Designing (for) a new scientific discipline: The location and architecture of the Institut für Radiumforschung in early twentieth-century Vienna

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 38, Issue 3, 2005, Pages 275-306

  Rentetzi, Maria ^a  

^a NONE   (Greece)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33644619259     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007087405006989     Document Type: Article

References (144)

1. See, for example, Lang and Suess to the Austrian Ministry of Agriculture, 15 January 1904; Lang and Suess to Ritter von Hartel, 15 January 1904; Lang and Suess to the Ministry of Culture and Education, 14 March 1908, all in Archiv der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, hereafter cited as AÖAW.
2. L. Meitner, 'Looking Back', Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (1964), 20, 2-7, 4;
3. H. Benndorf, 'Worte der Erinnerung an Franz Exner' (1926), Nachlass Exner, AÖAW.
4. H. Benndorf, 'Gedenkrede auf Franz Serafin Exner aus Anlass der Enthüllung seines Denkmals in der Universität Wien am 23 Jänner 1937', Nachlass Exner, AÖAW.
5. Lang and Suess to the Ministry of Culture and Education, 14 March 1908, AÖAW; Lang and Suess to the Ministry of Work, 21 December 1908, AÖAW.
6. L. Badash, ' The suicidal success of radiochemistry', BJHS (1979), 12, 245-56, 253.
7. J. Hughes, '"Modernists with a vengeance": changing cultures of theory in nuclear science, 1920-1930', Studies in the History and Philosophy of Modern Physics (1998), 29, 339-67, 342.
8. A. Hessenbruch, 'Rutherford's 1901 experiment on radiation energy and his creation of a stable detector', Archive for History of Exact Sciences (2000), 54, 403-20, 419.
9. S. Boudia, 'The Curie laboratory, radioactivity and metrology', History and Technology (1997), 13, 249-65;
10. S. Boudia, Marie Curie et son laboratoire: Sciences et industrie de la radioactivité en France, Paris, 2001;
11. X. Roque, 'Marie Curie and the radium industry: a preliminary sketch', History and Technology (1997), 13, 267-91;
12. X. Roque, 'Displacing radioactivity', in Instrumentation Between Science, State and Industry (ed. B. Joerges and T. Shinn), Boston, MA, 2001, 51-68.
13. Rutherford's similar references to a 'radioactive world' go back to as early as 1905. L. Badash, Rutherford and Boltwood: Letters on Radiaoctivity, New Haven, 1969, 91, 226.
14. See also J. Hughes, 'The radioactivists: community, controversy and the rise of nuclear physics', Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1993, 6.
15. In his presentation speech for the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1908, Hasselberg recognized that researchers such as Rutherford, Curie and Becquerel ' are closely allied to, and form a worthy continuation of, work', referring to radioactivity research. See http://nobelprize.org/chemistry/laureates/1908/ press.html (accessed 19/12/2004).
16. Badash, op. cit. (9), 205.
17. J. Hughes, 'Radioactivity and nuclear physics', in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 5 (ed. M. J. Nye), Cambridge, 2003, 350-74.
18. See the special section on radioactivity research by M. Rentetzi (coordinator), 'Women pioneers in radiaoctivity research', in Women Scholars and Institutions: Proceedings of the International Conference Prague, June 8-11, 2003 (ed. S. Štrbáňová, I. H. Stamhuis and K. Mojsejová), Prague, 2004, 581-725.
19. Historian of Victorian science Roy MacLeod suggested long ago that medals 'codified schools of thought and legitimized scientific paradigms'. Roy Macleod, 'Of medals and men: a reward system in Victorian science, 1826-1914', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1971), 26, 81-105.
20. B. Lawrence, 'The origins of big science - Rutherford at McGill', in Rutherford and Physics at the Turn of the Century (ed. M. Bunge and W. Shea), New York, 1979, 23-41, 27.
21. See also W. E. Burcham, 'Rutherford at Manchester, 1907-19', Contemporary Physics (1964), 5, 304-8.
22. R. Mould, 'The discovery of radium in 1898 by Maria Sklodowska-Curie (1867-1934) and Pierre Curie (1859-1906) with commentary on their life and times', British Journal of Radiology (1998), 71, 1229-54, 1237;
23. W. C. Peh, 'The discovery of radioactivity and radium', Singapore Medical Journal (1996), 6, 627-30, 628.
24. S. Quinn, Marie Curie: A Life, New York, 1995, 203.
25. Badash, Marie Curie: A Life op. cit. (9), 158-9.
26. Pierre Curie received Suess's telegram via Michel Levy (Pierre Curie to Suess, 17 November 1898, AÖAW). Between 1898 and 1899 the Curies received 1.1 tons of pitchblende from the Austrians. By 1906 the amount had gone up to 23.6 tons. The first amount was supplied at no cost and those that followed were sold for especially low prices (Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Konzepte, no. 20015, AÖAW).
27. Pierre Curie to Suess, 17 November 1898, AÖAW.
28. S. Meyer, 'Die Vorgeschichte der Gründung und das erste Jahrzehnt des Institutes für Radiumforschung', in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950), Vienna, 1950, 1-26, 1.
29. Suess and Lang to Auer von Welsbach, 10 July 1901, AÖAW.
30. For example, embarrassed by his provisional laboratory, Franz Exner, the director of the Second Physics Institute, left Vienna before his international colleagues arrived for the meeting of German scientists and physicians in 1894. W. Moore, A Life of Erwin Schrödinger, Cambridge, 1994, 57.
31. R. Wettstein, 'Karl Kupelwieser', in Neue Österreichische Biographie 1815-1918 (ed. A. Bettelheim et al.), Vienna, 1928, 9-15.
32. See also H. Löffler, ' Limnology in Austria: a condensed synopsis', in Groundwater Ecology: A Tool for Management of Water Resources (ed. C. Griebler et al.), Luxemburg, 2001, 15;
33. W. Reiter, 'Vienna: a random walk in science', Physics in Perspective (2001), 3, 462-89, 476.
34. Occasionally Kupelwieser also made donations to the medical society of Vienna. L Fischer, Geschichte der Gesellschaft der Ärtze in Wien 1837-1937, Wien, 1938, 115. His was such a powerful figure in. fin-de-siècle Vienna that when the state decided to construct a huge hydroelectric station close to the Biological Station, Kupelwieser was able to manoeuvre politically and cancel the decision.
35. Wettstein, Geschichte der Gesellschaft der Ärtze in Wien 1837-1937 op. cit. (23), 14.
36. Karl Kupelwieser to the Academy of Sciences, 2 August 1908, AÖAW.
37. For example, Franz Serafin Exner characterized Kupelwieser as 'the patriotic friend of science'. Almanack der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1912), 327, AÖAW. There was indeed a sense of 'national pride' in establishing the institute. The institutionalization of the field gave Austrians the chance to put their own radium supplies to good use. This threatened Bertram Boltwood, for example, as became clear in a letter to Rutherford: 'I see that someone has given a lot of money for a Radioactive Institute at Vienna and I am afraid that the wholesale business will drive the small dealer like me to the wall.'
38. L. Badash, op. cit. (9), 193.
39. For a detailed account of the establishment of Vienna's Radium Institute see M. Rentetzi, 'Gender, politics, and radioactivity research in interwar Vienna: the case of the Institute for Radium Research', Isis (2004), 95, 359-93.
40. R. Pawkowicz, 'Die Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften und die Bauten für ihre Forschungsinstitute', Ph.D. dissertation, Vienna, University of Vienna, 1978, 72. Unfortunately I was unable to locate any specific information on the architects of the project.
41. H. Ipser and T. Schönfeld, Die Geschichte der Chemie an der Universität Wien und des Instituts für Anorganische Chemie, Wien, 1996, 22.
42. As Wolfgang Reiter argues, the Vienna Radium Institute became the architectural model for the Institut du radium in Paris, which architecturally resembled it. W. Reiter, 'Stefan Meyer: pioneer of radioactivity', Physics in Perspective (2001), 3, 106-27, 114-16.
43. Suess and Lang to Auer von Welsbach, 10 July 1901, AÖAW.
44. As Karlik and Schmid put it, 'Exner had also carried out essential organizational work for the University of Vienna. This concerned the planning, the preparation, the construction and the establishment of the new Physics Institute at the corner of Boltzmanngasse and Strudlhofgasse. ' So, besides the Radium Institute, Exner played a fundamental role in building the whole natural science quarter. In collaboration with his friend Ernst Lecher, director of the neighbouring institute, and his assistant Edward Haschek, he provided the plans for the Physics Institute. B. Karlik and E. Schmid, Franz Serafin Exner und sein Kreis: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Physik in Österreich, Wien, 1982, 88.
45. On Exner see also K. Przibrara, 'Errinerungen an ein altes physikalisches Institut' in Beiträge zur Physik und Chemie des 20. Jahrhunderts (ed. O. R. Frisch, F. A. Paneth, F. Laves and P. Rosbaud), Braunschweig, 1959, 1-6, 3;
46. E. Schweidler, 'Bericht des Generalsekretärs', in Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Almanack für das Jahr 1927, Wien, 1927, 175-8;
47. M. Stöltzner, 'Franz Serafin Exner's indeterminist theory of culture", Physics in Perspective (2002), 4, 267-319.
48. F. Exner, 'Le nouvel Institut pour le radium àVienne', Le Radium (1910), 6, 244.
49. Reiter, Le Radium op. cit. (28), 109-10;
50. Meyer, Le Radium op. cit. (20), 1.
51. S. Meyer, 'Magnetic properties of the elements', Wied, Annalen (1899), 68, 325-34.
52. The letters concerning the construction and furnishing of the institute were all addressed to Meyer. See, for example, the files 'Bau des Institut, Erstausstattung', AÖAW.
53. C. Hoffmann, 'The design of disturbance: physics institutes and physics research in Germany, 1870-1910', Perspectives on Science (2002), 9, 173-95, 174.
54. D. Cahan, An Institute for an Empire: The Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt 1871-1918, Cambridge, 1989, 168-75.
55. Benndorf, An Institute for an Empire: The Physikalisch-technische Reichsanstalt 1871-1918 op. cit. (3), 2.
56. F. Golitschek and E. Elbwart, Der Neubau des Physikalischen Institutes der Wiener k.k. Universität, Wien, 1915, 1.
57. L. Hittner, 'Geschichte des Studienfaches Physik an der Wiener Universität in der letzten hundert Jahren', Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1949, 73-5.
58. Pawkowicz, Geschichte des Studienfaches Physik an der Wiener Universität in der Letzten Hundert Jahren op. cit. (27), 73.
59. S. Meyer, 'Das erste Jahrzehnt des Wiener Instituts für Radiumforschung', Jahrbuch der Radioaktivität und Elektronik (1920), XVII, 1, 1-29, 3.
60. V. Hess, 'Persönliche Erinnerungen aus dem ersten Jahrzehnt des Instituts für Radiumforschung', in Festschrift des Institutes für 'Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950), Wien, 1950, 43-5, 44.
61. Hans Pettersson's report on the investigations regarding artificial disintegration, first half of 1926, archives of the Göteborgs Universitetsbibliotek, Sweden, hereafter cited as GUB (in English).
62. E. Rona, How it Came About: Radioactivity, Nuclear Physics, Atomic Energy, Oak Ridge Associated Universities, 1978, 24-5.
63. E. Rona, 'Laboratory contamination in the early period of radiation research', Health Physics (1979), 37, 723-7, 724.
64. Rona, Health Physics op. cit. (44), 29.
65. Rona, Health Physics op. cit. (45), 724.
66. Rona, Health Physics op. cit. (45), 724.
67. Karlik to Pettersson, 16 January 1966, GUB.
68. Meyer, Health Physics op. cit. (41), 3.
69. N. Brinda-Konopik, ' Robert Wilhelm Bunsen und die chemische Schule an der Universität Wien (Alma Mater Rudolphina)', in Bunsentagung 1992 Wien, Wien, 1992, 2-13, 3;
70. M. Rentetzi, 'The city as a context of scientific activity: creating the Mediziner-Viertel in fin-de-siècle Vienna', Endeavour (2004), 28, 39-44.
71. P. Plassmeyer, 'Nineteenth-century architecture: from classicism to the era of the Ringstrasse, 1790-1890', in Vienna: Art and Architecture (ed. R. Toman), Cologne, 1999, 144-215.
72. Przibram, Vienna: Art and Architecture op. cit. (30), 1.
73. On Heinrich von Ferstel see N. Wibiral and R. Mikula, 'Heinrich von Ferstel', in Die Wiener Ringstrasse (ed. R. Wagner-Rieger), Band VIII, Wiesbaden, 1974, 44-75.
74. For the history of medicine in Vienna see M. Neuburger, British Medicine and the Vienna School: Contacts and Parallels, London, 1943;
75. H. Wyklicky, 'Zur Entwicklung der medizinischen Forschung in Wien', in 100 Jahre Universität am Ring: Wissenschaft und Forschung an der Universität Wien seit 1884 (ed. G. Hamann, K. Mühlberger and F. Skacel), Schriftenreihe des Universitätsarchivs, Wien, 1986, Band 3, 35-41;
76. H. Wyklicky, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität, Wien, 1990.
77. Besides the Chemical Institute and the University of Vienna, Ferstel designed the meteorological station at Hohe Warte 38, in the 19th district of Vienna (Reiter, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität op. cit. (23), 484).
78. In 1872 he also provided plans for a physics institute next to the newly designed Chemical Institute on Währingerstrasse 10. Those were never realized because of the country's financial problems and the over-reaction of the physicists to the overwhelming Renaissance architectural form of Ferstel's plans (Wibiral and Mikula, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität op. cit. (53), 54-5).
79. Przibram, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität op. cit. (30), 2.
80. For more on the history of the institute see Rentetzi, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität op. cit. (26).
81. Meyer, Das Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität op. cit. (41), 3.
82. After its discovery it became clear that radium affected human tissues, a finding that provoked medical practitioners to use it in cancer therapy. During the first decade of the twentieth century the development of radium therapy was astonishingly rapid and its early complicated methods required the close cooperation of physicists and physicians. Thus physicists such as Marie Curie took a keen interest in the medical applications of radium and tried intensively to institutionalize radium therapy. Curie's institute, for example, included a section for radium therapy directed by Dr Claudius Regaud. It is a surprise that although Viennese physicists as well as physicians were among the pioneers in the new field, when the Radium Institute was established medical research was explicitly excluded. Kupelwieser did not state the reasons for such exclusion. See M. Rentetzi, 'Gender, politics and radioactivity research in Vienna, 1910-1938', Ph.D. dissertation, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2003, 79-85;
83. B. Vincent, 'Genesis of the Pavillion Pasteur of the Institut du radium of Paris', History of Technology (1997), 13, 293-305;
84. Quinn, History of Technology op. cit. (16), 388-9.
85. F. Paneth, 'Über die Arbeit des Instituts für Radiumforschung', Die Naturwissenschaften (1915), 34, 437-43.
86. For example, in 1910 Ernst Lecher taught experimental physics for medical students and a year later he published one of the first textbooks on physics for physicians and biologists (Schweidler, Die Naturwissenschaften op. cit. (30), 178). Egon Schweidler offered a course on experimental physics for pharmaceutical students and Felix Ehrenhaft lectured on the theory of the microscope. The same year Skraup Zdenko taught inorganic chemistry for pharmaceutical students and Herzig Josef offered pharmaceutical chemistry (Vorlesungen an der k.k. Universität zu Wien, 1910-1911, AÖAW).
87. Marietta Blau, curriculum vitae, 1941, Grenander Department of Special Collections and Archives, University at Albany, State University of New York.
88. Meyer to Riehl, 7 June 1912, AÖAW.
89. Fernau to Meyer, 17 October 1912;
90. Fernau to Meyer, 8 February 1913;
91. Meyer to Fernau, 10 May 1912;
92. Fernau to Meyer, 10 June 1912, AÖAW.
93. Meyer, op. cit. (20), 20. I was unable to identify the first name of Goldschmidt, the woman who collaborated with Rona.
94. Meyer to Rutherford, 5 December 1913;
95. Meyer to Rutherford, 16 December 1913, Rutherford Papers, Cambridge University Library.
96. The physiologist Sigmund Exner, brother of Franz Exner, transferred radium research to physiology by studying its effects on animal tissues (S. Exner, 'Einige Beobachtungen über die durch Radiumstrahlen in den thierischen Geweben erzengte Phosphorescenz', Zentralblatt für Physiology (1903), xvii, 177-9).
97. Alfred Exner and Guido Holzknecht were the first Austrian physicians to probe the pathology of radium dermatitis (A. Exner and G. Holzknecht, 'Die Pathologie der Radium Dermatitis', Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse (1903), Abteilung IIa, Band cxii, 155-62).
98. Alfred Exner also used radium to cure oesophagus cancer (A. Exner, 'Über die Behandlung von Ösophagus-Carzinomen mit Radiumstrahlen', Wiener Klinische Wochenschrift (1904), 4, 96).
99. The treatment of various types of cancer was based on needle puncture (M. Tubiana, J. Dutreix and B. Pierquin, 'One century of radiotherapy in France 1896-1996', International Journal of Radiation Oncology, Biology, Physics (1996), 35, 227-42, 231-2, 231).
100. For illustrations of early radium therapy equipment and methods see R. Mould, A Century of X-rays and Radioactivity in Medicine: With Emphasis on Photographic Records of the Early Years, Philadelphia, 1993, 126, 134, 131.
101. In a significant number of experiments, physicists needed strong sources of alpha particles. By employing polonium, a strong emitter solely of alpha particles, interference of beta particles was advantageously avoided. Rona, A Century of X-rays and Radioactivity in Medicine: With Emphasis on Photographic Records of the Early Years op. cit. (44), 22.
102. Rentetzi, A Century of X-rays and Radioactivity in Medicine: With Emphasis on Photographic Records of the Early Years op. cit. (57), 242-53.
103. Kupelwieser to the Academy of Sciences, 2 August 1908, AÖAW. Probably Kupelwieser himself decided on the project architects as these were the only ones he paid directly. For the rest of the expenses he transferred money to the account of the academy. Suess to Exner, 28 October 1910, AÖAW.
104. B. Borngässer, 'Architecture from the turn of the nineteenth century to the present day", in Vienna: Art and Architecture (ed. R. Toman), Cologne, 1999, 272-357, 273.
105. C. Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture, New York, 1980.
106. H. Pintaric, Vienna 1900: The Architecture of Otto Wagner, London, 1989.
107. Schorske, Vienna 1900: The Architecture of Otto Wagner op. cit. (71), 73.
108. Pawkowicz, Vienna 1900: The Architecture of Otto Wagner op. cit. (27), 81.
109. O. Wagner, Die Baukunst unserer Zeit, Wien, 1979, 45.
110. American Trading Company to Meyer, 20 May 1910, AÖAW.
111. J. Johnson, The Kaiser's Chemists: Science and Modernization in Imperial Germany, 1990.
112. Meyer, The Kaiser's Chemists: Science and Modernization in Imperial Germany op. cit. (41), 6.
113. A. Brown, The Neutron and the Bomb: A Biography of Sir James Chadwick, Oxford, 1997;
114. Hughes, The Neutron and the Bomb: A Biography of Sir James Chadwick op. cit. (9);
115. R. Stuewer, 'Artificial disintegration and the Vienna-Cambridge controversy', in Observation, Experiment, and Hypothesis in Modern Physical Science (ed. P. Achinstein and O. Hannaway), Cambridge, 1985, 239-307.
116. M. Rentetzi, 'The scintillation counter in female hands', Nuncius, forthcoming.
117. Hans Pettersson's report to the International Education Board, Part III, April 1928, GUB (in English).
118. Marelene and Geoffrey Rayner-Canham (eds.), A Devotion to Their Science: Pioneer Women of Radioactivity, Philadelphia, 1997, 12.
119. Rentetzi, A Devotion to Their Science: Pioneer Women of Radioactivity op. cit. (26), 361.
120. P. Galison, Image and Logic, Chicago, 1997, 150.
121. Meyer, Image and Logic op. cit. (41), 4.
122. S. Forgan, 'Eine angemessen Häuslichkeit? Frauen und die Architecture der Wissenschaft im 19. Jahrhundert", in Zwischen Vorderbühne und Hinterbühne: Beiträge zum Wandel der Geschlechter-beziehungen in der Wissenschaft vom 17. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (ed. T. Wobbe), Bielefeld, 2003, 137-58, 145.
123. B. Auer, 'Das Physikalische Institut der Universität Heidelberg an der Albert-Überle-Strasse 7', MA thesis, University of Heidelberg, 1983, 15.1 owe acknowledgements to Christoph Hoffmann for pointing out this article to me.
124. B. Bischof, 'Frauen am Wiener Institut für Radiumforschung', MA thesis, University of Vienna, 2000, 23.
125. Meyer, op. cit. (41), 4.
126. From the early days of the institute to 1938 Karl Kornher was the mechanic and until 1922 Stanislaus Kijowski served as cleaner. In 1924 Kijowski was promoted to laboratory assistant (Laborant) until his retirement in 1936, when his son, Julian Kijowski, took over the position. In 1930 Josefine Schörg was hired as an additional cleaning lady. Almanack der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1920-38, AÖAW.
127. A. Vogt, 'The Timofeeff-Ressovskys - a Couple in Science', Max Planck Institute for the History of Science (2000), reprint 157, 4.
128. Rona, Max Planck Institute for the History of Science op. cit. (44), 15.
129. Karlik to Pettersson, 1 August 1933, GUB.
130. Karlik to Pettersson, 9 March 1934, GUB. Added emphasis.
131. B. Karlik, 'Karl Przibram Nachruf, Almanach der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1974), 124, 379-87;
132. K. Przibram, Irradiation Colours and Luminescence: A Contribution to Mineral Physics, London, 1956.
133. E. Kara-Michailova, 'Helligkeit und Zällbarkeit der Scintillationen von magnetische abgelenkten H-Strahlen verschiedener Geschwindigkeit', Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, mathematisch- naturwissenschaftliche Klasse (1927), Abteilung IIa, 136, 357-68.
134. Karlik to Pettersson, l August 1933, GUB.
135. Meyer, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse op. cit. (41), 4.
136. Agnes Rodhe, interview by the author, 22 September 2001, Göteborg, Sweden.
137. Hess, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Mathematisch-naturwissenschaftliche Klasse op. cit. (42), 45.
138. Karlik to Pettersson, 3 February 1938, GUB.
139. B. Bischof, Physikerinnen: 100 Jahre Frauenstudiutn an den Physikalischen Instituten der Universität Wien, Broschüre zur Ausstellung von Brigitte Bischof, University of Vienna, 1998, 13;
140. Hittner, Physikerinnen: 100 Jahre Frauenstudiutn An Den Physikalischen Instituten der Universität Wien, Broschüre Zur Ausstellung von Brigitte Bischof op. cit. (39), 243.
141. Vorlesungen an der k.k. Universität zu Wien, especially for the summer semester of 1935, AÖAW.
142. At the end of 1938 Mattauch moved to Berlin as director of the Kaiser Wilhelm Chemistry Institute. Hittner, Vorlesungen An der K.k. Universität zu Wien op. cit. (39), 241-4.
143. See also Vorlesungen an der k. k. Universität zu Wien, winter semester 1937/38, AÖAW.
144. Karlik to Pettersson, 26 July 1933, GUB.