Security(ies)', in Mathias Albert, David Jacobson and Yosef Lapid (eds), Identities, Borders, Orders: Rethinking International Relations Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), pp. 91-116.
274. Simon Dalby, Environmental Security (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), p. 7.
275. Didier Bigo, 'Internal and External Aspects of Security', European Security, Vol. 15, No. 4, 2006, pp. 385-404, p. 391.
276. Buzan, Waever and de Wilde, Security, p. 24; also Waever, 'Securitization and Desecuritization'.
277. See Crauford D. Goodwin (ed.), Economics and National Security: A History of Their Interaction (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991); Jonathan Kirshner, 'Political Economy in Security Studies After the Cold War', Review of International Political Economy, Vol. 5, No. 1, 1998, pp. 64-91; Michael Mastanduno, 'Economics and Security in Statecraft and Scholarship', International Organization, Vol. 52, No. 4, 1998, pp. 825-54; Patrick J. DeSouza (ed.), Economic Strategy and National Security: A Next Generation Approach (Boulder, CO: Council on Foreign Relations/ Westview Press, 2000); Norrin M. Ripsman, 'The Political Economy of Security: A Research and Teaching Agenda', Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, Spring 2000, pp. 1-7; Peter Dombrowski (ed.), Guns and Butter: The Political Economy of International Security (London: Lynne Rienner, 2005).
278. For example, Edward Mead Earle, 'Adam Smith, Alexander Hamilton, Friedrich List: The Economic Foundations of Military Power', in Edward Mead Earle (ed.), Makers of Modern Strategy: Military Thought from Machiavelli to Hitler (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1943); Albert Hirschman, National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1945); Jacob Viner, 'Power Versus Plenty as Objectives of Foreign Policy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries', World Politics, Vol. 1, No. 1, 1948, pp. 1-29; Bernard Brodie, 'Strategy as a Science', World Politics, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1949, pp. 467-88. Paul A. Samuelson also rewrote the second edition of his major textbook Economics to take account of the shift in emphasis away from mass unemployment and towards 'a national-security economy' - Economics: An Introductory Analysis, Second Edition (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1951), p. vi.
279. Joseph S. Nye and Sean M. Lynn-Jones, 'International Security Studies: A Report of a Conference on the State of the Field', International Security, Vol. 12, No. 4, 1988, pp. 5-27, p. 25.
280. On 21 January 1993, for example, President Clinton increased the membership of the National Security Council (NSC) to include the Secretary of the Treasury and the new position of Assistant to the President for Economic Policy. Four days later Clinton issued Executive Order 12835 establishing a National Economic Council, some of the staffing of which would be shared with the NSC.
281. Barry Buzan, People, States and Fear: An Agenda for International Security Studies in the Post-Cold War Era, 2nd Edition (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1991), pp. 232, 237, 241, emphasis added.
282. The focus on America should not be misconstrued. The US is being examined as the prime example of, and key agent in, a much broader historical phenomenon in which the whole world order gets cast under the shadow of security.
283. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Message to Congress Reviewing the Broad Objectives and Accomplishments of the Administration', 8 June 1934, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 3: The Advance of Recovery and Reform (New York: Random House, 1938), pp. 287-92.
284. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'The Initiation of Studies to Achieve a Program of National Social and Economic Security. Executive Order No. 6757', 29 June 1934, in Public Papers and Addresses, Vol. 3, pp. 321-2.
285. Franklin D. Roosevelt, On Our Way (New York: John Day Co., 1934), pp. 182, 230.
286. Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare (London: Tavistock Publications, 1972), p. 88.
287. Abraham Epstein, Insecurity: A Challenge to America (New York: Harrison Smith and Robert Haas, 1933). Epstein would continue using this notion of 'insecurity' as a stick even during the debates about what became the Social Security Act - see for example 'Our Social Insecurity Act', Harper's Magazine, 172, December 1935, pp. 55-66. I. M. Rubinow, The Quest for Security (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1934).
288. See Isaac Kramnick and Barry Sheerman, Harold Laski: A Life on the Left (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1993). For Laski's defence of emergency powers see The American Presidency: An Interpretation (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1940), p. 154.
289. Harold J. Laski, Liberty in the Modern State (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1937), pp. 50-1. Note also his reiteration of security as the condition of human satisfaction, and the state as the condition of security, in a work from the same period - The State: In Theory and Practice (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1935), pp. 16-17.
290. Abraham Epstein, 'Security for Americans, I: Social Insurance Comes to the Fore', The New Republic, 21 November 1934, pp. 37-9; I. M. Rubinow, 'Security for Americans, II: The Ohio Plan of Unemployment Insurance', The New Republic, 28 November 1934, pp. 64-6; Elizabeth Brandeis, 'Security for Americans, III: Wisconsin's Start on Job Insurance', The New Republic, 5 December 1934, pp. 94-7; Mary Van Kleeck, 'Security for Americans, IV: The Workers' Bill for Unemployment and Social Insurance', The New Republic, 12 December 1934, pp. 121-4; Paul Douglas, 'Security for Americans, V: Unemployment Insurance and Relief', The New Republic, 19 December 1934, pp. 160-3; Abraham Epstein, 'Security for Americas, VI: A Program for Old-Age Security', The New Republic, 2 January 1935, pp. 212-15; George Soule, 'Security for Americas, VII: Can We Provide Security?', The New Republic, 16 January 1935, pp. 266-9.
291. For example by Frances Perkins, who would eventually be Chair of the CES. See 'Toward Security', Survey Graphic, Vol. 23, No. 3, March 1934, pp. 116-17 and p. 144; Frances Perkins, 'The Way of Security', Survey Graphic, Vol. 23, No. 12, December 1934, pp. 620-2 and p. 629.
292. Soule, 'Security for Americas, VII', p. 266.
293. Van Kleeck, 'Security for Americans, IV', p. 123.
294. For example, Raymond Gram Swing, 'Social Security in a Hurry', The Nation, Vol. 139, No. 3611, 19 September 1934, pp. 318-20.
295. Harold D. Lasswell, 'The Psychology of Hitlerism', Vol. 4, No. 3, 1933, pp. 373-84; Harold D. Lasswell, World Politics and Personal Insecurity (1934), republished as the first part of Harold D. Lasswell, E. Merriam and T. V. Smith, A Study of Power (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1950), pp. 8-9, 25- 6; Herbert Hoover, The Challenge to Liberty (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1934), p. 178.
296. Cited in Donald Fisher, 'The Role of Philanthropic Foundations in the Reproduction and Production of Hegemony: Rockefeller Foundations and the Social Sciences', Sociology, Vol. 17, No. 2, 1983, pp. 206-33, p. 222.
297. It was also in this period that one can start to identify a certain style of writing about a 'golden age' defined by its security, an age usually taken to be prior to the First World War. In Coming Up for Air (1939) Orwell's character writes: 'Christ! What's the use of saying that one oughtn't to be sentimental about "before the war"? I am sentimental about it . . . The houses had no bathrooms, you broke the ice in your basin on winter mornings, the back streets stank like the devil in hot weather, and the churchyard was bang in the middle of the town, so that you never went a day without remembering how you'd got to end. And yet what was it that people had in those days? A feeling of security' (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1962), pp. 106-7. Similarly, Stefan Zweig's biography The World of Yesterday (1943) begins thus: 'When I attempt to find a simple formula for the period in which I grew up, prior to the First World War, I hope that I convey its fulness by calling it the Golden Age of Security' (London: Cassell, 1943), p. 13. And note Hannah Arendt's comment that 'we must also admit a certain nostalgia for what can still be called a "golden age of security"' prior to 1914 - The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), New Edition with Added Prefaces (San Diego: Harcourt Brace and Co., 1973), p. 123.
298. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Second "Fireside Chat" of 1934', 30 September 1934, in Public Papers and Addresses, Vol. 3, p. 413. The theme was followed up in many more fireside chats. See for example 'Fireside Chat' of 14 April 1938, where he describes security as the first line of the defence of liberty, and insecurity as the basis of non-democratic regimes - Public Papers and Addresses, 1938: The Continuing Struggle for Liberalism (New York: Macmillan, 1941), pp. 236-49.
299. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Address to the Advisory Council of the Com - mittee on Economic Security on the Problems of Economic and Social Security', 14 November 1934, in Public Papers, Vol. 3, p. 454.
300. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Message to the Congress on Social Security', 17 January 1935, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 4: The Court Disapproves (New York: Random House, 1938), p. 43.
301. Daniel Béland, Social Security: History and Politics from the New Deal (Kansas: University of Kansas Press, 2005), p. 100.
302. Alan Wolfe, The Limits of Legitimacy: Political Contradictions of Contem - porary Capitalism (New York: Free Press, 1977), p.147.
303. Jennifer Klein, For All These Rights: Business, Labor, and the Shaping of America's Public-Private Welfare State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer - sity Press, 2003), pp. 78-9, 115, 138, 204; Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, p. 92.
304. Cited in Klein, For All These Rights, p. 78.
305. It is pertinent to note in this context that F. A. von Hayek's attack on welfare systems and things 'social' takes the form in part of an attack on 'economic security' in The Road to Serfdom (London: Routledge, 1944), pp. 89-99.
306. See, for example, François Ewald, 'Insurance and Risk', and Daniel Defert, '"Popular Life" and Insurance Technology', both in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon and Peter Miller (eds), The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Hemel Hempstead: Harvester, 1991); Pat O'Malley, Risk, Uncertainty and Government (London: Glasshouse Press, 2004), pp. 38-47.
307. O'Malley, Risk, Uncertainty and Government, pp. 43-4, 125.
308. Richard Ericson, Aaron Doyle and Dean Barry, Insurance as Governance (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), p. 72.
309. Sir William Beveridge, Social Insurance and the Allied Services (London: HMSO, 1942), pp. 6-7, emphasis added.
310. See here Ewald, 'Insurance and Risk'; O'Malley, Risk, Uncertainty and Government; and Waever, 'Securitization and Desecuritization'.
311. Ericson, Doyle and Barry, Insurance as Governance , p. 50.
312. Mark Neocleous, Administering Civil Society: Towards a Theory of State Power (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 131-40. On Roosevelt's wider policy here see Kees Van Der Pijl, The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class (London: Verso, 1984).
313. Klein, For All These Rights, pp. 5-11, 78-115.
314. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Campaign Address on Progressive Government at the Commonwealth Club', San Francisco, 23 September 1932, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Vol. 1: The New Deal (New York: Random House, 1938), pp. 742-56.
315. Klein, For All These Rights, p. 98.
316. Address at the Bond Club, 23 May 1943, cited in Klein, For All These Rights, p. 207.
317. Klein, For All These Rights, p. 207.
318. Klein, For All These Rights, pp. 101-2; Peter A. Swenson, 'Varieties of Capitalist Interests: Power, Institutions, and the Regulatory Welfare State in the United States and Sweden', Studies in American Political Development, Vol. 18, 2004, pp. 1-29.
319. Winthrop W. Aldrich, An Appraisal of the Federal Social Security Act: Address Before the Institute of Public Affairs (Charlottesville, 1936), p. 3, emphasis added.
320. Van Der Pijl, Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class, p. 93. Also see Richard E. Holl, From the Boardroom to the War Room (Rochester, NY: Rochester University Press, 2005), p. 30.
321. Bruce Ackerman, We the People, Vol. 2: Transformations (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 260, 263, 270-1, 279.
322. Cited in Klein, For All These Rights, p. 115.
323. Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and Ambivalence (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1991), p. 20.
324. Etymologically, 'garden' originates in the same root as the Old English geard, meaning 'fence' and hence 'enclosed space'. The geard developed into Modern English 'yard' while 'garden' came into the language as gardyne via the Old Norman French gardin - see Anne van Erp- Houtepen, 'The Etymological Origin of the Garden', Journal of Garden History, Vol. 6, No. 3, 1986, pp. 227-31. On the metaphor see Simon Pugh, Garden-Nature-Language (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), pp. 2-7, 55, 125; Eve Darian-Smith, Bridging Divides: The Channel Tunnel and English Legal Identity in the New Europe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), pp. 51-3.
325. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Annual Message to the Congress', 4 January 1939, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1939: War and Neutrality (London: Macmillan, 1941), p. 5. 65. Earle, 'American Security', p. 189.
326. See here Michael S. Sherry, In the Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), pp. 22, 31, 47.
327. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'State of the Union Address', 11 January 1944, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D Roosevelt, 1944-5, Victory and the Threshold (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), pp. 33-4, 41. On this link see Franz Schurman, The Logic of World Power (New York: Pantheon Books, 1974), p. 42.
328. Schurman, Logic of World Power, p. 67.
329. On 'Dr. New Deal' and 'Dr. Win-the-War' see Franklin D. Roosevelt, 'Press Conference', 28 December 1943, in The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D Roosevelt, 1943: The Tide Turns (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1950), p. 569. For a critique of such organic metaphors see my Imagining the State, chap. 1.
330. It is a sign of how the language of security has shifted since the Second World War that a series of pamphlets under the label 'collective security' could be so focused on the minutiae of social security issues. See, for example, H. Ladd Plumley, 'Budgeting the Costs of Illness', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 1, 1947; Walter Sulzbach, 'German Experience with Social Insurance', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 2, 1947; Elizabeth W. Wilson, 'Compulsory Health Insur - ance', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 3, 1947; Henry W. Steinhaus, 'Financing Old Age', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 4, 1948; William J. Shultz, 'Social Security and the Economics of Saving', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 5, 1948; Earl E. Muntz, 'Growth Trends in Social Security', Studies in Individual and Collective Security No. 6, 1949.
331. See Paul Virilio, Negative Horizon (1984), trans. Michael Degener (London: Continuum, 2005), p. 170; Paul Virilio, Speed and Politics: An Essay on Dromology (1977), trans. Mark Polizzotti (New York: Semiotext(e), 1986), p. 123.
332. Robert A. Pollard, Economic Security and the Origins of the Cold War, 1945-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), p. 13.
333. Latham, Liberal Moment, p. 143; Pollard, Economic Security, p. 3.
334. Cited in Pollard, Economic Security, p. 13.
335. Roosevelt, 'Press Conference', 28 December 1943, p. 574.
336. Alan S. Milward, The Reconstruction of Europe (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). Also Pollard, Economic Security and the Origins of the Cold War, p. 65; Melvyn P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992), pp. 157, 160
337. Joyce Kolko and Gabriel Kolko, The Limits of Power: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1954 (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), pp. 341-2, 35, 428.
338. This in part explains why CIA security agents acting covertly in France helped forge a split within European unionism around the issue of the Marshall Plan, hoping to sideline communist opposition to the project of American capital.
339. Latham, Liberal Moment, p. 175.
340. NSC-68, 14 April 1950, in Thomas H. Etzold and John Lewis Gaddis (eds), Containment: Documents on American Policy and Strategy, 1945- 1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), p. 401.
341. Richard J. Aldrich, The Hidden Hand: Britain, America and Cold War Secret Intelligence (Woodstock: Overview Press, 2002), pp. 342-70.
342. David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), p. 159.
343. Allen W. Dulles, The Marshall Plan (Oxford: Berg, 1993), p. 4.
344. George Kennan, 'Overdue Changes in Our Foreign Policy', Harper's Magazine, Vol. 213, No. 1275, August 1956, pp. 27-33, p. 28; The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington: The White House, 2002), p. 15.
345. Policy Planning Staff, 'Resume of the World Situation', 6 November 1947, in Etzold and Gaddis, Containment, p. 90.
346. NSC-68, pp. 397, 407.
347. To give just one example: in 1948 Stalin was of the view that the Greek uprising would have to be 'stopped . . . as quickly as possible'. Thus as the Greek rebels fought to achieve the first democratic Republic of Greece the Soviets offered neither military nor ideological support. Cited in Milovan Djilas, Conversations with Stalin, trans. Michael B. Petrovich (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1963), pp. 140-1.
348. NSC-68, in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, pp. 401, 412.
349. Hogan, Cross of Iron, pp. 23-68.
350. X (George Kennan), 'The Sources of Soviet Conduct', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 4, 1947, pp. 566-82; George Kennan, 'The Long Telegram', in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, pp. 50-63.
351. Cited in David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower (London: Secker and Warburg, 1978), p. 26.
352. George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967), p. 358.
353. John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 37, 40, 63, 83, 85; Stephen E. Ambrose, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy Since 1938, Fourth Revised Edition (New York: Penguin Books, 1985), p. 95.
354. Cited in Pollard, Economic Security, p. 150.
355. Arthur Krock in the New York Times, 5 October 1947, cited in Pollard, Economic Security, p. 148.
356. Dulles, Marshall Plan, p. 116. The book was ready to be submitted to the publisher in January 1948, but the smooth passage of the Foreign Aid Act rendered it redundant.
357. NSC-20/1, 18 August 1948, in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, p. 182; NSC-68, p. 408.
358. Cited in Pollard, Economic Security, pp. 227-8; Mastanduno, 'Economics and Security', p. 828.
359. Pollard, Economic Security, p. 223.
360. The UK Intelligence and Security Committee Annual Report for 2004-5 notes: 'We took evidence from Ministers, departments and the Agencies on the Agencies' work to support and safeguard the UK's economic well-being. This is an important topic, with a large number of depart - ments and government organisations having an interest in it. We note that there is not a common definition across Whitehall of what constitutes economic well-being' - Intelligence and Security Committee [UK], Annual Report, 2004-2005 (Cm 6510, April 2005), p. 29.
361. Latham, Liberal Moment, pp. 144-6; Anthony Burke, 'Aporias of Security', Alternatives, 27, 2002, pp. 1-27, p. 14.
362. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 6 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1976), pp. 487-8.
363. Bradley S. Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order: The Global Politics of Deterrence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 90-1, 105.
364. The phrase was used by Clinton, 'President's News Conference with President Jiang in Beijing', 27 June 1998. Speaking on 19 November 1999, then-Governor Bush repeated the idea: 'we firmly believe that our nation is on the right side of history'. Condoleezza Rice also repeated the idea, cited in Andrew J. Bacevich, 'Different Drummers, Same Drum', The National Interest, Summer 2001, pp. 67-77, p. 70.
365. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard: The U.S. Role in the New World Order (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1991), pp. 70-1.
366. George W. Bush, 'Graduation Speech at the US Military Academy', West Point, New York, 1 June 2002. The extent to which the reference to '60 or more' countries was a rhetorical device can be seen in the way the actual number could never quite be pinned down. For Rumsfeld on 24 October 2001, it was '50 or 60 countries'.
367. 'In my 30-year history in the Drug Enforcement Administration and related agencies, the major targets of my investigations almost invariably turned out to be working for the CIA' - Dennis Dayle, former chief of an elite DEA enforcement unit, cited in Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), pp. xviii-xix. For similar research on heroin and extending beyond Scott and Marshall's focus on Central America see Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade, Revised Edition (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2003).
368. Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, The Political Economy of Human Rights, Vol. 1: The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism (Boston: South End Press, 1979), pp. 252-3; Landau, Dangerous Doctrine, p. 107; Joel Kovel, Red Hunting in the Promised Land: Anticommunism and the Making of America (London: Continuum, 1997), p. 57.
369. Stockwell, Praetorian Guard, p. 81.
370. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washing - ton: The White House, September 2002), p. 15. The Quadrennial Defense Review Report of February 2006 then turns this preemptive logic on its head, by arguing that the problem with enemy states possessing weapons of mass destruction is that they might use those weapons preemptively (p. 32).
371. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, 1988, under Reagan, held that part of the strategy was 'liberalisation', while Clinton's National Security Strategy for a New Century of May 1997 claimed (pp. 14-15) that 'economic and security interests are inextricably linked', and in its Preface conflates security and prosperity.
372. As Donald Rumsfeld noted of the attacks on the World Trade Center in September 2001: they 'created the kind of opportunities that World War Two offered, to refashion the world' - New York Times, 12 October 2001. Tony Blair also liked to talk about the new opportunities for 'reordering the world' created by the attacks.
373. Kevin Baker, 'We're in the Army Now', Harper's Magazine, October 2003, pp. 35-46; John Lewis Gaddis, Surprise, Security, and the American Experience (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), p. 10; Richard Jackson, Writing the War on Terrorism: Language, Politics and Counter-Terrorism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), pp. 59, 76.
374. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, Revised Edition (London: Verso, 1991).
375. Mark Neocleous, The Monstrous and the Dead: Burke, Marx, Fascism (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2005).
376. R. D. Laing, The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1959); Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984); Zygmunt Bauman, Globalization: The Human Consequences (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998).
377. Most notably David Campbell, Writing Security: United States Foreign Policy and the Politics of Identity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992). But also see G. M. Dillon, 'The Alliance of Security and Subjectivity', Current Research on Peace and Violence, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1990, pp. 101-24; Bradley Klein, 'How the West was One: Representational Politics of NATO', International Studies Quarterly, Vol. 34, No. 3, 1990, pp. 311-25; Ole Waever, Barry Buzan, Morten Kelstrup and Pierre Lemaitre, Identity, Migration and New Security Agenda in Europe (London: Pinter, 1993); Jef Huysmans, 'Migrants as a Security Problem: Dangers of "Securitizing" Societal Issues', in Robert Miles and Dietrich Thranhardt (eds), Migration and European Integration: The Dynamics of Inclusion and Exclusion (London: Pinto, 1995); Michael C. Williams, 'Identity and the Politics of Security', European Journal of International Relations, Vol. 4, No. 2, 1998, pp. 204-25; Jutta Weldes and Diana Saco, 'Making State Action Possible: The United States and the Discursive Construction of the "Cuban Problem"', Millennium, Vol. 25, No. 2, 1996, pp. 361-95; Lene Hansen, 'Slovenian Identity: State Building on the Balkan Border', Alternatives, Vol. 21, No. 4, 1996, pp. 473-95; Bill McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests: A Sociology of International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Astrid von Busekist, 'Uses and Misuses of the Concept of Identity', Security Dialogue, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2004, pp. 81-98; Maria Stern, Naming Security - Constructing Identity: 'Mayan-Women' in Guatemala on the Eve of 'Peace' (Manchester: Man - chester University Press, 2005).
378. Harry S. Truman, 'Special Message to Congress on Greece and Turkey', 12 March 1947, in Harry S. Truman, Public Papers, 1947 (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1963), pp. 176-80; 'The President's Special Conference With the Association of Radio News Analysts', 13 May 1947, in Public Papers, 1947, p. 238.
379. Marshall had offered aid to Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union as a means of either incorporating them into the system of global capital if they accepted or isolating them from it if they declined - George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950 (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1967), p. 341.
380. NSC-48/2, 30 December 1949, suggested that the US should as a security measure aim to exploit any rift between the Chinese and the USSR, and between Stalinists and other elements in China - in Thomas H. Etzold and John Lewis Gaddis (eds), Containment: Documents on American Policy and Strategy, 1945-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), pp. 269-76.
381. The comment was from Harry Rositzke, the CIA's head of secret operations inside the USSR, interviewed by Christopher Simpson, Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War (New York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), p. 159. This use of Nazis had been planned for by key players in the national security state such as Kennan and the Dulles brothers, as Simpson shows in Blowback and The Splendid Blond Beast (New York: Grove Press, 1993). Since Simpson's research the 1998 War Crimes Disclosure Act requiring the CIA, FBI and Army to declassify operational information has made clear the extent to which being a fascist did not bar a person from working within the national security state. Between late-1946 and December 1952 over 600 German scientists were brought from Germany to the US and placed in major universities and corporations. See Richard Breitman, Norman J. W. Goda, Timothy Naftali and Robert Wolfe, U.S. Intelligence and the Nazis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
382. David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower (London: Secker and Warburg, 1978); Joyce Kolko and Gabriel Kolko, The Limits of Power: The World and United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1954 (New York: Harper and Row, 1972); Abbot Gleason, Totalitarianism: The Inner History of the Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995).
383. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950 , p. 319.
384. For example, the HUAC, Report of Un-American Activities and Propa - ganda, 3 January, 1939 (Washington, 1939), in David Brion Davis, The Fear of Conspiracy: Images of Un-American Subversion from the Revol ution to the Present (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971), pp. 279-82.
385. NSC-68, 14 April 1950, in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, p. 413.
386. See Richard Longaker, 'Emergency Detention: The Generation Gap, 1950-1971', Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 3, 1974, pp. 395-408; Robert Justin Goldstein, 'An American Gulag?', Columbia Human Rights Law Review, Vol. 10, 1978-9, pp. 541-73.
387. US Commission on National Security/21st Century, Road Map for National Security: Imperative for Change, 15 February 2001, p. viii.
388. NSC-20/4, 23 November 1948, in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, p. 210.
389. Joint Chiefs of Staff, 'Review of the Current World Situation', 15 January 1951, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1951, Vol. 1, p. 70; also pp. 71 and 74.
390. Melvyn P. Leffler, A Preponderance of Power: National Security, the Truman Administration, and the Cold War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1992), p. 107.
391. W. Scott Lucas, 'Mobilizing Culture: The State-Private Network and the CIA in the Early Cold War', in Dale Carter and Robin Clifton (eds), War and Cold War in American Foreign Policy, 1942-1962 (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002), p. 85; Michael Williams, Culture and Security: Symbolic Power and the Politics of International Security (London: Routledge, 2007), pp. 7, 77.
392. Walter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945-1961 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997), p. 11; David Caute, The Dancer Defects: The Struggle for Cultural Supremacy During the Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 24.
393. Policy Planning Staff Memorandum, 4 May 1948, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945-1950: Emergence of the Intelligence Establishment (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1996), p. 670.
394. Richard M. Fried, The Russians are Coming! The Russians are Coming! Pageantry and Patriotism in Cold-War America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p. 33.
395. Cited in Stuart J. Little, 'The Freedom Train: Citizenship and Postwar Political Culture, 1946-1949', American Studies, Vol. 34, No. 1, 1993, pp. 35-67, p. 42.
396. Cited in Michael Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), p. 573.
397. He was speaking to a Congressional Committee in 1949, cited in James Gregory Bradsher, 'Taking America's Heritage to the People: The Freedom Train Story', Prologue, Vol. 17, 1985, pp. 229-46, p. 229.
398. Nancy E. Bernhard, U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda, 1947-1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999);
399. Emily S. Rosenberg, 'U.S. Cultural History', in Ernest R. May (ed.), American Cold War Strategy: Interpreting NSC 68 (Boston: Bedford Books, 1993);
400. Lucas, 'Mobilizing Culture', p. 95;
401. Eva Cockcroft, 'Abstract Expressionism, Weapon of the Cold War', Artforum, Vol. 12, No. 10, 1974, pp. 39-41;
402. Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper? The CIA and the Cultural Cold War (London: Granta, 2000);
403. Caute, Dancer Defects, pp. 539-68;
404. Jean-Michel Valantin, Hollywood, The Pentagon and Washington: The Movies and National Security (London: Anthem Press, 2005).
405. Leffler, Preponderance of Power, pp. 107, 145.
406. NSC-20/2, 25 August 1948, in Etzold and Gaddis, Containment, p. 298.
407. Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1932), trans. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), p. 65.
408. Committee on the Present Danger, 'Common Sense and the Common Danger: Policy Statement of the Committee on The Present Danger', 11 November 1976, in Alerting America: The Papers of the Committee on the Present Danger (Washington: Pergamon-Brasseys, 1984), p. 3;
409. Taking the Stand: The Testimony of Lieutenant Colonel Oliver L. North (New York: Pocket Books, 1987), p. 12.
410. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950, p. 294.
411. NSC-68, p. 389-91;
412. NSC-20/4, p. 208, emphasis added; Policy Planning Staff Memorandum, 4 May 1948, pp. 668-9;
413. NSC-20/1, 18 August 1948, in Etzold and Gaddis (eds), Containment, pp. 174-6, 178.
414. Joint Chiefs of Staff, 'Review of the Current World Situation', p. 72, citing a memorandum from the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the Secretary of Defense in April 1950.
415. Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel's Architecture of Occupation (London: Verso, 2007), pp. 106-7.
416. Lori Lyn Bogle, The Pentagon's Battle for the American Mind (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 2004), p. 84.
417. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr, The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (London: André Deutsch, 1970), pp. 1, 52.
418. Christopher Thorne, Border Crossings: Studies in International History (Oxford: Blackwell, 1988). One is also reminded here of Ronald Reagan's pronouncement that America really needed to be on full alert as the Sandinistas were only 48 hours' drive from Texas.
419. Donald E. Pease, 'Hiroshima, the Vietnam Veterans War Memorial, and the Gulf War', in Amy Kaplan and Donald E. Pease (eds), Cultures of United States Imperialism (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), p. 564.
420. Also Michael Paul Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1967), p. 33;
421. Jerry W. Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis: The Committee on the Present Danger and the Politics of Containment (London: Pluto Press, 1983), pp. 23-50.
422. Richard Hofstadter, 'The Paranoid Style in American Politics' (1963), in The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 4, 26, 29;
423. E. H. Gombrich, Myth and Reality in German War-Time Broadcasts (London: Athlone Press, 1970), p. 14.
424. Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (1972), trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem and Helen Lane (London: Athlone Press, 1984), p. 193;
425. Kenneth Dean and Brian Massumi, First and Last Emperors: The Absolute State and the Body of the Despot (New York: Autonomedia, 1992), p. 100.
426. See Mark Neocleous, Imagining the State (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003), pp. 32-6.
427. John Lewis Gaddis, Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 91-2.
428. Mary Kaldor, The Imaginary War: Understanding the East-West Conflict (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990);
429. Guy Oakes, The Imaginary War: Civil Defense and American Cold War Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
430. George Kennan, 'Comments on the General Trend of U.S. Foreign Policy', Draft Paper, 20 August 1948, cited in Gaddis, Strategies of Containment, p. 27.
431. Cited in Walter LaFeber, America, Russia, and the Cold War 1945-1996, 8th Edition (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1997), p. 53.
432. David Campbell, 'Violent Performances: Identity, Sovereignty, Respon - sibility', in Yosef Lapid and Friedrich Kratochwil (eds), The Return of Culture and Identity in IR Theory (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1997), p. 167.
433. Diana Johnstone and Ben Cramer, 'The Burdens and the Glory: U.S. Bases in Europe', in Joseph Gerson and Bruce Birchard (eds), The Sun Never Sets: Confronting the Network of Foreign U.S. Military Bases (Boston: South End Press, 1991), pp. 199-200.
434. On arguments along these lines, but with two very different per - spectives, styles and approaches, see Francoise Hall, 'The United States' Search for Security: A Psychotherapist's Viewpoint', Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 20, No. 4, 1983, pp. 299-309; and Gore Vidal, 'How to Take Back Our Country', The Nation, 4 June 1988, pp. 781-3.
435. 'Think hard about it. I'm running out of demons. I'm running out of villains. I'm down to Castro and Kim Il Sung' - Colin Powell, interview in Air Force Times, 15 April 1991.
436. Franz L. Neumann, 'The Concept of Political Freedom' (1953), in The Rule of Law Under Siege: Selected Essays of Franz L. Neumann and Otto Kirchheimer, ed. William E. Scheuerman (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), pp. 223-4;
437. Schmitt, Concept of the Political, pp. 26-37.
438. See the debates among Policy Planning Staff on the early draft of the document in February 1950, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Vol. 1 (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1977), pp. 168-72.
439. Rosenberg, 'U.S. Cultural History', p. 161;
440. David Ryan, 'Mapping Con - tainment: The Cultural Construction of the Cold War', in Douglas Field (ed.), American Cold War Culture (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2005), p. 59;
441. Bradley S. Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order: The Global Politics of Deterrence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 114-18.
442. The theme of God was to be reasserted and consolidated in June 1954 with the addition of the words 'one nation under God' to the pledge of allegiance, and then again in July 1956 with the formal ratification of 'In God We Trust' as the nation's motto. This of course was in part designed to offer a contrast to the atheist movement of communism.
443. John Higham noted how the myth of consensus heavily influenced the writing of history books during these years - see 'The Cult of "American Consensus"', Commentary, Vol. 27, No. 2, 1959, pp. 93-100.
444. Also see Sacvan Bercovitch, The American Jeremiad (Wisconsin: Uni - versity of Wisconsin Press, 1978), pp. 132-75, and Bercovitch, Rites of Assent: Transformations in the Symbolic Construction of America (New York: Routledge, 1993), pp. 29-67. One might add that 'American studies' has peddled the same myth of American exceptionalism. The place of American studies in the security complex is taken up in Chapter 5.
445. X [Kennan], 'Sources of Soviet Conduct', Foreign Affairs, Vol. 25, No. 4, 1947, pp. 566-82, p. 582.
446. Kennan, Memoirs, 1925-1950, pp. 304-5;
447. George F. Kennan, Memoirs, 1950-1963 (New York: Pantheon, 1972), pp. 66-70.
448. NATO's foundation myths portray the Alliance as first and foremost a security arrangement, but this obscures NATO's political and cultural function in constituting and maintaining political identity. In a major radio address on 18 March, 1949, the day on which the text of the North Atlantic Pact was made public, Secretary of State Acheson called for a recognition of the deeply cultural 'affinity and natural identity of interests' between the two sides of the Atlantic founded on common institutions, morals and values - 'Radio Address by the Secretary of State (Acheson) on the North Atlantic Treaty, 18 March 1949', in Documents on American Foreign Relations, Vol. XI, 1949 (Princeton University Press, 1950), p. 601. As an embodiment of a certain geopolitical space, NATO presupposed a singular identity of/for members of the 'West', an identity which needed to be secured.'Alliance of Security and Subjectivity', pp. 118-21;
449. Klein, Strategic Studies, pp. 121, 128.
450. Reflecting on his seven-year stint as Secretary of Defense, Robert S. McNamara commented that the reason Canada and the US are at peace is 'because of the vast fund of compatible beliefs, common principles and shared ideals . . . our mutual basis for peace has nothing whatever to do with military hardware' - The Essence of Security: Reflections In Office (New York: Harper and Row, 1968), p.143.
451. Campbell, Writing Security, p. 33;
452. Campbell, 'Violent Performances', p. 167;
453. Klein, Strategic Studies, pp. 114-17.
454. One can trace the theme of 'our values' and 'our way of life' on 11 September 2001. Bush made three statements or proclamations on that day. In his first speech Bush is simply concerned to state his overall control of the situation. But by the third, and longest, statement, delivered as an 'Address to the Nation' just twelve hours after the attacks, Bush iterates in the very first sentence the idea that the attacks were on 'our way of life'. See 'Statement by the President in his Address to the Nation', 11 September 2001. Read in this way, Bush's 'Remarks at National Day of Prayer and Remembrance' of 14 September read as much like a eulogy for America as for the dead, a hymn to the 'national character' and 'national unity'. By 20 September the theme had been developed into a rhetorical question: 'Why do they hate us?'. Answer: they hate our way of life - Bush, 'Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American people', 20 September 2001. On the other hand, the theme had been central to much of the rhetoric about 'humanitarian intervention' in the previous decade. For example, commenting on the Kosovo campaign, Tony Blair said that the British actions 'are guided by a more subtle blend of mutual self interest and moral purpose in defending the values we cherish', adding, of course, the necessary link with security: 'the spread of our values makes us safer' - 'Doctrine of the International Community', Speech to the Economic Club of Chicago, 22 April 1999.
455. Michael J. Shapiro, The Politics of Representation: Writing Practices in Biography, Photography, and Policy Analysis (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988), pp. 101-2, 123;
456. Campbell, Writing Security, pp. 7-8, 69, 99-101;
457. McSweeney, Security, Identity and Interests, p. 73.
458. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), ed. Conor Cruise O'Brien (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968), pp. 170-1.
459. Cited in Athan Theoharis, Seeds of Repression: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of McCarthyism (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), p. 104, emphasis added. For the figures see Francis H. Thompson, The Frustration of Politics: Truman, Congress, and the Loyalty Issue 1945-1953 (Cranbury, NJ: Associated University Presses, 1979), p. 22.
460. Cited in Thomas I. Emerson and David M. Helfeld, 'Loyalty Among Government Employees', Yale Law Journal, Vol. 58, No. 1, 1948, pp. 1-143, p. 66, emphasis added.
461. Executive Order 9835, Prescribing Procedures for the Administration of an Employees Loyalty Program in the Executive Branch of the Govern-ment, 1947.
462. Carey McWilliams, Witch Hunt: The Revival of Heresy (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1950), pp. 16-17;
463. Philip Jenkins, The Cold War At Home: The Red Scare in Pennsylvania, 1945-1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999);
464. M. J. Heale, American Anticommunism: Combating the Enemy Within, 1830-1970 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), p.150.
465. Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: From 1870 to the Present (Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co., 1978), pp. 351-2.; Caute, Great Fear, p. 22.
466. Walter Gellhorn, Security, Loyalty, and Science (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), p. 128.
467. 'Statement by the President on the Government's Employee Loyalty Program', 14 November 1947, in Truman, Public Papers, 1947, p. 490. In an interview in 1961 Truman was still unable to appreciate any of the complex political, philosophical and personal issues surrounding loyalty: 'You're either loyal to the United States, or you're not!' - cited in Alan D. Harper, The Politics of Loyalty: The White House and the Communist Issue 1946-1952 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 1969), p. 233.
468. For contemporary comments on the inability to define loyalty see Francis Biddle, The Fear of Freedom (New York: Doubleday, 1951), p. 13, and Harold W. Chase, Security and Liberty: The Problem of Native Communists, 1947-1955 (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1955), pp. 43-5.
469. Gellhorn, Security, Loyalty, and Science, p. 131-4;
470. Alan Barth, The Loyalty of Free Men (London: Victor Gollancz, 1951), p. 104;
471. Goldstein, Political Repression, p. 300-1;
472. Thompson, Frustration of Politics, pp. 50, 172.
473. J. Edgar Hoover, 'The Disloyalty of Communists and Fellow Travelers', [Testimony before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, 26 March 1947], in John C. Wahlke (ed.), Loyalty in a Democratic State (Boston: D. C. Heath and Co., 1952), pp. 102-7.
474. This was just one question of many asked about reading materials. One senses here a precursor to the surveillance of the reading habits of US citizens under the PATRIOT Act.
475. One employee had joined the Baltimore Bookshop. Although the Bookshop was not listed by the Attorney General, the Washington Bookshop was and so, since they were both 'Bookshops', a member of the Loyalty Board sought to question the employee about this. 'Why was that organization called the Bookshop?', he was asked. Because 'they sold books', was the not unreasonable answer. Cited in Biddle, Fear of Freedom, p. 224.
476. Cited in Harper, Politics of Loyalty, pp. 48-9.
477. Cited in Gellhorn, Security, Loyalty, and Science, p. 152. There's a lovely little story of the questioning of anthropologist Gene Weltfish by McCarthy's Government Operations Permanent Subcommittee chaired by McCarthy himself. Weltfish had published with Ruth Benedict The Races of Mankind (1943), which, using Army intelligence tests, had shown that the intelligence scores of Southern whites were in fact lower than those of Northern blacks. After trying to get Weltfish to admit to being a communist or associated with communists, McCarthy himself tried to change tack by raising the question of race and picking up Weltfish and Benedict's book. Sen. McCarthy: Just opening at random, I find something on page 18 of the book entitled The Races of Mankind, which should interest my southern colleagues to some extent. It shows the intelligence tests of the Southern Whites: Arkansas: 41.55 [and] Northern Negroes: Ohio: 49.50. Miss Weltfish: May I state that this came from Army records? Sen. McCarthy: Pardon? Miss Weltfish: That this material came from Army records. The air of panic as the Committee sensed its loss of control of the hearing was widely appreciated. But what the hearing shows is that any discussion of race was out of bounds; just trying to think about the question was considered suspect, even if one was doing so using knowledge gathered by the state itself. The story
478. For this background see Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton Univer-sity Press, 2000).
479. Cited in David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 114.
480. The Senator, Republican Kenneth Wherry, is cited in Johnson, Lavender Scare, p. 2.
481. Cited in Johnson, Lavender Scare, pp. 108-9.
482. Jack Lait and Lee Mortimer, Washington Confidential: The Lowdown on the Big Town (New York: Crown Publishers, 1951), pp. 90-8.
483. Schlesinger, Vital Center, pp. 126-7. For Schlesinger's interest in 'desire' see K. A. Cuordileone, '"Politics in an Age of Anxiety": Cold War Political Culture and the Crisis in American Masculinity', Journal of American History, Vol. 87, No. 2, 2000, pp. 515-45.
484. Lionel Trilling, 'The Kinsey Report', in The Liberal Imagination: Essays on Literature and Society (London: Secker and Warburg, 1964), pp. 223-42.
485. Cited in William N. Eskridge, Jr, 'Privacy Jurisprudence and the Apar theid of the Closet, 1946-1961', Florida State University Law Review, 1997. http://www.law.fsu.edu/journals/lawreview/frames/244/eskrfram.html.
486. Johnson, Lavender Scare, pp. 115-17, 131-4.
487. Hugh Wilford, The CIA, the British Left and the Cold War (London: Frank Cass, 2003), p. 218.
488. Michel Foucault, commenting on the supposed political problem of a purported passivity in sexual relations in ancient Greece - The Uses of Pleasure: The History of Sexuality, Vol. 2 (1984), trans. Robert Hurley (London: Penguin, 1987), p. 220.
489. Cited in Louise S. Robbins, 'The Library of Congress and Federal Loyalty Programs, 1947-1956: No "Communists or Cocksuckers"', Library Quarterly, Vol. 64, No. 4, 1994, pp. 365-85, p. 367.
490. McCarthy cited in David Halberstam, The Fifties (New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1993), p. 54;
491. North cited in Bob Woodward, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981-87 (London: Headline, 1988), p. 443.
492. Johnson, Lavender Scare, pp. 16, 30, 34. Robert Corber, In the Name of National Security: Hitchcock, Homophobia, and the Political Construction of Gender in Postwar America (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), p. 8; Geoffrey Smith, 'National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold-War United States', International History Review, Vol. 14, No. 2, 1992, pp. 221-40.
493. Michel Foucault, Abnormal: Lectures at the College de France 1974-1975, trans. Graham Burchell (London: Verso, 2003), p. 50.
494. Cited in Caute, Great Fear, p. 324.
495. Cited in Johnson, Lavender Scare, pp. 136-7.
496. These questions and those on previous pages can be found in a variety of sources, but most usefully in Adam Yarmolinsky (ed.), Case Studies in Personnel Security (Washington: Bureau of National Affairs, 1955), and Biddle, Fear of Freedom, pp. 219-45. For other examples and discussion see Eleanor Bontecue, The Federal Loyalty-Security Program (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1953), pp. 137-42; Ralph S. Brown, Jr, Loyalty and Security: Employment Tests in the United States (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958); Caute, Great Fear, pp. 280-2, 383; Emerson and Helfeld, 'Loyalty Among Government Employees', pp. 70-5; Goldstein, Political Repression, p. 303; L. A. Nikoloric, 'The Government Loyalty Program', in Wahlke (ed.), Loyalty in a Democratic State, p. 55; Philip M. Stern, The Oppenheimer Case: Security on Trial (London: Rupert Hart- Davis, 1969), pp. 472-3, 486-7.
497. Johnson, Lavender Scare, p. 36;
498. Laura Belmonte, 'Selling Capitalism: Modernization and US Overseas Propaganda, 1945-1959', in David C. Engerman et al. (eds), Staging Growth: Modernization, Development, and the Global Cold War (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2003), pp. 114-15.
499. Alan Nadel, Containment Culture: American Narratives, Postmodernism, and the Atomic Age (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995), p. 117;
500. Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York: Basic Books, 1988), p. 14;
501. Corber, In the Name of National Security, pp. 6-10;
502. Johnson, Lavender Scare, p. 123.
503. In his lectures on psychiatric power Foucault situates the loyalty oath in the regime of sovereignty. And yet it is quite clear that in terms of how they fabricate subjectivity, they are also, in his terms, 'disciplinary' - Psychiatric Power: Lectures at the Collège de France (2003), trans. Graham Burchell (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2006), pp. 43-7.
504. Jean-Paul Sartre, Critique of Dialectical Reason, Vol. 1 (1960), trans. Alan Sheridan-Smith (London: Verso, 1991), p. 421.
505. Henry Steele Commager, 'Who is Loyal to America?', Harper's Magazine, Vol. 195, No. 1168, September 1947, pp. 193-9, p. 195.
506. Barth, Loyalty of Free Men, p. 125.
507. Elmer Davis, But We Were Born Free (London: André Deutsch, 1955), p. 22.
508. Allen Weinstein, 'The Symbolism of Subversion: Notes on Some Cold War Icons', Journal of American Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1972, pp. 165-79, p. 174.
509. Carl Bernstein, Loyalties: A Son's Memoir (London: Macmillan, 1989), pp. 189-90.
510. Nikoloric, 'The Government Loyalty Program', p. 57. Also Biddle, Fear of Freedom, p. 238; Brown, Loyalty and Security, p. 54; Chase, Security and Liberty, pp. 2, 51; Emerson and Helfeld, 'Loyalty Among Government Employees', pp. 55, 60, 66; Gellhorn, Security, Loyalty, and Science, p. 160; McWilliams, Witch Hunt, p. 16; Stern, Oppenheimer Case, pp. 489-91; Frank J. Donner, The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1980), p. 27
511. Hans Magnus Enzensberger, 'Towards a Theory of Treason' (1964), in Raids and Reconstructions: Essays on Politics, Crime and Culture (London: Pluto Press, 1976), p. 70.
512. Cited in Nadel, Containment Culture, p. 85.
513. Harold Garfinkel, 'Conditions of Successful Degradation Ceremonies', American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 61, No. 5, pp. 420-4, p. 421.
514. Victor S. Navasky, Naming Names (London: John Calder, 1982), p. 321.
515. Nadel, Containment Culture, p. 78.
516. Davis, But We Were Born Free, p. 23;
517. Harper, Politics of Loyalty, p. 50;
518. Campbell, Writing Security, p. 171.
519. Barth, Loyalty of Free Men, pp. 137-8. This might explain why much of the public seemed to have misunderstood the distinction between loyalty and security, as reported by Johnson, Lavender Scare, p. 31.
520. Enzensberger, 'Theory of Treason', p. 62.
521. Caute, Great Fear, pp. 273-4;
522. Barth, Loyalty of Free Men, pp. 135-6;
523. Goldstein, Political Repression, p. 338.
524. Sartre, Critique of Dialectical Reason, Vol. 1, pp. 430-1. Also James Der Derian, On Diplomacy: A Genealogy of Western Estrangement (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), p. 41.
525. Joel Kovel, Red Hunting in the Promised Land: Anticommunism and the Making of America (London: Continuum, 1997), pp. 118, 281.
526. Barth, Loyalty of Free Men, p. 129.
527. Emerson and Helfeld, 'Loyalty Among Government Employees', p. 133; also Commager, 'Who is Loyal to America?', p. 198; McWilliams, Witch Hunt, p. 35; Navasky, Naming Names, p. 342. For an even earlier recog - nition of the comparison see Carl Joachim Friedrich, 'Teachers' Oaths', Harper's Magazine, Vol. 171, January 1936, pp. 171-7.
528. To give just one example to spell out the point: 'There are millions of good Americans who practice the Muslim faith who love their country as much as I love the country, who salute the flag as strongly as I salute the flag' - President Bush, 'Remarks Following a Meeting with Congres - s ional Leaders', 19 September 2001.
529. Interviewed for and cited in Joel Bakan, The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Power and Profit (London: Constable, 2004), p. 111.
530. 'Mission Statement' and 'What we Do', both at http://www.bens.org/about-us.html.
531. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington: The White House, September 2002), p. 18.
532. Tony Blair, 'Seven Pillars of a Decent Society', Speech in Southampton, UK, 16 April 1997.
533. Steven Spitzer, 'Security and Control in Capitalist Societies: The Fetishism of Security and the Secret Thereof', in John Lowman, Robert J. Menzies and T. S. Plays (eds), Transcarceration: Essays in the Sociology of Social Control (Aldershot: Gower, 1987);
534. George S. Rigakos, The New Parapolice: Risk Markets and Commodified Social Control (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002).
535. Mark Neocleous, Imagining the State (Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2003), pp. 46-61.
536. For these details and those which follow see: Tim Shorrock, 'Selling (Off) Iraq', The Nation, 23 June 2003;
537. Chalmers Johnson, The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic (London: Verso, 2004);
538. Rory Carroll and Julian Borger, 'Iraq Rebuilding under threat as US Runs out of Money', The Guardian, 9 September 2005, p. 14;
539. Ed Harriman, 'Where Has All the Money Gone?', London Review of Books, 7 July 2005, pp. 3-7;
540. Seymour M. Hersh, Chain of Command (New York: Harper, 2005);
541. Oliver Morgan, 'All Eyes on Halliburton', The Observer, 11 September 2005, p. 5;
542. Frances Fox Piven, The War at Home: The Domestic Costs of Bush's Militarism (New York: New Press, 2004);
543. Julian Borger and David Pallister, 'Corruption: the "Second Insurgency"', The Guardian, 2 December 2006;
544. Ed Harriman, 'Cronyism and Kickbacks', London Review of Books, 26 January 2006, pp. 14-16;
545. Antonia Juhasz, The Bush Agenda: Invading the World, One Economy at a Time (London: Duckworth, 2006);
546. Eliot Weinberger, 'What I Heard about Iraq in 2005', London Review of Books, 5 January 2006, pp. 7-14;
547. Daniel Politi, 'Winning Contractors', Center for Public Integrity - http://www.publicintegrity.org
548. Just five months after the Report, BearingPoint was awarded a $9 million initial contract to facilitate Iraq's economic 'recovery', rising to just under $80 million and renewable annually for two more years - The Center for Public Integrity, 'The Windfalls of War', http://www.publicintegrity.org.
549. Donald Rumsfeld, 'Core Principles for a Free Iraq' [Speech in New York], 27 May 2003, Wall Street Journal, 27 May 2003.
550. Retort, Afflicted Powers: Capital and Spectacle in a New Age of War (London: Verso, 2005), pp. 41, 72.
551. War on Want, Corporate Mercenaries (London: War on Want, 2006).
552. Eric Hobsbawm, The New Century (London: Little, Brown and Co., 2000), pp. 11-15.
553. Anna Leander, 'Privatizing the Politics of Protection: Military Companies and the Definition of Security Concerns', in Jef Huysmans, Andrew Dobson and Raia Prokhovnik (eds), The Politics of Protection: Sites of Insecurity and Political Agency (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 29; Peter Singer, Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the Privatized Military Industry (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003); Deborah D. Avant, The Market for Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
554. Or, as some prefer, private military companies (PMCs). Many firms calling themselves private security companies often perform military roles with military consequences, and in the zones of conflict in which such companies are usually engaged the line between policing and combat is often blurred. Moreover, calling them private military com - panies completely ignores the range of security companies that work solely in the domestic field, and thus could not reasonably be called 'military'. And yet calling them 'private' security companies is also a little misleading, since it presupposes that there are non-private security companies, when in fact the only real alternative is the state. For these reasons, I will avoid using 'PSC' as well as 'PMC', and stick to the far more straightforward 'security companies'.
555. War on Want, Corporate Mercenaries, p. 4; Max Hastings, 'We Must Fight Our Instinctive Distaste for Mercenaries', The Guardian, 2 August 2006; Jon Ronson, The Men Who Stare at Goats (London: Picador, 2005), p. 183; Singer, Corporate Warriors, p. 49; Leander, 'Privatizing the Politics of Protection', p. 20; Avant, Market for Force, pp. 8, 147-8; Eugene Gholz and Harvey M. Sapolsky, 'Restructuring the U.S. Defense Industry', International Security, Vol. 24, No. 3, 1999-2000, pp. 5-51; Johnson, Sorrows of Empire, p. 140; Ken Silverstein, Private Warriors (London: Verso, 2000), p. 182; Ben Hayes, Arming Big Brother: The EU's Security Research Programme (Amsterdam/London: Transnational Institute/ Statewatch Briefing Series, No. 2006/1, 2006).
556. Singer, Corporate Warriors, pp. 7, 49, 55.
557. See, for example, Herfried Mu¨nkler, The New Wars (2002), trans. Patrick Camiller (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005); Mary Kaldor, New and Old Wars, 2nd Edition (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2006).
558. Leander, 'Privatizing the Politics of Protection', p. 19.
559. Silverstein, Private Warriors, p. 143.
560. Dominick Donald, After the Bubble: British Private Security Companies after Iraq (London: RUSI, Whitehall Paper 66, 2006); Jeremy Greenstock, 'Private Security Companies in an Insecure World', RUSI Journal, Vol. 151, No. 6, 2006, pp. 42-4.
561. For example: Clifford D. Shearing and Philip C. Stenning, 'Modern Private Security: Its Growth and Implications', Crime and Justice, Vol. 3, 1981, pp. 193-245; 'Reframing Policing', in Clifford D. Shearing and Philip C. Stenning (eds), Private Policing (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1987); Nigel South, Policing for Profit: The Private Security Sector (London: Sage Publications, 1988), pp. 9-11; Trevor Jones and Tim Newburn, Private Security and Public Policing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).
562. See the CoESS website at http://www.coess.org. For discussion of the trends and comparative figures see Les Johnston and Clifford Shearing, Governing Security: Explorations in Policing and Justice (London: Routledge, 2003), pp. 118-9; Les Johnston, 'Transnational Security Governance', in Jennifer Wood and Benoit Dupont (eds), Democracy, Society and the Governance of Security (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), p. 37; Alison Wakefield, 'The Security Officer', in Martin Gill (ed.), The Handbook of Security (Houndmills: Palgrave, 2006), pp. 384-6; Mark Button and Bruce George, 'Regulation of Private Security: Models for Analysis', in Gill (ed.), Handbook of Security, p. 563.
563. See the SIA website at http://www.the-sia.org.uk.
564. Johnston, 'Transnational Security Governance', p. 36.
565. David J. Rothkopf, 'Business Versus Terror', Foreign Policy, 130, 2002, pp. 56-64.
566. Office of Homeland Security, National Strategy for Homeland Security, July 2002, p. 63.
567. Tim Starks, 'Security "Gold Rush" Yields Nuggets for Some', Congres - sional Quarterly Weekly, 22 January 2005 - http://www.globalsecurity.org/org/news/2005/050122-security-gold.htm.
568. Cited in Christian Parenti, Lockdown America: Police and Prisons in an Age of Crisis (London: Verso, 1999), p. 211.
569. The comment was Senator Phil Graham's cited in Parenti, Lockdown America, p. 230. Also see Charles Overbeck, 'Prison Factories: Slave Labor for the New World Order?', http://www.parascope.com/articles/0197/prison.htm; Eve Goldberg and Linda Evans, 'The Prison-Industrial Complex and the Global Economy', http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/26/152.html; Brian Jarvis, Cruel and Unusual: Punishment and US Culture (London: Pluto Press, 2004); Nils Christie, Crime Control as Industry: Towards GULAGS, Western Style, Second Edition (London: Routledge, 1994); Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
570. Shearing and Stenning, 'Modern Private Security', p. 193; South, 'Private Security', p. 190; Clifford D. Shearing and Philip C. Stenning, 'Private Security: Its Implications for Social Control', Social Problems, Vol. 30, No. 5, 1983, pp. 493-506.
571. Jennifer Wood and Clifford Shearing, Imagining Security (Cullompton: Willan, 2007).
572. For example: 'The United States can defeat terrorists by drawing on the very attributes that inflame its enemies . . . : American enterprise, American capital, American technology, the hard work of the American people, U.S. reliance on the market-place, and the role of the individual' - Rothkopf, 'Business Versus Terror', p. 64.
573. George Rigakos, Nightclub: Bouncers, Risk and the Spectacle of Con - sumption (McGill-Queen's University Press, 2008).
574. Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy (1867), trans. Ben Fowkes (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1976), p. 163.
575. Rigakos, New Parapolice, pp. 5, 13, 23.
576. Spitzer, 'Security and Control', pp. 45-6.
577. See Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (London: Vintage, 1990), pp. 223-50; Adam Crawford, 'Policing and Security as "Club Goods": The New Enclosures?', in Wood and Dupont (eds), Democracy, Society and the Governance of Security, pp. 111, 127.
578. Spitzer, 'Security and Control', p. 51.
579. Paul Virilio, Speed and Politics: An Essay on Dromology (1977), trans. Mark Polizzotti (New York: Semiotext[e], 1986), pp. 119-23; Ian Loader, 'Consumer Culture and the Commodification of Policing and Security', Sociology, Vol. 33, No. 2, 1999, pp. 373-92.
580. Adorno to Benjamin, 29 February, 1940, in Theodor W. Adorno and Walter Benjamin, The Complete Correspondence 1928-1940, trans. Nicholas Walker (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), p. 321.
581. The parallel is the culture industry - see Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer, Dialectic of Enlightenment (1944), trans. John Cumming (London: Verso, 1979), p. 139.
582. Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. 72-3.
583. Marx, Capital, p. 165.
584. Marx, Capital, pp. 164-5.
585. Marx, Capital, p. 176.
586. Marx, Capital, pp. 983, 1046.
587. Karl Marx, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 2, trans. David Fernbach (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978), p. 303.
588. Karl Marx, 'Debates on the Law on Thefts of Wood' (1842), in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 1 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1975), pp. 262-3.
589. G. A. Cohen, Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 129.
590. Nick Dyer-Witheford, Cyber-Marx: Cycles and Circuits of Struggle in High- Technology Capitalism (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), p. 141.
591. 'Letter to Tatiana [Schucht]', 3 August 1931, in Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, ed. Frank Rosengarten (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), p. 52.
592. Robin Luckham, 'Armament Culture', Alternatives, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1984, pp. 1-44, p. 11. Also Andreas Behnke, 'The Message or the Messenger? Reflections on the Role of Security Experts and the Securitization of Political Issues', Cooperation and Conflict, Vol. 35, No. 1, 2000, pp. 89-105.
593. See Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence (1974), (New York: Dell Publishing, 1980), pp. 50-1; Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration of Universities with the Intelligence Community, 1945-1955 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 150-203; Jane Sanders, Cold War on the Campus: Academic Freedom at the University of Washington, 1946-64 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1979); Ellen W. Schrecker, No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986). The CIA likes to claim that its Officer-in-Residence programmes are completely public and open. Yet when Daniel Brandt of Public Information Research attempted under the Freedom of Information Act to establish a list of participants he was denied the information. The letters can be viewed at http://www.cia-on-campus.org.
594. A full list of the books has never been issued, as the CIA has successfully fought all legal attempts to have them revealed. Former CIA Director John Stockwell estimates the books to number at least 1,200 - The Praetorian Guard: The U.S. Role in the New World Order (Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 1991), pp. 34, 101. Others have put the figure much higher.
595. John Phillips, Chief Scientist for the CIA, cited in Daniel Golden, 'After Sept. 11: CIA becomes a Force on Campus', Wall Street Journal, 4 October 2002 - http://www.mindfully.org/Reform/2002/CIA-Growing-On-Campus4oct02.htm.
596. The comment comes from a 1968 report written for the CIA by University of California administrator Earl Clinton Bolton, 'Memor - andum for [deleted]; Subject: Agency-Academic Relations', 5 August 1968 - http://www.cia-on-campus.org/foia/ac01.html accessed 13 April 2005. Bush's comment comes from his tenure as CIA Director in the mid-1970s, in which he tried to help engineer a campus resurgence on the part of the CIA - cited in John Trumpbour, 'Harvard in Service to the National Security State', Covert Action Information Bulletin, Fall 1991, pp. 12-16.
597. Bruce Cumings, 'Boundary Displacement: Area Studies and Inter - national Studies During and After the Cold War', Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 29, No. 1, 1997, pp. 6-26.
598. Diamond, Compromised Campus, pp. 12-13.
599. The US Commission on National Security/21st Century's Roadmap for National Security: Imperative for Change (February 2001) has sections on education as national security, while the US Higher Education Act, 2003, mandates the federal funding of international studies and foreign languages to overcome what many on the right thought had become the one-sided approach of Middle Eastern studies which gave too much sympathy to the Palestinian cause. Part of the rubric of the Department of Homeland Security is to 'engage' the academic community.
600. Diamond, Compromised Campus, pp. 65-8.
601. Robin W. Winks, Cloak and Dagger: Scholars in the Secret War, 1939-1961 (New York: Quill, 1987), p. 384; Diamond, Compromised Campus, p. 55.
602. Diamond, Compromised Campus, p. 95.
603. David C. Engerman, 'The Ironies of the Iron Curtain: The Cold War and the Rise of Russian Studies', in David A. Hollinger (ed.), The Humanities and the Dynamics of Inclusion since World War II (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), p. 315.
604. Engerman, 'Ironies of the Iron Curtain', p. 315.
605. Stephen F. Cohen, Rethinking the Soviet Experience: Politics and History Since 1917 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 8.
606. See Carl Friedrich and Zbigniew Brzezinski, Totalitarian Dictatorship and Autocracy (New York: Praeger, 1956); Carl Friedrich (ed.), Totalitarianism: Proceedings of a Conference held at the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 1953 (New York: Harvard University Press, 1954).
607. See Stephen White, 'Political Science as Ideology: The Study of Soviet Politics', in Brian Chapman and Allen Potter (eds), W.J.M.M., Political Questions: Essays in Honour of W. J.M. Mackenzie (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1974), pp. 252-68; Ida Oren, Our Enemies and US: America's Rivalries and the Making of Political Science (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003).
608. 'This was a time when we practiced a good deal of self-censorship . . . It was a period . . . when a neighbor of mine, a graduate student at MIT, pon learning that I was writing a dissertation dealing with Lenin, told me sternly that he disagreed with me a hundred percent' - Alfred G. Meyer, 'Coming to Terms with the Past . . . And with One's Older Colleagues', The Russian Review, Vol. 45, No. 4, 1986, pp. 401-8, p. 403.
609. Meyer, 'Coming to Terms with the Past', p. 402.
610. Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr, 'The Americanness of American Studies', American Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3, 1979, pp. 3405; Philip Gleason, 'World War II and the Development of American Studies', American Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 3, 1984, pp. 343-58; Leila Zenderland, 'Constructing American Studies', in Hollinger (ed.), Humanities and the Dynamics of Inclusion, pp. 273-313.
611. Paul A. Boveacute;, 'Can American Studies Be Area Studies?', in Miyoshi and Harootunian (eds), Learning Places, pp. 206-30.
612. The story is told in Leo Marx, 'Thoughts on the Origin and Character of the American Studies Movement', American Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3, 1979, pp. 398-401, p. 399.
613. Gene Wise, '"Paradigm Dramas" in American Studies: A Cultural and Institutional History of the Movement', American Quarterly, Vol. 31, No. 3, 1979, pp. 293-337, pp. 308-10; Michael Denning, Culture in the Age of Three Worlds (London: Verso, 2004), p. 172.
614. Gene M. Lyons and Louis Morton, Schools for Strategy: Education and Research in National Security Affairs (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965).
615. Robert B. Hall, Area Studies: With Special Reference to their Implications for Research in the Social Sciences (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1947), pp. 82-3, cited in Immanuel Wallerstein, 'The Un - intended Consequences of Cold War Area Studies', in Noam Chomsky et al., The Cold War and the University: Toward an Intellectual History of the Postwar Years (New York: New Press, 1997), p. 203.
616. Jerome S. Rauch, 'Area Institute Programs and African Studies', Journal of Negro Education, Vol. 24, No. 4, 1955, pp. 409-25; David Horowitz, 'Sinews of Empire', Ramparts, October 1969 - http://www.cia-oncampus.org; Gene M. Lyons, The Uneasy Partnership: Social Science and the Federal Government in the Twentieth Century (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1969), pp. 174-6; Theodore Draper, 'Intellectuals in Politics', Encounter, Vol. 46, No. 6, 1977, pp. 47-60; John Trumpbour, 'Harvard in Service to the National Security State', pp. 12-16; Lyons and Morton, Schools for Strategy, pp. 62-3; Ron Robin, The Making of the Cold War Enemy: Culture and Politics in the Military-Industrial Complex (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 35; Immanuel Wallerstein, 'Unintended Consequences', pp. 195-231.
617. Peter J. Seybold, 'The Ford Foundation and the Triumph of Behav - iouralism in American Political Science', in Robert F. Arnove (ed.), Philanthropy and Cultural Imperialism: The Foundations at Home and Abroad (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1980).
618. Similarly, when a group of academics at the University of Michigan established the Journal of Conflict Resolution the Michigan political science department refused to sponsor the journal because the topic of 'peace' was associated with the Left. See Deborah Welch Larson, 'Deterrence Theory and the Cold War', Radical History Review, 63, 1995, pp. 86-109.
619. McGeorge Bundy, 'The Battlefields of Power and the Searchlights of the Academy', in E. A. J. Johnson (ed.), The Dimensions of Diplomacy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1964), pp. 2-3.
620. Winks, Cloak and Gown, pp. 114-15.
621. See Horowitz, 'Sinews of Empire'.
622. Christopher Simpson, 'Universities, Empire, and the Production of Knowledge', in Christopher Simpson (ed.), Universities and Empire: Money and Politics in the Social Sciences During the Cold War (New York: New Press, 1998) p. xiv.
623. Cumings, 'Boundary Displacement', p. 8.
624. Cumings, 'Boundary Displacement', p. 8; Arif Dirlik (ed.), What is in a Rim? Critical Perspectives on the Pacific Region Idea (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998). On the question of Zen see Andrew E. Barshay, 'What is Japan to Us?', in Hollinger (ed.), Humanities and the Dynamics of Inclusion, p. 358.
625. Harry Harootunian, 'Postcoloniality's Unconscious/Area Studies' Desire', in Masao Miyoshi and Harry Harootunian (eds), Learning Places: The Afterlives of Area Studies (Durham: Duke University Press, 2002), p. 151.
626. Neocleous, Imagining the State, pp. 46-61.
627. Cited in Allan A. Needell, 'Project Troy and the Cold War Annexation of the Social Sciences', in Simpson (ed.), Universities and Empire, pp. 4, 22.
628. Needell, 'Project Troy', p. 4.
629. Marchetti and Marks, CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, pp. 153, 196.
630. A debate took place during 1979 and 1980 concerning the origins of the term 'Third World', largely in the pages of the journal Third World Quarterly. Whatever the differences between the contributors about the first use of the phrase, the general agreement is that the term became important between 1949 and 1952.
631. Sidney W. Mintz, 'On the Concept of a Third World', Dialectical Anthropology, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1976, pp. 377-82; Carl E. Pletsch, 'The Three Worlds, or the Division of Social Scientific Labour, circa 1950-1975', Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 23, No. 4, 1981, pp. 565-90.
632. Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society: Modernizing the Middle East (New York: Free Press, 1958), p. 45.
633. Daniel Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society, pp. 46-7.
634. Irene L. Gendzier, 'Play It Again Sam: The Practice and Apology of Development', in Simpson (ed.), Universities and Empire, pp. 57-95.
635. Bradley S. Klein, Strategic Studies and World Order: The Global Politics of Deterrence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 92.
636. Geoffrey Kay, Development and Underdevelopment: A Marxist Analysis (London: Macmillan, 1975), pp. 2-5.
637. Max Millikan, Donald L. M. Blackmer et al., The Emerging Nations: Their Growth and United States Policy (London: Asia Publishing House, 1962), p. 23.
638. W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), p. 6. Though first published in 1960 the book is the culmination of work going back at least a decade if not more - see Mark H. Haefele, 'Walt Rostow's Stages of Economic Growth: Ideas and Action', in David C. Engerman et al. (eds), Staging Growth: Modernization, Development, and the Global Cold War (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2003).
639. Harootunian, 'Postcoloniality's Unconscious', p. 158. Also Ali A. Mazrui, 'From Social Darwinism to Current Theories of Modernization: A Tradition of Analysis', World Politics, Vol. 21, No. 1, 1968, pp. 69-83; Irene L. Gendzier, Managing Political Change: Social Scientists and the Third World (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), p. 27; Richard Barbrook, Imaginary Futures: From Thinking Machines to the Global Village (London: Pluto Press, 2007), pp. 206-18; Jennifer L. Beard, The Political Economy of Desire: International Law, Development and the Nation State (Abingdon: Routledge-Cavendish, 2007), p. 159.
640. Millikan et al., Emerging Nations.
641. Millikan et al., Emerging Nations, p. 24; also pp. 43-4.
642. Millikan et al., Emerging Nations, p. 22.
643. Michael E. Latham, Modernization as Ideology: American Social Science and 'Nation Building' in the Kennedy Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), p. 9; Gendzier, 'Play It Again Sam', p. 79.
644. James S. Coleman, 'Conclusion', in Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman (eds), The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 533, 536.
645. Gendzier, 'Play It Again Sam', pp. 60, 75; Gendzier, Managing Political Change, pp. 22-43, 54, 63; Latham, 'Ideology, Social Science, and Destiny', p. 204; Vinay Lal, Empire of Knowledge: Culture and Plurality in the Global Economy (London: Pluto Press, 2002), pp. 110-13.
646. See 'Memorandum From the Interagency Committee on Police Assist - ance Programs to President Kennedy', 20 July 1962, in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1961-1963, Vol. VIII (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1996), p. 345-8. For discussion see D. Michael Shafer, Deadly Paradigms: The Failure of U.S. Counterinsurgency Policy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 65, 87.
647. See Mark Duffield, Global Governance and the New Wars: The Merging of Development and Security (London: Zed Books, 2001); Wood and Shearing, Imagining Security, pp. 90-1; Mark Duffield and Nicholas Waddell, 'Securing Humans in a Dangerous World', International Politics, Vol. 43, No. 1, 2006, pp. 1-23.
648. Millikan and Blackmer (eds), Emerging Nations, p. 19; Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society, p. 405.
649. Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society, pp. 50-1, 64, 71-3, 89.
650. Oren, Our Enemies and US, pp. 135, 145; Herman, 'The Career of Cold War Psychology'; Gendzier, Managing Political Change, pp. 119-24.
651. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations (1963), (London: Sage, 1989), p. 478.
652. Almond and Verba, Civic Culture, pp. 2-4.
653. Oren, Our Enemies and US, p. 134.
654. Timothy W. Luke, 'Political Science and the Discourses of Power: Developing a Genealogy of the Political Culture Concept', History of Political Thought, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1989, pp. 125-49; Gendzier, 'Play It Again Sam', p. 58.
655. Gendzier, Managing Political Change, p. 156.
656. Almond and Verba, Civic Culture, pp. 2-4, 13.
657. Gabriel A. Almond, The American People and Foreign Policy (1950) (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1960).
658. Rostow, Stages, pp. 145-67.
659. Ellen Herman, 'The Career of Cold War Psychology', Radical History Review, 63, 1995, pp. 53-85.
660. Gabriel Almond, The Appeals of Communism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1954), pp. 245-7.
661. Lucian W. Pye, 'Political Culture and Political Development', in Lucian W. Pye and Sydney Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 7.
662. Sydney Verba, 'Comparative Political Culture', in Pye and Verba (eds), Political Culture and Political Development, pp. 529-37, 542, 549.
663. Lerner, Passing of Traditional Society, p. 396.
664. NSC 4, Coordination of Foreign Information Measures, 9 December 1947, and NSC 4-A, Psychological Operations, 9 December 1947, both in Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945-50: Emergence of the Intelligence Establishment (Washington: US Government Printing Office, 1996), pp. 643-8.
665. Christopher Simpson, Science of Coercion: Communication Research and Psychological Warfare 1945-1960 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 39; also p. 36.
666. Simpson, Science of Coercion, pp. 53; also pp. 4, 9-10, 62.
667. Simpson, Science of Coercion, pp. 48-51, 106, 108.
668. Jack M. McLeod and Jay G. Blumler, 'The Macrosocial Level of Com - munication Science', in Charles R. Berger and Steven H. Chaffee (eds), Handbook of Communication Science (London: Sage, 1987), p. 284.
669. Robin, Making of the Cold War Enemy, p. 76.
670. Wilbur Schramm and John W. Riley, 'Communication in the Sovietized State, as Demonstrated in Korea', American Sociological Review, Vol. 16, No. 6, 1951, pp. 757-66; 'The Soviet Communist Theory', in Fred S. Siebert, Theodore Peterson and Wilbur Schramm, Four Theories of the Press (1956) (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963), pp. 105-146.
671. Todd Gitlin, 'Media Sociology: The Dominant Paradigm', Theory and Society, Vol. 6, No. 2, 1978, pp. 205-53.
672. Simpson, Science of Coercion, p. 62; Simpson, 'Universities, Empire, and the Production of Knowledge', p. xx.
673. See Richard Lambert, 'DoD, Social Science, and International Studies', Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 502, 1989, pp. 94-107.
674. Michael A. Bernstein, 'American Economics and the National Security State, 1941-1953', Radical History Review, 63, 1995, pp. 9-26; S. M. Amadae, Rationalizing Capitalist Democracy: The Cold War Origins of Rational Choice Liberalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003).
675. David H. Price, Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropology (Durham: Duke University Press, 2004); Laura Nader, 'The Phantom Factor', in Chomsky et al., Cold War, pp. 107-46; Montgomery McFate, 'Anthropology and Counter - insurgency: The Strange Story of their Curious Relationship', Military Review, March-April 2005, pp. 24-38.
676. Note the following: 'I surveyed the five top journals in political science that specialize in international relations during the period 1991-2000. I did not find a single article in any of these journals that focused on CIA covert operations. Mentions of covert operations were very rare and, when they occurred at all, they were confined to a few sentences or a footnote. In effect, an entire category of international conduct has been expunged from the record, as if it never occurred' - David N. Gibbs, 'The CIA is Back on Campus', Counterpunch, 7 April 2003, p. 13. The journals in question were World Politics, International Organization, International Security, Journal of Conflict Resolution, and International Studies Quarterly.
677. Larson, 'Deterrence Theory', p. 92.
678. See G. M. Dillon, 'The Alliance of Security and Subjectivity', Current Research on Peace and Violence, Vol. 13, No. 3, 1990, pp. 101-24, and Klein, Strategic Studies, pp. 124-5.
679. Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: 'Euthanasia' in Germany 1900- 1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 4-5.
680. Christopher M. Hutton, Linguistics and the Third Reich: Mother-Tongue Fascism, Race and the Science of Language (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 57.
681. Kanishka Jayasuriya, '9/11 and the New "Antipolitics" of "Security"', Social Science Research Council. http://www.ssrc.org/sept11/essays/jayasuriya.htm - accessed 29 September 2004.
682. Simon Dalby, 'Contesting an Essential Concept: Reading the Dilemmas in Contemporary Security Discourse', in Keith Krause and Michael C. Williams (eds), Critical Security Studies: Concepts and Cases (London: UCL Press, 1997), p. 20.
683. In their 1979 song 'Return the Gift', Gang of Four tell 'a little tale of how an individual shrinks - how one becomes not a subject but merely an object of history - when he or she wins a radio give-away contest', writes Greil Marcus. 'It's a song about the way the winner exchanges the multitudes of a unique personality for capital's reductive prize: fear'. Having accepted the symbols of status and security as a substitute for a true self, the 'winner' in this game ceases to exist. But, of course, we know perfectly well that nothing in 'Return the Gift' is going back. Greil Marcus, sleeve notes to Gang of Four, A Brief History of the Twentieth Century (EMI, 1990).