Toward a Realist Ethics of Intervention

Ethics and International Affairs

Volumn 19, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 55-72

  Wesley, Michael ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 34248039567     PISSN: 08926794     EISSN: 17477093     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1747-7093.2005.tb00500.x     Document Type: Article

References (78)

1. See, e.g., Simon Chesterman, Just War or Just Peace? Humanitarian Intervention and International Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001)
2. Deen K. Chatterjee and Don E. Scheid, eds., Ethics and Foreign Intervention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)
3. Staniey Hoffmann, The Ethics and Politics of Humanitarian Intervention (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997)
4. J. L. Hoizgrefe and Robert O. Keohane, eds., Humanitarian Intervention: Ethical, Legal, and Political Dilemmas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003)
5. and Pierre Laberge, “Humanitarian Intervention: Three Ethical Positions,” Ethics & International Affairs 9 (1995), pp. 15–36.
6. See, e.g., Nicholas J. wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001).
7. See Thomas Hobbes, The Elements of Law, Natural and Politic (London: Cass, 1969), Part I
8. and David Hume, A Treatise of Human Nature (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), Book III.
9. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince, trans. W. K. Marriott (London: Dent, 1958).
10. See Michael Walzer, “Political Action: The Problem of Dirty Hands,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 2, no. 2 (1973), pp. 163–64
11. Gerald F. Gaus, “Dirty Hands,” in R. G. Frey and Christopher Heath Wellman, eds., A Companion to Applied Ethics (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), pp. 167–79
12. C. A. J. Coady, “Politics and the Problem of Dirty Hands,” in Peter Singer, ed., A Companion to Ethics (Oxford: Blackwell, 1991), pp. 373–83
13. and Martin Hollis, “Dirty Hands,” British Journal of Political Science 12 (1982), pp. 385–98.
14. Martin Wight, Systems of States (London: Leicester University Press, 1977).
15. Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, trans. George Schwab (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996).
16. See, e.g., Arnold Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1962), pp. 47–65.
17. Inis L. Claude, Jr., “Collective Legitimization as a Political Function of the United Nations,” International Organization 20, no. 3 (1966), pp. 367–79.
18. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (Washington, D.C.: PublicAffairs, 2004).
19. Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society (London: Macmillan, 1977). Bull and his followers distinguish an attentiveness to principles of international order from the “Hobbesian” realist position in international relations, yet fail to provide any convincing evidence that realists have little regard for these issues.
20. See Hedley Bull, ed., Intervention in World Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984).
21. Wheeler, Saving Strangers
22. See Georg Schwarzenberger, Power Politics: A Study of International Society (London: Stevens and Sons, 1951), pp. 218–32.
23. Lawrence Freedman and Efraim Karsh, The Gulf Conflict 1990–1991: Diplomacy and War in the New World Order (London: Faber and Faber, 1993).
24. Robert H. Jackson, Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
25. Jackson, Quasi-States, p. 196.
26. See Stephen Krasner, “Power Structures and Regional Development Banks,” International Organization 35, no. 2 (1981), pp. 303–28.
27. Michael J. Hogan, The Marshall Plan: America, Britain and the Reconstruction of Western Europe, 1947–1952 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
28. World Bank, World Development Report 1997 (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1997).
29. John Toye, Dilemmas of Development (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987).
30. William Easterly, “The Lost Decades: Developing Countries' Stagnation in Spite of Policy Reform,” Journal ofEconomic Growth 6, no. 2 (2001), pp. 135–57.
31. Francis Fukuyama, State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2004), p. 5.
32. Michel Camdessus, “The IMF at the Beginning of the Twenty-First Century: Can We Establish a Humanized Globalization?” Global Governance 7, no. 4 (1997), p. 364.
33. See Ray Kiely, “Neoliberalism Revised? A Critical Account of World Bank Concepts of Good Governance and Market Friendly Intervention,” Capital and Class 64 (Spring 1998), pp. 63–88
34. and Susanne Soederberg, “The Emperor's New Suit: The New International Financial Architecture as a Reinvention of the Washington Consensus,” Global Governance 7, no. 4 (2001), pp. 453–67.
35. John Lewis Gaddis, The Long Peace: Inquiries into the History of the Cold War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).
36. Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, Dictatorships and Double Standards: Rationalism and Reason in Politics (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982).
37. See James Mann, The Rise of the Vulcans (New York: Penguin Books, 2004),ch. 8, for an account of the development of concern for democrat and human rights as part of the conservative agenda in the United States.
38. Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Routledge, 2002).
39. See Michael W. Doyle, “Liberalism and World Politics,” American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (1986), pp. 1151–69.
40. See, e.g., Joshua Muravchik, Exporting Democracy: Fulfilling America's Destiny (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute Press, 1991).
41. See John C. Hulsman, A Paradigm for the New World Order (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997).
42. Anthony Lake, “From Containment to Enlargement,” Vital Speeches of the Day 60, no. 1 (1993), p. 17.
43. See, e.g., Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Last Man (London: Penguin Books, 1992).
44. Muravchik, Exporting Democracy
45. See Robert Packenham, Liberal America and the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973).
46. Charles T. Call and Susan E. Cook, “On Democratization and Peacebuilding,” Global Governance 9, no. 2 (2003), p. 235.
47. See Bob Woodward, Plan of Attack (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2004).
48. See Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996).
49. Jackson, Quasi-States, p. 152.
50. Jack Donnelly, Universal Human Rights in Theory and Practice (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).
51. R. J. Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
52. Roy Gutman, A Witness to Genocide (Shaftsbury, U.K.: Element, 1993)
53. and Salahi Ramadan Sonyel, The Muslims of Bosnia: The Genocide of a People (Markfield, U.K.: The Islamic Foundation, 1994).
54. International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, The Responsibility to Protect (Ottawa: IDRC, 2001).
55. Michael Wesley, Casualties of the New World Order: The Causes of Failure of UN Missions to Civil Wars (Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1997).
56. Lake, “From Containment to Enlargement,” p. 17.
57. Mohammed Ayoob, “Third World Perspectives on Humanitarian Intervention and International Administration,” Global Governance 10, no. 1 (2004), pp. 99–118.
58. A good example of this can be seen by tracing the history of the various international peace plans for Bosnia and the Dayton Accords, all of which insisted that Bosnia would be reconstituted as a functioning multiethnic democracy; see Wesley, Casualties of the New World Order.
59. See, e.g., World Bank, World Development Report 1997
60. and James N. Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel, eds., Governance without Government: Order and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
61. United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office, “Foreign and Commonwealth Office Departmental Report,” London, U.K., May 2003, p. 3.
62. Fukuyama, State Building, p. xi.
63. See, e.g., Elsina Wainwright, “Responding to State Failure: The Case of Australia and the Solomon Islands,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 57, no. 3 (2003), p. 489.
64. Richard N. Haass, “The Changing Nature of Sovereignty,” speech given to the School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University, Washington, D.C., January 14, 2003.
65. Government of Australia, “Advancing the National Interest: Australia's Foreign and Trade Policy White Paper,” Canberra, April 2003.
66. Thomas P. M. Barnett, The Pentagon's New Map (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 2004), p. 8.
67. John Howard, speech given to the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Sydney, Australia, June 18, 2004; available at www.pm.gov.au/news/speeches/speech921. html.
68. Haass, “The Changing Nature of Sovereignty.”
69. Elke Krahmann, “National, Regional and Global Governance: One Phenomenon or Many?” Global Governance 9, no. 3 (2003), p. 327.
70. See Robert I. Rotberg, “Strengthening Governance: Ranking Countries Would Help,” Washington Quarterly 28, no. 1 (2004/2005), pp. 71–81.
71. China and Russia reacted to September 11, 2001, not by focusing on governance but by emphasizing the great powers' common struggle against radical pan-Islamism; see Ariel Cohen, “Russia, Islam, and the War on Terrorism: An Uneasy Future,” Demokratizatsiya 10, no. 4 (2002), pp. 556–67
72. and Ahmad Lutfi, “China's Islamic Awakening,” China Brief 4, no. 10 (2004); available at www.jamestown.org/images/pdf/cb_004_010.pdf.
73. Barnett, The Pentagon's New Map, pp. 230–33.
74. Hugh White, “Not Hard Cop, Not Soft Cop, But Still Firmly into PNG,” Sydney Morning Herald, September 23,2003; available at www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/09/22/1064082927285.html?from=storyrhs&oneclick=true.
75. Foucault saw government as one possible modality of the exercise of power. His discussions of governmentality focus on the reciprocal relationship between governments that specify certain types of behavior and subjects that are variously willing to constitute themselves (as certain “subjectivities”) in ways that complement government preferences. See The Essential Works of Foucault, 1954–1984, Volume III: Power, ed. James D. Faubion, trans. Robert Hurley (London: Penguin Press, 1994).
76. Émile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society (New York: Free Press, 1984).
77. For example, the almost total dependence of modern societies on information infrastructure and “just-intime” inventory and production systems is leading to an exponential growth in their exposure to losses should all or a part of their vital infrastructure fail; see, e.g., Stephen J. Lukasik, Seymour E. Goodman, and David W. Longhurst, “Protecting Critical Infrastructures Against Cyber-Attack, “Adelphi Paper no. 359 (London: IISS, 2003).
78. This problem has been somewhat more polemically discussed in Ulrich Beck, Risk Society, Towards a New Modernity, trans. Mark Ritter (London: Sage Publications, 1992). My thanks to an anonymous reviewer for this suggestion.