What about Marcus Garvey? Race and the transformation of sovereignty debate

Review of International Studies

Volumn 32, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 379-400

  Shilliam, Robbie ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33746881703     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210506007078     Document Type: Review

References (175)

1. Theodore G. Vincent,. Black Power and the Garvey Movement (Berkeley, CA: Ramparts Press, 1971), p. 13;
2. and Winston James, Holding Aloft the Banner of Ethiopia: Caribbean Radicalism in Early Twentieth-Century America (London: Vorso, 1998), p. 136;
3. Paul Gordon Lauron, Power and Prejudice: The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Discrimination, 2nd edn. (Oxford: Westview Press, 1996), p. 115.
4. William A. Edwards, 'Carvnyism: Organizing the Masses or Mass Organization?', in Rupert Lewis and Patrick Bryan (eds.), Garvey: His Work and Impact (New Jersey: Africa World Press, 1991), pp. 216-17;
5. and Randolph B. Persaud, 'Re-envisioning Sovereignty: Marcus Garvey and the Making of a Transnational Identity', in Kevin Durm and Timothy Shaw (eds.), Africa's Challenge to International Relations Theory (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), p. 119.
6. Tony Martin, Race First: the Ideological and Organizational Struggles of Marcus Gurvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (London: Greenwood Press, 1976), p, 42;
7. Vincent, Black Power, p. 167;
8. UNIA, 'Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World', in E. David Cronin (ed.), Marcus Garvey (New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1973), pp. 35-6.
9. Vincent, Black Power, p. 166;
10. Edwin S. Redkey, 'The Flowering of Black Nationalism: Henry McNeal Turner and Marcus Garvey', in John Henrik Clarke (ed.), Marcus Garvey and the Vision of Africa (New York: Random House, 1974), p. 394.
11. See especially, Martin, Race First, pp. 45-7.
12. See also Lauren, Power and Prejudice, p. 122.
13. Tony Martin, 'Marcus Garvey, the Caribbean, and the Struggle for Black Jamaican Nationhood', in Hilary Beckles and Verene Shepherd (eds.), Caribbean Freedom: Economy and Society from Emancipation to the Present (London: James Curry, 1993), p. 360.
14. Tony Martin, Caribbean Freedom: Economy and Society from Emancipation to the Present Ibid., p. 361.
15. See also Robert Weisbord, 'Marcus Garvey, Pan-Negroist: the View from Whitehall', in Race, 11:4 (1970), pp. 419-29.
16. Various aspects of this narrative are reproduced in Daniele Archibugi, 'Principles of Cosmopolitan Democracy', in Daniele Archibugi, David Held and Martin Köhler (eds.), Re-Imagining Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy (Cambridge; Polity Press, 1998), pp. 198-228;
17. David Held, 'Democracy and the New International Order', in Daniele Archibugi and David Held (eds.), Cosmopolitan Democracy: an Agenda for a New World Order (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995), pp. 96-120;
18. Andrew Linklator, The Transformation of Political Community: Ethical Foundations of the Post-Westphalian Era (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1998);
19. Daniel Philpott, 'Westphalia, Authority, and International Society', in Political Studies, 47:3 (1999), pp. 566-89;
20. and Barry Buzan and Richard Little, 'Beyond Westphalia? Capitalism After the "Fall"', in Review of International Studies, 25:5 (1999), pp. 89-104.
21. Constructivist accounts often mirror this historical understanding too. See for example, John G. Ruggie, 'Territoriality and Beyond; Problematizing Modernity in International Relations' in International Organization, 47:1 (1993), pp. 139-74;
22. Samuel J. Barkin and Bruce Cronin, 'The State and the Nation: Changing Norms and the Rules of Sovereignly in International Relations', in International Organization, 48:1 (1994), pp. 107-30;
23. Christian Reus-Smit, 'Human Rights and the Social Construction of Sovereignty', in Review of International Studies, 27:4 (2001), pp. 519-38.
24. For example, Stephen Krasner employs this strategy to prove his hypothesis of sovereignty as 'organized hypocrisy'. See 'Rethinking the Sovereign State Model', in Review of International Studies, 27:5 (2001), p. 25.
25. Elements of this model can be gleaned in Held, 'Democracy and the New International Order'. But see especially Robert H. Jackson's influential Quasi-States: Sovereignty, International Relations and the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 54-5.
26. On 'diffusionism' see James Blaut, The Colonizer's Model of the World: Geographical Diffusion and Eurocentric History (London: Guilford, 1993).
27. This seems to form the subtext of Linklater's recent work. See, for example 'Cosmopolitan Citizenship', in Kimberley Hutchings and Roland Dannreuther (eds.), Cosmopolitan Citizenship (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1999), pp. 43-5.
28. Outside of IR, see the survey article by Heidrun Friese and Peter Wagner, 'The Nascent Political Philosophy of the European Polity', in The Journal of Political Philosophy, 10:3 (2002), pp. 342-64.
29. I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for reminding me of this broader context.
30. Leila J. Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp. 37-41.
31. See Hans Kohn, Pan-Slavism: its Historv and Ideologv (Notre Dame: Universily of Notre Darne Press, 1953).
32. Duncan S. A. Bell, 'Dissolving Distance: Technology, Space and Empire in British Political Thought, 1770-1900', in Journal of Modern History, 77:3 (2005), pp. 523-62.
33. See Amira J. Bennisori, 'Muslim Universalism and Western Globalization,' in A. G. Hopkins (ed.), Globalization in World History (London: Pimlico, 2002), pp. 74-97;
34. and B. R. Nanda, Ghandi: Pan-Islamism. Imperialism and Nationalism in India (Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1989), especially pp. 113-15.
35. See, for example, Prasenjit Duara, 'The Discourse of Civilization and Pan-Asianism', in Journal of World History, 12:1 (2001), pp. 99-130:
36. and Rebncca E. Karl, 'Creating Asia: China in the World at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century', in American Historical Review, 103:4 (1998), pp.1096-118.
37. There are few works that directly address the, challenge of Garvey's UNTA to narratives of world development in IR in a sustained fashion. But see Hilbourne Watson, 'Theorizing the Racialization of Global Politics and the Caribbean Experience', in Alternatives, 26:4 (2001), pp. 449-83; and Persaud, 'Re-envisioning Sovereignty'. Persaud's account is an especially illuminating one, and this article seeks to further develop a number of his suggestive comments.
38. This critical literature incorporates a number of different approaches. Firstly, there is the retrieval of forms of political authority other than 'Westphalian' for understandings of world history: see for example, Yale H. Ferguson and Richard W. Mansbach, Polities: Authority, Identities, and Change (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1996);
39. the special issue on 'Empires, Systems and States: Great. Transformations in International Polities', Review of International Studies, 27:5 (2001):
40. and the review article by Martin Hall, 'International Relations and World History', in European Journal of International Relations, 8:4 (2002), pp. 499-516.
41. Secondly, there has re-emerged a concern to rethink international relations in modern world history as imperial relations: see, for example, Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey, 'Retrieving the Imperial: Empire and International Relations', in Millennium, 31:1 (2002), pp. 109-27;
42. and John M. Hobson and J. C. Sharman, 'The Enduring Place of Hierarchy in World Politics: Tracing the Social Logics of Hierarchy and Political Change', in European Journal of International Relations, 11:1 (2005), pp. 63-98.
43. Thirdly, the notion of 'civilization' has boon usod to foreground the importance of a multi-linear array of cultural value systems in the making of world order. See Samuel Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996);
44. and alternatively Robert Cox, 'Thinking about Civilization', in Review of International Studies, 26:5 (2000), pp. 217-34.
45. Fourthly, the constitutive importance of a multi-linearity of forms of sovereignty in the making of world order has been increasingly investigated through Historical Materialist approaches. See especially, Bonno Toschko, 'Bourgeois Revolution, State-Formation and the Absence of the International', in Historical Materialism, 13:2 (2005), pp. 3-6;
46. Hannes Lacher, Beyond Globalization: Capitalism, Territoriality and the International Relations of Modernity (London: Routledge, 2006);
47. and Justin Rosenberg, 'Why is there no International Historical Sociology?', in European Journal of International Relations, 12 (2006, forthcoming). This article is situated within the fourth approach.
48. The postulates laid out here are derived from an interpretation of Leon Trotsky's theory of 'uneven and combined development'. In IR, see Roseriberg, 'Why is There No International Historical Sociology?';
49. and Robbin Shllliam, 'Hogomony and the Unfashionable Problematic of 'Primitive Accumulation"', in Millennium, 33:1 (2004), pp. 59-88.
50. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State, 1633-1783 (London: Unwln Hyman, 1989).
51. On race and IR see, for example, the Special Issue of Alternatives, 26:4 (2001).
52. To be clear, this article does not engage with Pan Africanism as a general phenomenon, but specifically with its Garveyite articulation. Garvey's contemporary, W. F. B. Dubois, is usually considered the 'father of Pan-Africanism. However, if Dubois has more often been favoured in intellectual circles, Garvey by far exercised the widest and deepest Pan African influence over Africans and the Black Diaspora in the twentieth century. For an overview of Pan Africanism see Imanuel Geiss, The Pan-African Movement (London: Methuen, 1968).
53. Jeanette M. Neeson, Commoners: Common Right, Enclosure and Social Change in England, 1700-1820 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 313-26.
54. On customary rights, son E. P. Thompson, 'Custom, Law and Common Right', in Customs in Common (London: Merlin Press, 1991), pp. 97-184;
55. and Richard Lachman, From Manor to Market: Structural Change in England, 1530-1640 (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), pp. 38-9.
56. This term is derived from Karl Marx, Grundrisse (Penguin, 1993), p. 158.
57. Thompson, 'Custom, Law and Common Right', p. 135.
58. Douglas Hay, 'Property, Authority and the Criminal Law', in Douglas Hay, Penter Linebaugh, and E. P. Thompson (eds.), Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth Century England (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975), p. 32.
59. The phrase is from Marx, Grundrisse, p. 158.
60. See Paul Slack, The English Poor Law. 1531-1782 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995);
61. A. Lee Beier, Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England, 1560-1640 (London: Methueri, 1985);
62. Lachman, Manor to Market, pp. 137-8;
63. and Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 1957), p. 78.
64. With the Act of Union in 1707.
65. Rosenberrg, Empire of Civil Society.
66. Teschke, Myth of 1648;
67. and Brewer, Sinews of Power.
68. See, for example, Brewer, Sinews of Power, p. 131.
69. Teschke, Myth of 1648, p. 182.
70. J. C. Riley, The Seven Years War and the Old Regime in France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986), p. 232.
71. Theda Skocpol and Meyer Kestnbaum 'Mars Unshackled: the French Revolution in World-Historical Perspective', in Ferenc Fehér (ed.), The French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990), p. 17.
72. See, for example, Frances Acomb, Anglophobia in France, 1763-1789 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1950), p. 121.
73. On these issues see Jürgen Habermas, Theory and Practice (London: Heinemann, 1974), pp. 84-102;
74. François Furet, The French Revolution, 1770-1814 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), pp. 73-6;
75. and Ferenc Fehér, The Frozen Revolution: an Essay on Jacobinism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 17.
76. On the lack of enclosure in eighteenth century France, see Robert Brenner, 'The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism', in T. H. Aston and C. H. E. Philpin (eds.), The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 312-13;
77. and David Parker, Class and State in Ancien Régime France: the. Road to Modernity? (London; Routledge, 1996).
78. Son famously, Abbé Sioyfès, What is the Third Estate? (London; Pall Mall Press, 1963).
79. Son also Brian Singer, Society, Theory and the French Revolution: Studies, in the Revolutionary Imaginary (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1986), p. 95.
80. Son for example, William H. Sewell Jr, Work and Revolution in France: the Language of Labor from the Old Regime to 1848 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 78-81.
81. See Article 1 in 'Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen', in F. M. Anderson (ed.), The Constitutions and Other Select Documents Illustrative of the History of France, 1789-1907, 2nd edn. (New York: Rusell & Rusell, 1967), p. 59, wherein the only permissible social distinction is that, based upon 'public utility'.
82. Georges Lefebvre, The Great Fear of 1789: Rural Panic in Revolutionary France (London: New Left Books, 1973).
83. 'Declaration of the Rights of Man', p. 59, Articles 1, 2, 4, 5, 11, 17.
84. 'Declaration of the Rights of Man', p. 59 Ibid.
85. On Jacobin welfare policy see Jean-Pierre Gross, Fair Shares For All (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
86. On the maximum, see William H. Snwell Jr, 'The Sans-Culotte Rhetoric of Subsistence', in Keith Baker (ed.), The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, vol. 4: The Terror (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1994).
87. On the Jacobin sense of thn 'general will' see for example, Alfred Cobban, 'The Fundamental Ideas of Robespierre', in Aspects of the French Revolution (London: Jonathan Cape, 1968);
88. and Norman Hampson, 'La Patrie', in Colin Lucas (ed.), The French Revolution and the Creation of Modern Political Culture, vol. 2: The Political Culture of the French Revolution (Oxford: Pergarnon Press, 1988).
89. Fehér, Frozen Revolution, pp. 52, 60.
90. On this process, see Fehér, Frozen Revolution ibid., pp. 93-96;
91. Sewell Jr., Work and Revolution, pp. 88-90;
92. and Singer, Society Theory and the French Revolution, pp. 184-93.
93. See E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Gollancz, 1963).
94. On the wider influence of Jacobinism, see Richard Saull, 'Transforming Citizenship and Political Community: the Case of French Revolutionary Internationalism', in Global Society, 16:3 (2002), pp. 245-75.
95. Clive Church, Revolution and Red Tape: the French Ministerial Bureaucracy, 1770-1850 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), p. 94
96. See Mlada Bukovansky, 'The Altered State and the State of Nature: The French Revolution and International Politics', in Review of International Studies, 25:2 (1999), pp. 197-216.
97. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins (London: Penguin, 2001).
98. For the general impact, see David Geggus, 'Slavery, War, and the Revolution in the Greater Caribbean, 1789-1815', in David Barry Caspar and David Patrick Geggus (eds.), A Turbulent Time: the French Revolution and the Greater Caribbean (Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997), pp. 1-50.
99. On the topology of Saint Domingue, see Robin Blackburn, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776-1848 (London: Verso, 1988), pp. 167-9;
100. Carolyn E. Fick, The Making of Haiti: the Saint Domingue Revolution from Below (Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1990), p. 25;
101. and James, Black Jacobins, pp. 7-44. These studies form a central reference point to the following narrative on the Saint Domingue slave insurrection.
102. See Fick, Making of Haiti, pp. 81-5.
103. Fick, Making of Haiti Ibid., p. 25;
104. John K. Thornton, '"I am the Subject of the King of Congo": African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution', in Journal of World History, 4:2 (1993), pp. 183-5.
105. This is Thornton's general point, John K. Thornton, '"I am the Subject of the King of Congo": African Political Ideology and the Haitian Revolution', in Journal of World History, 4:2 (1993), pp. 183-5 ibid.
106. Fick, Making of Haiti, p. 32.
107. Laurent duBois, '"Our Three Colors": the King, the Republic and the Political Culture of Slave Revolution in Saint-Domingue', in Historical Reflections/Reflexions Historiques, 29:1 (2003), p. 93.
108. On the African organisational roots of the slave militias see John K. Thornton, 'African Soldiers in the Haitian Revolution', in Journal of Caribbean History, 25 (1991), pp. 59-80.
109. On the slaves' appropriation of Royalisrn, see duBois, 'Our Three Colors'.
110. Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, p. 218, fn. 5.
111. duBois, 'Our Three Colors', pp. 101-2.
112. Indeed, the previous strategy of forming autonomous slave communities in the colonial Caribbean - 'maroonage' - sought by and large to carve out autonomous niches within the colonial system. See for example, Barbara Kopytoff, 'Colonial Treaty as Sacred Charter of the Jamaican Maroons', in Ethnohistory, 26:1 (1979), pp. 45-64.
113. Robert K. Lacerte, 'The Evolution of Land and Labor in the Haitian Revolution, 1791-1820', in Americas, 34 (1978), p. 453;
114. Blackburn, Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, p. 244.
115. Pick, Making of Haiti, pp. 248-9.
116. See also Michel-Rolph Trouillot, Haiti: State against Nation: The Origins and Legacy of Duvalierism (Now York; Monthly Review Press, 1990), p. 46.
117. The 1805 Constitution of Haiti: Second Constitution of Haiti (Hayti), May 20, 1805. (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805- const.htm) (accessed December 2004), Articles 3, 4, 6, 50-52.
118. The 1805 Constitution of Haiti: Second Constitution of Haiti (Hayti), May 20, 1805 (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const. htm) Ibid., Articles 3, 9, 28.
119. For example, The 1805 Constitution of Haiti: Second Constitution of Haiti (Hayti), May 20, 1805 (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/ earlyhaiti/1805-const.htm) ibid., Article 11: 'Every Citizen must possess a mechanic art'; and Article 21: 'Agriculture, as it is the first, the most noble, and the most useful of all the arts, shall be honoured and protected'.
120. The 1805 Constitution of Haiti: Second Constitution of Haiti (Hayti), May 20, 1805 (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const. htm) Ibid., Article 12. Apart, from being rescinded in the northern part, of the island during Christophe's reign, this principle remained in place until the US invasion in 1915.
121. The 1805 Constitution of Haiti: Second Constitution of Haiti (Hayti), May 20, 1805 (http://www.webster.edu/~corbetre/haiti/history/earlyhaiti/1805-const. htm) Ibid., Article 14.
122. See also David Nicholls, Haiti in Caribbean Context: Ethnicity, Economy and Revolt (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1985), p. 24. An important driver of Desssaline's Black Nationalism was the internal tensions that had grown between mulatto and black elites. For reasons of space I cannot investigate these tensions here: this, however, is required of any lengthier investigation of Black Jacobinism.
123. This policy was, in fact, started by Sonthonax. In general see Lacerte, 'Evolution of Land and Labor';
124. Mats Lundahl, 'Toussaint L'Ouverture and the War Economy of Saint Domingue, 1796-1802', in Beckles and Shepherd, Caribbean Freedom, pp. 2-11;
125. and Trouillot, Haiti, pp. 43-50.
126. See for example, Anthony P. Maingot, 'Haiti and the Terrified Consciousness of the Caribbean', in Gert Oostindie (ed.), Ethnicity in the Caribbean (London; Macmillan, 1996), pp. 53-80.
127. Trouillot, Haiti, p. 66. The Haitian army, in light of the colonial threat, employed one in ten people by 1840;
128. Mimi Sheller, Democracy After Slavery: Black Publics and Peasant Radicalism in Haiti and Jamaica (London: Macmillan, 2000), p. 98.
129. Trouillot, Haiti, p. 117.
130. On these links, see especially Sheller, Democracy After Slavery.
131. Sheller, Democracy After Slavery Ibid., p. 118;
132. Nicholls, Haiti in Caribbean Context, p. 103.
133. Nicholls, Haiti in Caribbean Context Ibid., p. 104;
134. Sheller, Democracy After Slavery, p. 131.
135. For a good discussion see Trouillot, Haiti, pp. 109-31. Hence the problematical status of the mulatto as a 'black' political subject.
136. 1805 Constitution of Haiti, Article 13. See also Jan Pachonski and Reuel Wilson, Poland's Caribbean Tragedy: a Study of Polish Legions in the Haitian War of Independence, 1802-1803 (Bouldor. CO: Columbia University Press, 1986).
137. See, for example, David Geggus, 'Haiti and the Abolitionists: Opinion, Propaganda and International Politics in Britain and France, 1804-1.838', In David Richardson (ed.), Abolition and its Aftermath: The Historical Context, 1790-1916 (London: Frank Cass, 1985), pp. 113-40;
138. and Susan Buck-Morss, 'Hegel and Haiti', in Critical Inquiry, 26:2 (2000), pp. 821-65.
139. See, for example, Leon D. Pamphile, Haitians and African Americans: a Heritage of Tragedy and Hope (Orlando, FI,: University Press of Florida, 2001).
140. Pamphile notas that those who studied Haitian society up close became embarrassed and irritated by its internal failings (Leon D. Pamphile, Haitians and African Americans: a Heritage of Tragedy and Hope Ibid., p. 24).
141. For the general terrain of Black political thought in the Diaspora leading up to Garvey, see Leon D. Pamphile, Haitians and African Americans: a Heritage of Tragedy and Hope, p. 24 ibid.;
142. Chris Dixon, African America and Haiti: Emigration and Black Nationalism in the Nineteenth Century (London: Greenwood Press, 2000);
143. and Geiss, The Pan-African Movement.
144. Rupert Lewis, 'Garvey's Forerunners: Love and Bedward', in Race and Class, 28:3 (1987), pp. 29-40. Garvey was directly versed in Haitian history;
145. see Marcus Garvey, 'African Fundamentalism', in Clarke, Marcus Garvey, p. 156.
146. Sheller, Democracy After Slavery, pp. 227-40.
147. See for example, Garvey 'African Fundamentalism', pp. 158-9.
148. The Jacobin elements of Garvey's political philosophy are also evident in Marcus Garvey, 'Governing the Ideal State', in Robert A. Hill and Barbara Bair (eds.), Marcus Garvey- Life and Lessons (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 29-31.
149. UNIA, 'Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World', in Cronin, Marcus Garvey, pp. 32-3; articles 1,4,8.
150. Marcus Garvey Ibid., p. 35; Articles 35, 37.
151. Judith Stein, 'The Ideology and Practice of Garveyism', in Lewis and Bryan, Garvey: his Work and Impact, pp. 204-5.
152. UNIA, 'Manifesto of the Universal Negro Improvement Association', in Cronin, Marcus Garvey, p. 24.
153. Henry Paget, Caliban's Reason: Introducing Afro-Caribbean Philosophy (London: Routledge, 2000), p. 51.
154. Jabez A. Langley, 'Garveyism and African Nationalism', in Race, 11:2 (1969), p. 105;
155. Geiss, The Pan-African Movement, pp. 271-2.
156. Son especially Judith Stein, The World of Marcus Garvey: Race and Class in Modern Society (London: Louisiana State University Press, 1986), pp. 223-47.
157. E. David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), p. 184:
158. Redkey, 'The Flowering of Black Nationalism', p. 396;
159. Edwards, 'Garveyism', p. 218.
160. Martin, Race First, pp. 53-4.
161. On the life and death of the Black Star Line, see Cronon, Black Moses, pp. 77-102.
162. For a summary of its professional ineptitude see Johnson, Black (Globalism, p. 140.
163. Edwards, 'Garveyism', p. 217.
164. Cronon, Black Moses, p. 39;
165. Weisbord, 'Marcus Garvey, Pan-Negroist', p. 422.
166. Cronon, Black Moses, p. 64.
167. In general, see Langley, 'Garveyism and African Nationalism.
168. James A. Tyner and Robert. J. Kruse, The Geopolitics of Malcolm X', in Antipode, 36:1 (2004), pp. 24-42.
169. Horace Campbell, Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney (Africa World Press, 1987).
170. Cited in Langlny, 'Garveyism', p. 404.
171. On Garvey's Influence upon the ANC, see Johnson, Black Globalism, pp. 141-2;
172. and in South Africa in general, Robert A. Hill and Gregory A. Pirlo, '"Africa for the Africans": The Garvey Movement in South Africa, 1920-1940', in Shula Marks and Stanley Trapido (eds.), The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (London: Longman, 1987), pp. 209-53.
173. And of course, failure is in part a subjective assessment: how many followers of Garvey saw the collapse of the UNIA as caused by the racist US administration and riot (also) by the organisation's internal contradictions?
174. At times Linklater seems to point towards this consideration in Transformation of Political Community (for example, pp. 123-44). However, he still treats the rise of 'modernity', in terms of a homogenous form of sovereignty.
175. Black Jacobins, pp. 229-34, 259-61.