Gender, politics, and radioactivity research in interwar Vienna the case of the institute for radium research

ISIS

Volumn 95, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 359-393

  Rentetzi, Maria ^a  

^a NATIONAL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS   (Greece)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

RADIUM;

ART; ARTICLE; AUSTRIA; FEMALE; FEMINISM; GENDER IDENTITY; HISTORY; HUMAN; MALE; ORGANIZATION; ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT; POLITICAL SYSTEM; POLITICS; RADIOACTIVITY; RESEARCH; SOCIAL DOMINANCE; WAR;

ACADEMIES AND INSTITUTES; AUSTRIA; FEMALE; FEMINISM; GENDER IDENTITY; HIERARCHY, SOCIAL; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HUMANS; MALE; NATIONAL SOCIALISM; ORGANIZATIONAL CULTURE; POLITICS; PORTRAITS; RADIOACTIVITY; RADIUM; RESEARCH; SOCIALISM; WOMEN, WORKING; WORLD WAR I;

EID: 15944381258     PISSN: 00211753     EISSN: 15456994     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/428960     Document Type: Article

References (232)

1. Hans Pettersson, Report to the International Education Board, Apr. 1928 [in English], archives of the Gö-teborgs Universitetsbibliotek (hereafter cited as GUB archives), Sweden (emphasis added). Experiments on artificial disintegration involved the transmutation of one element into another by bombardment with alpha particles and the consequent emission of long-range particles. Throughout this essay I will refer to the Institut für Radiumforschung as the Radium Institute.
2. Marelene Rayner-Canham and Geoffrey Rayner-Canham, eds., A Devotion to Their Science: Pioneer Women of Radioactivity (Philadelphia: Chemical Heritage Foundation, 1997)
3. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, eds., Devotion to Their Science, p. 12.
4. The Rayner-Canhams base their claim on Margaret Rossiter's work.
5. Margaret W. Rossiter, "Sexual Segregation in the Sciences: Some Data and a Model," Signs, 1978, 4:146-151.
6. Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1984).
7. Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Before Affirmative Action, 1940-1972 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1995).
8. They also compare radioactivity to other subdisciplines of physics such as astronomy and crystallography.
9. F. H. Portugal and J. S. Cohen, A Century of DNA (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1977).
10. Maureen Julian, "Women in Crystallography," in Women of Science: Righting the Record, ed. G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Farnes (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1989), pp. 300-334.
11. John Lankford and Rickey Slavings, "Gender and Science: Women in American Astronomy, 1859-1940," Physics Today, 1990, 43(3):58-65.
12. Marelene Rayner-Canham and Geoffrey Rayner-Canham, Women in Chemistry: Their Changing Roles from Alchemical Times to the Mid-Twentieth Century (Philadelphia: Chemical Heritage Foundation, 1998), p. 94.
13. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, eds., Devotion to Their Science, p. 18.
14. Anne-Marie Weidler Kubanek and Grete Grzegorek, "Ellen Gleditsch: Professor and Humanist," in Devotionto Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 51-75.
15. S Rayner-Canham and D Rayner-Canham, "Stefanie Horovitz, Ellen Gleditsch, Ada Hitchins, and the Discovery of Isotopes," Bulletin for the History of Chemistry, 2000, 25(2):103-109.
16. Ruth Sime, Lise Meitner: A Life in Physics (Berkeley: Univ. California Press, 1996).
17. Charlotte Kurner, Lise, Atomphysikerin: Die Lebensgeschichte der Lise Meitner (Weinheim: Beltz & Gelberg, 1998).
18. Patricia Rife, Lise Meitner and the Dawn of the Nuclear Age (Boston: Birkhäuser, 1999).
19. Tina Crossfield, "Irene Joliot-Curie: Following Her Mother's Footsteps," in Devotion to Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 97-123.
20. Rosalynd Pflaum, Grand Obsession: Madame Curie and Her World (New York: Doubleday, 1989).
21. Helena Pycior, "Marie Curiés 'Anti-Natural Path': Time Only for Science and Family," in Uneasy Careers and Intimate Lives: Women in Science, 1789-1979, ed. Pnina Abir-Am and Dorinda Outram (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1989), pp. 191-215.
22. Pycior, "Reaping the Benefits of Collaboration While Avoiding Its Pitfalls: Marie Curie's Rise to Scientific Prominence," Social Studies of Science, 1993, 23:301-323.
23. Pycior, "Marie Curie: Time Only for Science and Family," in Devotion to Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 31-50.
24. Robert Rosner and Brigitte Strohmaier, eds., Marietta Blau: Sterne der Zetrümmerung (Vienna: Böhlau, 2003).
25. Emilie Tesinska, "Women in the Field of Radioactivity: The Case of the Czech Physical Chemist and Radiobiologist Jarmila Petrova," paper presented at the International Conference on Women Scholars and Institutions, Prague, 8-11 June 2003.
26. Astrid Schürmann, Promoting International Women's Research in Radioactivity: The Curie Laboratory in Paris, paper presented at the International Conference on Women Scholars and Institutions. The Rayner-Canhams argue that Rutherford provided a welcoming environment in his laboratory and in the past had a few women working with him.
27. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, eds., Devotion to Their Science, p. 20.
28. According to Horst Kant, from 1912 to 1938 almost 14 percent of the researchers in Lise Meitner and Otto Hahn's department at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Chemistry in Berlin were women. However, the role of those women in the laboratory has not been investigated.
29. Horst Kant, "Von KWI für Chemie zum KWI für Radioaktivität," Dahlemer Archivgespräche, 2002, 8: 57-92.
30. Karl Kupelweiser to the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2 Aug. 1908, Archiv der österreichische Academie der Wissenschaften (hereafter cited as öAW archives); much of this letter appears.
31. Wolfgang Reiter, "Stefan Meyer: Pioneer of Radioactivity," Physics in Perspective, 2001, 3:106-127.
32. The passage I cite here is on p. 114.
33. I argue that Kupelweiser did not intend to profit from the radium industry but that he made this generous donation because he wanted to patronize science. This interpretation is supported by his additional donations to the medical society of Vienna.
34. Isidor Fischer, Geschichte der Gesellschaft der Ärtze in Wien 1837-1937 (Vienna: Springer, 1938), p. 115.
35. Leopold Kupelweiser was a member of an artistic circle that included the painter Moritz von Schwind, the musician Franz Lachner, and the composer Franz Schubert. He was also acquainted with the family of Ludwig Wittgenstein.
36. Heinz Löffler, "Limnology in Austria: A Condensed Synopsis," in Groundwater Ecology: A Tool for Management of Water Resources, ed. Christian Griebler et al. (Luxembourg: European Communities, 2001), p. 15.
37. Reiter, "Vienna: A Random Walk in Science," Phys. Perspect., 2001, 3:462-489, on p. 476.
38. Praising his gifts, Franz Exner calls Kupelweiser the patriotic friend of science: Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1912, p. 327. öAW archives (here and throughout this essay, translations are mine unless otherwise indicated). For requests for pitchblende see Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Konzepte, 25 015, öAW archives. One list of radium recipients included the Chemistry Institute in Krakau and Eduard Riecke's institute at the University of Göttingen: 1908 report of the Ministry of Public Affairs, no. 904, öAW archives.
39. Maria Rentetzi, "Gender Politics and Radioactivity Research in Vienna, 1910-1938" (Ph.D. diss., Virginia Tech, 2003), pp. 75-80.
40. It should be noted that when I did my research in the öAW archives the collections were uncatalogued but that a large part of the archive has since been catalogued. As a rule, I refer to documents by their titles; these should enable sources to be found even if some collections are now identified differently.
41. Stefan Meyer, "Die Vorgeschichte der Gründung und das erste Jahrzehnt des Institutes für Radiumforschung," in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950) (Vienna, 1950), pp. 1-26, on p. 13.
42. Reiter, "Stefan Meyer" (cit. n. 6), p. 116 (quoting Hess).
43. As Reiter argues, the Institut du Radium in Paris, which opened in 1915, resembled the Vienna institute in its architecture.
44. Victor Hess, "Persönliche Erinnerungen aus dem ersten Jahrzehnt des Instituts für Radiumforschung," in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40 jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950), pp. 43-45.
45. On Paneth's work with Hevesy see Liste der Assistenten, 1934, öAW archives.
46. Stefan Meyer, "Das erste Jahrzehnt des Wiener Instituts für Radiumforschung," Jahrbuch der Radioactivität und Elektronik, 1920, 17(1):1-29, on p. 11.
47. Friedrich Paneth, "Aus der Frühzeit des Wiener Radiuminstituts die Darstellung des Wismutwasserstoffs," in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950), pp. 49-52.
48. Otto Hönigschmid and Stefanie Horovitz, "Sur le poids atomique du plomb de la pechblende," Comptes Rendus des Séances de l'Académie des Sciences, Paris, 1914, 158:1796-1798.
49. Hönigschmid and Horovitz, "Über das Atomgewicht des Uranbleis," Monatshefte für Chemie, 1914, 35:1557-1560.
50. Hönigschmid and Horovitz, "Über das Atomgewicht des Uranbleis," Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Klasse, Abteilung IIa, 1914, 123:2407-2432.
51. Hans Molisch, "Über das Treiben der Pflanzen mittels Radium," ibid., 1911, 120:1007-1014.
52. S Molisch, "Über der Einfluss der Radiumemanation auf die höhere Pflanzen," ibid., 1912, 121:501-512.
53. Heinrich Mache and Eduard Suess, "Über die Aufnahme von Radiumemanation in das menschliche Blut bei der Inhalations- und Trinkkur," ibid., pp. 1055-1070.
54. Meyer, "Das erste Jahrzehnt des Wiener Instituts für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 9), pp. 12, 10.
55. Because the Radium Institute was a research institute, there were no teaching facilities in the building. For a detailed description of the Austrian academic system.
56. Olga Tausky-Todd, "Olga Tausky-Todd: An Autobiographical Essay," in Mathematical People: Profiles and Interviews, ed. Donald Albers and G. L. Alexanderson (Boston: Birkhäuser, 1985), pp. 309-336, on p. 316.
57. Marietta Blau, Curriculum Vitae, 1941, Grenander Department of Special Collections and Archives, State University of New York, Albany; and Peter Galison, "Marietta Blau: Between Nazis and Nuclei," Physics Today, 1997, 50(11):42-48, on p. 42.
58. Eleonore Albrecht, Marietta Blau, Friederike Friedmann, Bertha Heimann, Stefanie Horovitz, Helene Souczek, Hilde Fonovitz, and Grete Richter; see Veröffentlichungen des Institutes für Radiumforschung der österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Mitteilungen aus dem Institut für Radiumforschung, 1910-1919, öAW archives. These articles initially appeared in the Sitzungsberichte der Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien; the institute's researchers were required to present their work to the Austrian Academy of Sciences for publication in its Sitzungsberichte. The same papers were then bound annually in the Mitteilungen.
59. Anson Rabinbach, The Crisis of Austrian Socialism: From Red Vienna to Civil War, 1927-1934 (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1983), p. 23.
60. In November 1918 women were granted the right to vote for the National Assembly and the provisional assemblies and to stand for office. They won full legal equality under the constitution in 1920. At the University of Vienna, women were admitted to the Faculty of Philosophy, which included the sciences, in 1897. It was not until 1918/1919, however, that they were admitted to the Technische Hochschule of Vienna; the Faculty of Law at the University of Vienna denied their admittance until 1920. For a detailed account of Vienna's feminist movement.
61. Harriet Anderson, Utopian Feminism: Women's Movement in Fin-de-Siècle Vienna (New Haven, Conn.: Yale Univ. Press, 1992).
62. Rabinbach, Crisis of Austrian Socialism (cit. n. 14), p. 26.
63. Helmut Gruber, Red Vienna: Experiment in Working-Class Culture, 1919-1934 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1991), p. 20.
64. Gruber, Red Vienna, p. 148.
65. Edith Prost, "Emigration und Exil österreichischer Wissenschafterinnen," in Vertriebene Vernunft, Vol. 1: Emigration und Exil österreichischer Wissenschafter 1930-1940, ed. Friedrich Stadler (Munich: Jugend & Volk, 1987), pp. 444-470, on p. 450.
66. Carla Esden-Tempska, "Civic Education in Authoritarian Austria," History of Education Quarterly, 1990, 2:187-211, esp. p. 192.
67. Johanna Gehmacher, "Men, Women, and the Community Borders: German-Nationalist and National Socialist Discourses on Gender, 'Race,' and National Identity in Austria, 1918-1938," in Nation, Empire, Colony: Historicizing Gender and Race, ed. Ruth Roach Pierson and Nupur Chaudhuri (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 205-219, on p. 209.
68. On the Social Democrats' initiatives with regard to women's social engagement.
69. Anson Rabinbach, "Politics and Pedagogy: The Austrian Social Democratic Youth Movement, 1931-1934," Journal of Contemporary History, 1978, 13:337-356.
70. As indicated in note 15, above, the Technische Hochschule opened its doors to women in 1918/1919. The next year twenty women registered as matriculated (ordentlicher) students and seventeen as nonmatriculated (ausserordentlicher) students (auditors); most of them chose to study technical chemistry.
71. Edith Lassmann, "Das Frauenstudium an den Technischen Hochschulen Wien und Graz," Lassmann file, International Archive of Women in Architecture, Virginia Tech Library, Blacksburg, Virginia.
72. When the Faculty of Law began admitting women in 1920 it opened the opportunity for women to join the upper ranks of the civil service in one of the higher-status professions.
73. Waltraud Heindl, "Zur Entwicklung des Frauenstudiums in Österreich," in "Durch Erkenntnis zu Freiheit und Glück": Frauen an der Universität Wien (ab 1897), ed. Heindl and Marina Tichy (Schriftenreihe des Universitätsarchivs, 5) (Vienna: Universitätsverlag, 1990), pp. 17-26.
74. Prost, "Emigration und Exil österreichischer Wissenschafterinnen" (cit. n. 17), p. 468.
75. Renate Tuma, "Die österreichischen Studentinnen der Universität Wien (ab 1897)," in "Durch Erkenntnis zu Freiheit und Glück," ed. Heindl and Tichy, pp. 79-107.
76. From 1920 to 1934 at the Vivarium, a privately established research center for experimental biology, 39 (36 percent) of the 109 scientists who were listed as either practicum students or research personnel were women. This high percentage is not surprising; as Ute Deichmann has noted, many Jewish, liberal and social scientists worked at the Vivarium: Ute Deichman, Biologists under Hitler (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Univ. Press, 1996), p. 18.
77. Rentetzi, "Gender Politics and Radioactivity Research in Vienna" (cit. n. 7), pp. 144, 244-249.
78. For the participation of women in several other scientific endeavors in Vienna during the same period.
79. Gerhard Benetka, "The Vienna Institute of Psychology: Obituary for a Once Important Research Institution," in The Cultural Exodus from Austria, ed. Friedrich Stadler and Peter Weibel (New York: Springer, 1995), pp. 127-131.
80. Benetka, Psychologie in Wien: Sozial- und Theoriegeschichte des Wiener Psychologischen Instituts, 1922-1938 (Vienna: Universitätsverlag, 1998).
81. Sheldon Gardner and Gwendolyn Stevens, Red Vienna and the Golden Age of Psychology, 1918-1938 (New York: Praeger, 1992).
82. Karl Sablik, Julius Tandler: Mediziner und Sozialreformer (Vienna, 1983).
83. Gruber, Red Vienna (cit. n. 16), pp. 65-73.
84. Meyer, "Die Vorgeschichte der Gründung und das erste Jahrzehnt des Institutes für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 8), p. 20.
85. Gerhart Alth, 50 Jahre Strahlentherapie Lainz (Vienna, 1981), p. 12.
86. Gard to Maier, 8 Aug. 1930 (visit to the Radiumhemmet); Julius Tandler to Ahlboom, 20 Dec. 1930 (city meeting); Maier to the Radiumhemmet, 30 Dec. 1930 (radium gun); and Maier to Ahlboom, 3 Jan. 1931 (Meyer's role), archive of the hospital in Lainz, Vienna (not catalogued).
87. Alth, 50 Jahre Strahlentherapie Lainz, p. 12.
88. Dieter Kogelnik, "The History and Evolution of Radiotherapy and Radiation Oncology in Austria," International Journal of Radiation Oncology, Biology, Physics, 1996, 35(2):219-226, on p. 224.
89. With the full support of the Social Democrat party and the city's mayor, Karl Seitz, Tandler also established a new pavilion for the cure of tuberculosis, with three hundred beds and modern facilities, at the municipal hospital. At the time, tuberculosis was known as the Viennese disease because of the exceptionally high numbers of patients there.
90. A. Luger, 70 Jahre Krankenhaus der Stadt Wien-Lainz (Vienna, 1977), p. 3.
91. Franz Urbach, "Einiges aus dem Physikalischen Laboratorium eines Krankenhauses," Zeitschrift für das Gesamte Krankenhauswesen, 1933, 25:537-541.
92. Meyer, "Die Vorgeschichte der Gründung und das erste Jahrzehnt des Institutes für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 8), p. 20.
93. Brigitte Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (M.A. thesis, Univ. Vienna, 2000), p. 67.
94. Rentetzi, "Gender Politics and Radioactivity Research in Vienna" (cit. n. 7), pp. 250-253.
95. For a detailed account of Urbach's dismissal from the radium station with the rise of the Nazis.
96. Wolfgang Reiter, "The Year 1938 and Its Consequences for the Sciences in Austria," in Cultural Exodus from Austria, ed. Stadler and Weibel (cit. n. 21), pp. 188-205.
97. Stefan Meyer to Ernest Rutherford, 22 Jan. 1920 [in English], öAW archives. On the purchase of the radium see Rutherford to Meyer, 25 July 1921, 17 Oct. 1921, öAW archives.
98. Elisabeth Rona, How It Came About: Radioactivity, Nuclear Physics, Atomic Energy (Oak Ridge, Tenn.: Oak Ridge Associated Univ. Press, 1978), pp. 21-22.
99. On the provision of the scientific journals see Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1921, pp. 194-195, öAW archives.
100. Klaus Ruthenberg, "Friedrich Adolf Paneth (1887-1958)," International Journal for Philosophy of Chemistry, 1997, 3:103-106.
101. Meyer, "Die Vorgeschichte der Gründung und das erste Jahrzehnt des Institutes für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 8), p. 26.
102. Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 25), p. 66
103. Hilde Fonovits, Curriculum Vitae, Archiv der Universität Wien (hereafter cited as UW archives).
104. Hilde Fonovits, "Über die Erreichung des Sättigungsstromes für alpha-Strahlen im Plattenkondesator," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1919, 128:761-793;
105. On her salaried appointment see Meyer to the Professorenkollegium der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität, 27 Oct. 1920,öAW archives.
106. At the turn of the twentieth century the University of Vienna had three different physics institutes: the First Physics Institute, directed by Victor Lang; the Institute for Theoretical Physics, directed by Ludwig Boltzmann; and the Second Physics Institute, directed by Franz Serafin Exner. Yet another university institute was established in 1920: the Third Physics Institute, which focused on general physics and was directed by Felix Ehrenhaft.
107. Hilde Fonovits-Smereker to Meyer, 9 Sept. 1922, öAW archives. On Fonovits-Smereker's appointment at the Second Physics Institute see Personalstand, Universität Wien, academic year 1920/1921, UW archives.
108. Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung," p. 67.
109. On Geiger's appointment see Geiger file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives. For Ortner's education see Gustav Ortner, Curriculum Vitae, Rigorosenakt, no. 021, UW archives.
110. Berta Karlik, "Karl Przibram Nachruf," Almanach der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1974, 124:379-387 on p. 380.
111. This is also the source of the biographical information on Przibram. For his views on this period in the life of the institute.
112. Karl Przibram, "1920 bis 1938," in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950) (cit. n. 8), pp. 27-34, on p. 27.
113. Hans Pettersson to Meyer, 28 Nov. 1921,öAW archives. Most of the biographical information on Pettersson comes from interviews I conducted with his daughter, Agnes Rodhe, 22 Sept. 2001, Göteborg, and with Artur Svansson, an oceanographer and biographer of Otto Pettersson, 21 Sept. 2001, Göteborg.
114. G. Deacon, "Hans Pettersson, 1888-1966," Biographical Memoirs of the Fellows of the Royal Society, 1966, 12:405-421.
115. Berta Karlik, "Hans Pettersson Nachruf," Alm. Ö sterreich. Akad. Wiss., 1970, 119:303-317, on p. 305.
116. Rutherford to Pettersson, 24 June 1921; Pettersson to Rutherford, 4 July 1921; Rutherford to Pettersson, 12 July 1921; and Pettersson to Rutherford, 17 July 1921, GUB archives. Pettersson had contacted Meyer from Bornö in 1914, asking permission to perform some of his measurements in Vienna. See Petersson to Meyer, 26 Apr. 1914, 24 May 1914, öAW archives.
117. Agnes Rodhe to Maria Rentetzi, 29 Oct. 2001. According to Rodhe, Otto Pettersson was the one who approached the prince of Monaco, a friend of his, and asked whether Hans could work in his laboratory: Rodhe to Rentetzi, 11 Aug. 2003.
118. Pettersson to Meyer, 28 Nov. 1921 (quotation), 14 Dec. 1921, 4 June 1922, öAW archives.
119. Radium C was the historical name for bismuth. On Rutherford's work in Cambridge.
120. Jeffrey Hughes, "The Radioactivists: Community, Controversy, and the Rise of Nuclear Physics" (Ph.D. diss., Univ. Cambridge, 1993).
121. On the controversy between Rutherford's and Pettersson's research teams.
122. Roger Stuewer, "Artificial Disintegration and the Vienna-Cambridge Controversy," in Observation, Experiment, and Hypothesis in Modern Physical Science, ed. Peter Achinstein and Owen Hannaway (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985), pp. 239-307.
123. Peter Galison, Image and Logic (Chicago: Univ. Chicago Press, 1997), p. 150.
124. On the support of the International Education Board/Rockefeller Foundation see Pettersson, Report to the International Education Board (cit. n. 1); Rodhe interview; and Svansson interview. Theodora Kautz studied physics and mathematics at the University of Vienna under Meyer and Gustav Jäger, graduating in 1926: Theodora Kautz, Rigorosenakt, no. 9216, UW archives.
125. Theodora Kautz, "Ermittlung der Halbierungszeit von RaD mittels Warmemessung eines alten Ra-Präparates," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1926, 135:93-97.
126. She left the institute to become a schoolteacher. Meyer kept in touch with her and in 1934 informed her that the granddaughter of the president of the academy, Eduard Suess, was her student: Meyer to Theodora Kautz, 11 May 1934, öAW archives. Erna Bussecker graduated in 1929 after studying physics and mathematics under Meyer and Jäger: Erna Bussecker, Rigorosenakt, no. 10210, UW archives.
127. Erna Bussecker, "Verflüchtigungskurven von RaB und RaC, die auf Gold bei einfachem und zweifachem Rückstoß niedergeschlagen sind," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1928, 137:117-126.
128. Felicitas Weiss-Tessbach, "Mikrokalorimetrische Messung der Absorption der alpha Strahlung von RaC," ibid., 1928, 138:601-607.
129. Selma Schneidt was born in Komotan, Bohemia, and was a fellow student of Bussecker: Selma Schneidt, Rigorosenakt, no. 10442, UW archives.
130. Selma Schneidt, "Das elektrochemische Verhalten von Polonium in Lösungen verschiedener H-Ionenkonzentration," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss.Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1929, 138:754-765.
131. Elsa Holesch, a student of Meyer and Hans Thirring, graduated in 1931: Elsa Holesch, Rigorosenakt, no. 11257, UW archives.
132. For a long time it was thought that the alpha particles emitted by a given substance had a definite range. In 1906, in studying the radiation emitted by thorium, Otto Hahn discovered that alpha rays from the same source can have different ranges. In 1919 Rutherford established the presence of particles having a range of 9.0 cm from a radium active deposit.
133. L. Bates and J. Rogers, "Particles of Long Range from Polonium," Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, Series A, 1924, 105:360-369.
134. In their experiments, Bates and Rogers observed particles emitted from radium C that had even longer ranges: 9.3 cm, 11.1 cm, and 13.2 cm.
135. Bates and Rogers, "Long-Range α-Particles from Radium Active Deposits," Nature, 1923, 112:435-436.
136. Gerhard Kirsch and Hans Pettersson, "Experiments on the Artificial Disintegration of Atoms," Philosophical Magazine, 1923, 47:500-512.
137. For Dagmar's contributions to this debate.
138. Dagmar Pettersson, "Über die maximale Reichweite der von Radium C ausgeschleuderten Partikeln," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1924, 133:149-162.
139. D. Pettersson, "Long-Range Particles from Radium-Active Deposit," Nature, 1924, 113:641-642.
140. Otto Pettersson already had a female chemist as an assistant and seems to have been fairly open in accepting women in his lab: Svansson interview. Most of the biographical information on Dagmar Pettersson comes from the Rodhe interview.
141. Rodhe to Rentetzi, 29 Oct. 2001, 11 Jan. 2004. On couples in science.
142. Pnina Abir-Am, Helena Pycior, and Nancy Slack, Creative Couples in the Sciences: Lives of Women in Science (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1996).
143. D. Pettersson, "Long-Range Particles from Radium-Active Deposit" (cit. n. 38), p. 642.
144. Ernest Rutherford and James Chadwick, "On the Origins and Nature of the Long-Range Particles Observed with Sources of Radium C," Phil. Mag., 1924, 50:889-913.
145. H. Pettersson to O. Pettersson, 22 Aug. 1927, in Otto Pettersson-Gustaf Ekman Correspondence, Regional Archives, Göteborg. I would like to thank Artur Svansson for providing and translating this letter.
146. D. Pettersson, "Über die maximale Reichweite der von Radium C ausgeschleuderten Partikeln" (cit. n. 38), p. 153.
147. For biographical information see Elisabeth Kara-Michailova, Rigorosenakt, no. 5215, UWarchives.
148. Snezha Tsoneva-Mathewson, Marelene Rayner-Canham, and Geoffrey Rayner-Canham, "Elizaveta Kara Michailova: Bulgarian Pioneer of Radioactivity," in Devotion to Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 205-208.
149. Elisabeth Kara-Michailova and Hans Pettersson, "Über die Messung der relativen Helligheit von Szintillationen," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1924, 133:163-168.
150. Kara-Michailova and Karl Przibram, "Orientierte Gleitbüschel auf Kristallflächen," Zeitschrift für Physik, 1920, 2:297.
151. D Kara-Michailova and S Przibram, "Über Radiolumineszenz und Radio-Photolumineszenz," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1922, 131:511-530.
152. S Kara-Michailova and A Przibram, "Über Radiolumineszenz und Radio-Photolumineszenz," ibid., 1923, 132:285-298.
153. Pettersson, Report to the International Education Board (cit. n. 1).
154. Clinton Chaloner, "The Most Wonderful Experiment in the World: A History of the Cloud Chamber," British Journal for the History of Science, 1997, 30:357-374.
155. Marietta Blau, Curriculum Vitae, Leopold Halpern Papers (personal archive).
156. H. Pettersson to Mellbye, 7 Mar. 1926, Agnes Rodhe Papers [in Swedish; English translation by Rodhe] (personal archive). Blau's work on this topic can be traced in her publications.
157. Marietta Blau, "Die photographische Wirkung von H-Strahlen aus Paraffin und Aluminium," Z. Phys., 1925, 34:285-295.
158. Blau, "Über die photographische Wirkung natürliche H-Strahlen," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1925, 134:427-436;
159. Blau, "Über die photographische Wirkung natürliche H-Strahlen," ibid., 1927, 136:469-480;
160. Blau, "Über die photographische Wirkung von H-Strahlen aus Paraffin und Atomfragmenten," Z. Phys., 1928, 48:751-764;
161. Blau, "Über photographische Intensitätsmessungen von Poloniumpräparaten," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1928, 137:259-268.
162. Marelene Rayner-Canham and Geoffrey Rayner-Canham, "Elizabeth Rona: The Polonium Woman," in Devotion to Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 209-216.
163. Rona, How It Came About (cit. n. 26), p. 2.
164. At the time Hevesy became involved in one aspect of a controversy concerning the production of isotopes and their relationship to the periodic table. While Soddy was enmeshed in a dispute with Fajans over the group displacement laws that defined the production of radioactive isotopes, a second, related dispute arose between Soddy and the British group working in Manchester.
165. Linda Merricks, The World Made New: Frederick Soddy, Science, Politics, and Environment (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1996), p. 48.
166. Antonoff, a Russian research student working with Rutherford in Manchester, claimed to have isolated uranium Y, an unknown element. Soddy and Fleck, unable to repeat his experiments, engaged in a fierce public dispute with Rutherford's student. Hoping to apply his radioactive tracer method to the problem, Hevesy asked Rona to repeat the controversial experiment. She succeeded in separating the uranium Y from all the interfering elements and proved that it was a beta emitter with a half-life of 25 hours. Soon after my paper was published by the Hungarian Academy of Science, Rona recalls, Soddy, Hahn, and Meitner also verified Antonoff's results: Rona, How It Came About, p. 8.
167. Elisabeth Rona, "Absorptions- und Reichweitebestimmung an 'natürlichen' H-Strahlen," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1926, 135:117-126.
168. On her work in Berlin see Rona, How It Came About, p. 10; see also Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Science, 1925, p. 216, öAW archives.
169. In 1923, responding to the Viennese threat to undermine their authority in the field, the Cambridge team employed a Wilson cloud chamber in their research. Rutherford was enthusiastic about the instrument's performance, and soon his workers were using the cloud chamber to track the paths of particles. Pettersson did not want to miss the opportunity to use the device to support his own theoretical claims and experimental results. On 21 November 1923, with financial support from the International Education Board, he ordered a Shimizu-Wilson ray-tracking apparatus.
170. This was a reciprocating form of Wilson's original instrument that made it possible to take more photographs per second. A young doctoral student, Roudolf Holoubek, was assigned to study the tracks of H-particles from aluminum, carbon, and iron using the new instrument. As Pettersson reported in 1926, the use of a strong polonium source in Holoubek's experiments enabled him to take fewer photographs than P. M. S. Blackett did using the same method in Cambridge: Hans Pettersson, Report on the investigations regarding artificial disintegration, 1926, GUB archives.
171. Roudolf Holoubek, "Die Sichtbarmung von Atomtru ̈mmerbahnen," Z. Phys., 1927, 42:704-720.
172. S Holoubek, "Der Nachweis von Atomtrümmern nach der Wilson-Methode," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1927, 136:321-336.
173. H. Pettersson to O. Pettersson, 24 May 1926, Rodhe Papers [in Swedish, translated by Rodhe] (personal archive). The account of Otto Pettersson's failed attempt to send Hans to the Curies' laboratory comes from the Rodhe interview. Pettersson's already uncomfortable relations with the Curies deteriorated when he visited their institute in Paris in 1936. Commenting on his letter that described the situation, Karlik suggested that you must remember, too, what queer people they are. As regards Irene I don't think you should feel puzzled by anything she does. Her manners are really perfectly intolerable: Berta Karlik to H. Pettersson, 9 Apr. 1936, GUB archives. On the subsequent work with Curie's and Rona's polonium preparations see Pettersson, Report on the investigations regarding artificial disintegration. Rona also instructed Ewald Schmidt in the technique of preparing polonium sources. See Pettersson, Report to the International Education Board (cit. n. 1); and Rona, How It Came About (cit. n. 26), p. 28.
174. Elisabeth Kara-Michailova, "Helligkeit und Zällbarkeit der Scintillationen von magnetische abgelenkten HStrahlen verschiedener Geschwindigkeit," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1927, 136:357-368.
175. Elisabeth Kara-Michailova, "Helligkeit und Zällbarkeit der Scintillationen von magnetische abgelenkten HStrahlen verschiedener Geschwindigkeit," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1927, 136., pp. 359-360.
176. Georg Stetter, Kommissionsbericht, Rigorosenakt, no. 059, UW archives.
177. For Aston's mass spectrograph and the other Cambridge techniques adopted in Vienna see Hughes, Radioactivists (cit. n. 35), p. 107. See also Pettersson, Report on the investigations regarding artificial disintegration (cit. n. 50).
178. Georg Stetter, "Die Massenbestimung von H-Partikeln," Z. Phys., 1925, 34:158-177.
179. Stetter, "Die Bestimmung des Quotienten Ladung/Masse für natürlich H-Strahlen und Atomtrümmer aus Aluminium," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1926, 135:61-69.
180. Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1931, p. 285,öAW archives.
181. S Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 25), pp. 101-117.
182. S Kara-Michailova, "Helligkeit und Zällbarkeit der Scintillationen" (cit. n. 52), p. 361.
183. S Pettersson, Report to the International Education Board (cit. n. 1).
184. Jeff Hughes, "'Modernists with a Vengeance': Changing Cultures of Theory in Nuclear Science, 1920-1930," Studies in History and Philosophy of Modern Physics, 1998, 29:339-367, on p. 344.
185. Rona, How It Came About (cit. n. 26), p. 15; and Reiter, Stefan Meyer (cit. n. 6), p. 119 (quoting Hahn). Information about Meyer's students is based on the individual Rigorosenblätter of all the women of the institute, UW archives. For his contact with women after they left the institute see, e.g., Meyer to Dora Kautz, 11 May 1934; and Meyer to Gertrud Wild, 17 June 1946, öAW archives. Regarding arrangements made on their behalf see William H. Bragg to Meyer, 29 Aug. 1930; and Meyer to Bragg, 1 Sept. 1930, öAW archives.
186. Ellen Gleditsch to Elisabeth Rona, 19 Aug. 1937; and Gleditsch to Karlik, 4 May 1937, öAW archives. Five years younger than Meyer, Gleditsch was one of the first women who entered the field of radioactivity before World War I, collaborating closely with Marie Curie. Her scientific and friendly relationship with Meyer went back to the war, when Gleditsch supplied radioactive materials for the research that Horovitz and Hönigschmid were performing at the institute. Besides spending time at Curie's laboratory in Paris, Gleditsch worked with Bertram Boltwood in his laboratory at Yale University for a short period. The exact determination of the half-life of radium brought Gleditsch to the forefront of radioactivity research and established her as a specialist in the separation of radioactive substances from minerals. In 1916 she was appointed Dozent at the University of Oslo. Well aware of the difficulties women faced in their scientific careers, Gleditsch became heavily involved in the International Federation of University Women, established in 1919.
187. Weidler Kubanek and Grzegorek, "Ellen Gleditsch" (cit. n. 4).
188. In 1919 Gleditsch thanked Meyer for sending her his valuable papers and expressed hope that she could visit the institute in the future: Gleditsch to Meyer, 27 Apr. 1919,öAW archives. In a 1938 letter Karlik assured Gleditch that she sent her a microscope table that should arrive in the mail soon: Karlik to Gleditsch, 7 Apr. 1938, öAW archives.
189. For work that came out of Föyn's visit.
190. Ernst Föyn, Elisabeth Kara-Michailova, and Elisabeth Rona, "Zur Frage der Künstlichen Umwandlung des Thoriums durch Neutronen," Sitzungsber. Akad. Wiss. Wien Math. Naturwiss. Kl., Abt. IIa, 1935, 72:159.
191. Föyn, Hans Pettersson, and S Rona, "Künstliche Umwandlung des Thoriums durch Neutronen," Naturwissenschaft, 1935, 23:391.
192. Föyn remained at the institute for a year and worked closely with Rona: Meyer to Gleditsch, 18 Aug. 1934; Gleditsch to Meyer, 30 Aug. 1934; and Meyer to Rona, 12 Sept. 1934, öAW archives. See also Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1935, p. 196, 1936, p. 213,öAW archives. He later worked on the radioactivity of seawater with Pettersson, Karlik, and Rona.
193. Föyn, Berta Karlik, H. Pettersson, and Rona, "Radioactivity of Seawater," Göteborgs Kungl. Vetenskapsoch Vitterhets-Samhälles Handlingar., 1939, 6:1-44.
194. On Rona's and Karlik's visits to Gleditsch's laboratory see Rona to Meyer, 9 Sept. 1935, öAW archives; and H. Pettersson to Karlik, 27 Sept. 1934, GUB archives.
195. Friedrich Paneth, "Prof. Stefan Meyer," Nature, 1950, 165:548.
196. On the committee to support women's university admission.
197. S Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 25), p. 23.
198. Maria Rentetzi, "The City as Context of Scientific Activity: Creating the Mediziner-Viertel in Fin-de-siècle Vienna," Endeavour, 2004, 28(1):39-44.
199. Regarding the offer to Rona see Rona, How It Came About (cit. n. 26), p. 25. Annette Vogt first drew attention to a similar case of directorial independence-the role of the so-called Harnack principle in the employment of women in the scientific institutes of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society. This principle, named after the first president of the society, Adolf von Harnack, alludes to the fact that each institute within the society was created in a new scientific discipline and specifically for one individual. Thus the director of the institute was endowed with the absolute power to hire and fire his personnel. When the director was progressive, the Harnack principle worked in favor of women's employment.
200. Annette Vogt, "Von der Ausnahme zur Normalität? Wissenschaftlerinnen in Akademien und in der Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft (1912-1945)," in Zwischen Vorderbühne und Hinterbühne: Beiträge zum Wandel der Geschlechterbeziehungen in der Wissenschaft vom 17. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Theresa Wobbe (Berlin: Berlin-Braderburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2003), pp. 159-188, esp. p. 171.
201. Gruber, Red Vienna (cit. n. 16), p. 26.
202. Leopold Halpern, "Marietta Blau: Discoverer of the Cosmic Ray Stars," in Devotion to Their Science, ed. Rayner-Canham and Rayner-Canham, pp. 196-204, on p. 197.
203. Harriet Pass Freidenreich, "Gender, Identity, and Community: Jewish University Women in Germany and Austria," in In Search of Jewish Community: Jewish Identities in Germany and Austria, 1918-1933, ed. Michael Brenner and Derek Penslar (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 154-175, esp. p. 166.
204. On Wick's background see Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Struggles and Strategies to 1940 (cit. n. 3), p. 118. Wick was at the Radium Institute during 1929/1930 and 1930/1931 and returned for another year in 1936/1937. During her first visit she suffered a serious infection, as did Franziska Witt and Stefan Wolf, also members of the institute: Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1930, p. 234. In 1926/1927 the institute also hosted R. Hasche from New Jersey and H. Raudnitz from Prague: Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1927, p. 204. On the radioactivity practicum see Stefan Meyer, 28 Nov. 1931, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives.
205. On the funding for the new position see Stefan Meyer, 18 Nov. 1931, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives. For Pettersson's enthusiasm for Schmidt see H. Pettersson to Mellbye, 3 Mar. 1926, in Rodhe to Rentetzi, 29 Oct. 2001. On Schmidt's resignation see 6 Nov. 1928, Kara-Michailova file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives.
206. On Kara-Michailova's appointment see 6 Nov. 1928, Kara-Michailova file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives. For the request to the dean see Meyer to Dekan, 21 Mar. 1933, Karlik file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives. Regarding her father's support see Kara-Michailova to Meyer, 18 Jan. 1933, öAW archives. In 1935 Kara-Michailova moved to Cambridge, where she spent four years working at the Cavendish Laboratory.
207. Bischof, "Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 25), p. 95.
208. For the figures on salary see 10 Jan. 1934, Karlik file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives; and 2 Dec. 1932, Kara-Michailova file, Mitarbeiten/Assistenten, öAW archives. On Rona's special appointment see Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1929, p. 202, öAW archives.
209. Institutsverrechnung, 1922-1932, öAW archives.
210. On the resolution of the controversy see Stuewer, Artificial Disintegration and the Vienna-Cambridge Controversy (cit. n. 36); Hughes, Radioactivists (cit. n. 35).
211. Andrew Brown, The Neutron and the Bomb: A Biography of Sir James Chadwick (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1997).
212. Among these historians there has been an assumption that women played a secondary role in the controversy. On the basis of James Chadwick's account of women's work in Vienna and a comment that Pettersson was supposed to have made, the women have been considered technical assistants and mere counters of scintillation flashes.
213. Jan Golinski, Making Natural Knowledge: Constructivism and the History of Science (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), p. 90.
214. However, on the basis of new archival information and an examination of women's scientific publications related to the artificial disintegration research project, I have argued that they in fact played an important role in the research agenda of the group.
215. Rentetzi, "Gender Politics and Radioactivity Research in Vienna" (cit. n. 7).
216. Maria Rentetzi, "From Cambridge to Vienna: The Scintillation Counter in Female Hands," Nuncius: Annali di Storia della Scienza (in press).
217. Karl Stadler, "Austria," in European Fascism, ed. S. J. Woolf (New York: Vintage, 1968), pp. 88-110, on p. 109.
218. On the Austrian history of this period.
219. S Rabinbach, Crisis of Austrian Socialism (cit. n. 14).
220. Karl Stadler, Austria (New York: Praeger, 1971).
221. Gottfried Kindermann, Hitler's Defeat in Austria, 1933-1934: Europe's First Containment of Nazi Expansionism (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1988).
222. Gordon Brook-Shepherd, Dollfuss (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1978).
223. In a self-description written around 1963, Blau mentioned that she received the Haitinger Prize of the academy in 1936: Blau, Curriculum Vitae (cit. n. 46). According to the records of the academy, however, Blau received the Ignaz Lieben Prize in 1937: Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1939, p. 136, öAW archives. See also Bischof, Frauen am Wiener Institute für Radiumforschung (cit. n. 25), p. 79; and H. Pettersson to Karlik, 7 June 1937, GUB archives. From 1865 to 1937 Blau and Wambacher were the only women besides Lise Meitner (1925) to be awarded the Ignaz Lieben Prize; from 1905 to 1938 the only women who received the Haitinger Prize of the academy were Rona and Karlik, both in 1933; see Almanac of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, 1939, p. 141, öAW archives. On the dissertation projects Blau directed see Rosner and Strohmaier, eds., Marietta Blau (cit. n. 4), p. 37. The four women were Elvira Steppan, Stefanie Zila, Hanne Lauda, and Johanna Riedl.
224. In conjunction with the construction of the radium station at the Lainz hospital, Meyer and the directors of the Vivarium planned to establish a common research laboratory devoted to medical and biological research on radium. They hoped that this laboratory would serve as the regulator of radium supplies in Austria. See Directors of the Vivarium to the Kuratorium of the Vivarium, 2 June 1932, öAW archives. I have argued elsewhere that their failure to bring these plans to fruition is largely attributable to political and racial factors. Both institutes hosted a significant number of Jewish and leftist scientists, as well as women; moreover, the proposed director of the new laboratory, Eugen Steinach, was also Jewish.
225. Rentetzi, "Gender Politics and Radioactivity Research in Vienna" (cit. n. 7), pp. 244-249.
226. Karlik to H. Pettersson, 13 Sept. 1933, GUB archives. On the ease with which the NSDAP continued to exist despite being banned see Elisabeth Barker, Austria, 1918-1972 (London: Macmillan, 1973), p. 74; on Kirsch and Stetter see Galison, Image and Logic (cit. n. 37), p. 153.
227. Blau and her former student Wambacher worked together on the development of photographic emulsions, a method for tracing the tracks of charged particles. In 1937, in the course of an experiment, they observed nuclear disintegration caused by cosmic rays in photographic emulsions, something Galison has characterized as a golden event in the history of emulsions. The collaboration of the two women was deeply influenced by the political upheavals of 1938. The Nazis at the institute, including Wambacher, made it clear that Blau, a Jew, was no longer welcome there. Her career came to an abrupt halt, she was forced to flee Austria, and all her scientific notebooks were confiscated by the Gestapo. Meanwhile, Wambacher continued to use Blau's earlier work and to publish on photographic emulsions with Nazi colleagues such as Stetter.
228. Galison, "Marietta Blau" (cit. n. 12).
229. Reiter, The Year 1938 (cit. n. 25), p. 195. On Meyer's retirement see Reiter, Stefan Meyer (cit. n. 6), p. 122; and Sime, Lise Meitner (cit. n. 4), pp. 287-288. For events up to January 1939 see Berta Karlik, 1938 bis 1950, in Festschrift des Institutes für Radiumforschung Anlässlich seines 40jährigen Bestandes (1910-1950) (cit. n. 8), pp. 35-41, on p. 35.
230. On Ortner's promotions see Galison, Image and Logic (cit. n. 37), p. 159; on Ortner and Stetter see Karlik to H. Pettersson, 1 May 1938 [in English], GUB archives. The new institute is discussed in Karlik, 1938 bis 1950, p. 36. As Galison points out, Stetter was a member of the commission that met in May 1938 to consider the restructuring of physics in Vienna; see Galison, Image and Logic, p. 158n.
231. Karlik described the banners in Karlik to H. Pettersson, 9 Apr. 1938, 19 Mar. 1938, GUB archives. She reported to Pettersson that Max Kindinger got involved in the NSDAP with great enthusiasm after the Anschluss: Karlik to H. Pettersson, 19 Mar. 1938. On Jentschke and Schintlmeister.
232. Bischof, "Frauen amWiener Institute für Radiumforschung" (cit. n. 25), p. 140.