Fights about rules: The role of efficacy and power in changing multilateralism

Review of International Studies

Volumn 31, Issue SUPPL. 1, 2005, Pages 187-206

  Finnemore, Martha ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 33645047396     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: 14699044     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210505006856     Document Type: Review

References (62)

1. Anthony Lake, Clinton's National Security Council Advisor, initially termed these 'backlash states'. See his piece in Foreign Affairs, 'Confronting Backlash States' (March/April 1994), pp. 45-55.
2. For more on the UK role, why they sided with the US in this controversy, and what it might mean for evolving norms, see Christine Gray, 'From Unity to Polarization: International Law and the Use of Force Against Iraq', European Journal of International Law, 13:1 (2002), pp. 1-19. See also discussion in next section.
3. Philip H. Gordon and Jeremy Shapiro, Allies at War: American, Europe, and the Crisis over Iraq New York: McGraw-Hill, 2004), p. 2.
4. See, for example, Gordon and Shapiro, Allies at War;
5. Joanna Spear, 'The Emergence of a European "Strategic Personality"', Arms Control Today (November 2003);
6. James Thomson, 'US Interests and the Fate of the Alliance' Survival, 45:4 (2003), pp. 207-30 at 216-17.
7. German Marshall Fund of the United States and Compagnia di San Paolo, Transatlantic Trends 2004, 〈http://www.transatlantictrends.org/〉: www.gmfus.org at pp. 11-12 and topline data at 〈http://www. transatlantictrends.org/apps/gmf/ttweb2004.nsf/0/ 461EA7D25CC77DA185256F020059C76D/$file/Topline+with+logo+final.pdf〉. The Transatlantic Trends data were collected in June 2004.
8. Transatlantic Trends 2004, p. 11.
9. Transatlantic Trends 2004 Ibid., p. 12.
10. Transatlantic Trends 2004 Ibid., p. 11.
11. Transatlantic Trends 2004 Ibid., p. 6.
12. Transatlantic Trends 2004 Ibid., p. 13.
13. Transatlantic Trends 2004 Ibid., p. 15.
14. Jolyon Howorth, 'France, Britain, and the Euro-Atlantic Crisis', Survival, 45:4 (2003), pp. 173-92.
15. Transatlantic Trends 2004, p. 14.
16. Transatlantic Trends 2004, p. 14. Ibid.
17. Pew Research Center for People and the Press, Politics and Values in a 48%-51% Nation, 24 January 2005, 〈http://people-press.org/reports/display. php3?ReportID'236〉.
18. Pew Research Center, Politics and Values.
19. Pew Research Center, Beyond Red and Blue, 10 May 2005, 〈http://people-press.org/reports/display.php3?ReportID'242〉. Note that Democrats show some splits on this with a group Pew terms 'Conservative Democrats' endorsing pre-emptive force by 58-32 per cent.
20. Pew Research Center, Beyond Red and Blue.
21. Transatlantic Trends 2004, p. 27.
22. Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Global Views 2004, 〈http://www.ccfr.org/globalviews2004/sub/usa_summary.htm〉.
23. PIPA/Knowledge Networks Poll, Opportunities for Bipartisan Consensus: What Both Republicans and Democrats want in US Foreign Policy, 18 January 2005. 〈http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/mandatepoll/Report01_18_05.pdf〉.
24. PIPA/Knowledge Networks Poll.
25. See, for example, 〈http://ee.china-embassy.org/eng/zggk/xzgwjys/ t110315.htm〉; 〈http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/wjb/zzjg/gjs/gjzzyhy/2594/ 2602/t15218.htm〉, for Chinese arguments about the Kosovo intervention.
26. Declaration of the Group of 77 South Summit, Havana, Cuba, 10-14 April 2000, 〈http://www.g77.org/Declaration_G77Summit.htm〉.
27. However, note again that public attitudes diverge from government views. In a recent poll of 10,809 Africans in eight countries, 65 per cent believe the UN should have the right to authorise the use of military force to prevent severe human rights violations such as genocide. Program on International Policy Attitudes, The Darfur Crisis: African and American Public Opinion', 29 June 2005, 〈http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/Africa/sudan/062905/ Darfur_Report062905.pdf〉.
28. 〈http://hrw.org/campaigns/icc/ratifications.htm〉, as listed 31 May 2005.
29. John van Oudenaren, 'What is "Multilateral"?', Policy Renew (February/March 2003), pp. 33-47;
30. David Davenport, The New Diplomacy', Policy Review, 116 (December 2002).
31. BBC WorldPoll, 22 March 2005, 〈http://www.pipa.org/OnlineReports/ BBCworldpoll/032005/Report03_20_05.pdf).
32. See inter alia, Robert O. Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984);
33. and more recently Barbara Koromenos, Charles Lipson, Duncan Snidal, The Rational Design of International Institutions', International Organization, 55:4 (2001), pp. 761-99.
34. See, inter alia, G. John Ikenberry, After Victory (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001);
35. Henry Nau, At Home Abroad: Identity and Power in American Foreign Policy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2002);
36. Anne-Marie Burley [Slaughter], 'Regulating the World: Multilateralism, International Law, and the Projection of the New Deal Regulatory State', in John G. Ruggie (ed.), Multilateralism Matters (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 125-56.
37. See Michael N. Barnett and Martha Finnemore, Rules for the World: International Organization in Global Politics (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004).
38. John G. Ruggie (ed.), Multilateralism Matters.
39. Also Stewart Patrick, 'Multilateralism and its Discontents', in Stewart Patrick and Shepard Forman (eds.), Multilateralism and US Foreign Policy (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002), pp. 1-44.
40. The number of contributors has varied over time and in type of contribution. See 〈http://www.pwhce.org/willing.html〉 and 〈http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/ops/iraq_orbat_coalition.htm〉.
41. See, inter alia, Stewart Patrick, 'Multilateralism and its Discontents';
42. John G. Ruggie, 'Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution', in Ruggie (ed.), Multilateralism Matters; Van Oudenaren, 'What is "Multilateral"?', pp. 33-47.
43. Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
44. For more on multilateral norms operating in the Concert, see Martha Finnemore, The Purpose of Intervention (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2003), ch. 4.
45. Van Oudenaren, 'What is "Multilateral"?', pp. 33-47;
46. David Davenport, The New Diplomacy', Policy Review, 116 (December 2002).
47. See, for example, Lincoln P. Bloomfield, Jr., Assistant Secretary for Political-Military Affairs, 'New Developments in the US Approach to Landmines', on-the-record briefing, 27 February 2004, at 〈http://www.state.gov/t/pm/ rls/rm/29976.htm〉.
48. Triumph of Evil', BBC/Frontline video.
49. Steven Kuli and I. M. Destler, Misreading the Public: The Myth of a New Isolationism (Washington DC: The Brookings Institution, 1999);
50. James Burk, 'Public support for peacekeeping in Lebanon and Somalia: assessing the casualties hypothesis', Political Science Quarterly, 114 (Spring 1999), pp. 53-78;
51. Theo Farrell, 'America's Misguided Mission', International Affairs, 76:3 (2000), pp. 583-92.
52. Thomas Franck, The Power of Legitimacy among Nations (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), esp. pp. 15-21;
53. Ian Hurd, 'Legitimacy and Power in International Relations: The Theory and Practice of the UN Security Council', unpublished ms.;
54. also Hurd, 'Legitimacy and Authority in International Politics', International Organization, 53:2 (1999), pp. 379-408, at 381.
55. Efficacy or 'reasonable hope of success' is also a criterion in the long-standing Just War tradition. See Ian Halliday, 'When is a cause just?', Review of International Studies, 28 (2002), pp. 557-75, at 569, for a discussion in the context of recent world events.
56. For a related examination of some of these issues in the context of the 2002-3 Iraq debates, see Simon Duke, 'The Hyperpower and the Hype: Reassessing Transatlantic Relations in the Iraqi Context'. European Institute of Public Administration, Working Paper no. 2003/W/1.
57. Nicholas Wheeler, Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
58. See, for example, the US National Intelligence Council's projections of the 'global landscape' in the year 2020, at 〈http://www.cia.gov/nic/ NIC_globaltrend2020.html〉.
59. David Davenport, The New Diplomacy', Policy Review, 116 (December 2002), 〈http://www.policyreview.org/dec02/davenport_print.html〉.
60. Note that NGOs should not be equated with public opinion since who, exactly, NGOs represent is often a matter of some dispute.
61. For a discussion of this point and citations to relevant legal literature, see Martha Finnemore and Stephen Toope, 'Alternatives to "Legalization": Richer Views of Law and Politics', International Organization, 55:3 (2001), pp. 743-58.
62. For an extended discussion of normative 'entrepreneurship', see Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink, 'International Norm Dynamics and Political Change', International Organization, 52:4 (1998), pp. 887-917.