Industry and the urban sector in Zimbabwe's political economy

African Studies Quarterly

Volumn 7, Issue 2-3, 2003, Pages

  Carmody, Pádraig ^a   Taylor, Scott ^b  

^a DUBLIN CITY UNIVERSITY   (Ireland)

^b GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 3342943156     PISSN: 10932658     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Review

References (270)

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122. Moore 2001a, p. 914.
123. International Monetary Fund 2000, p. 5.
124. EIU 2002a.
125. IMF. Cited in EIU 2002b.
126. This included kidnapping and beating opposition members of Parliament and the charging of the opposition presidential candidate Morgan Tsvingarai with treason ("Claims of Political Violence in Zimbabwe", 2002).
127. Authoritarian tendencies were in evidence earlier in the suppression of dissent in Matabeleland from 1982-85, and the attempt to move to a one party state in the late 1980s.
128. See Moyo A. 1995,
129. a; Bowyer-Bower T.A.S.
130. and Stoneman C. 2000.
131. McGregor 2001, p. 346. A more recent survey revealed that only six percent of respondents identified land as the most pressing issue, despite the fact that the government had made land its most prominent political issue at least since 1997. The land question ranked sixth behind inflation, unemployment, the currency crisis, poverty and AIDS (see Johnson 2000).
132. Raftopoulos 2001.
133. See Ndlela 1986.
134. Moore 2001a.
135. Moyo 2000b, p. 6.
136. For example, Herbst 1990;
137. Skalnes 1995.
138. Skalnes 1995;
139. Dashwood 1996; 2000.
140. Jenkins and Knight 2002.
141. See Riddell 1990;
142. Stoneman 1992.
143. Robinson 2001
144. Thompson 2000.
145. See Gibbon 1995
146. For example, Mabugu 2001.
147. See Carmody 2001.
148. Bjurek and Durevall 2000, p. 466. The government anticipated manufacturing benefits (see Government of Zimbabwe 1991).
149. Bjurek and Durevall 2001, p. 470.
150. Bjurek and Durevall 2001, p. 477.
151. CSO 1996.
152. See, for example, Sachikonye 1999;
153. Carmody, 2001;
154. Gunning and Oostendorp 2002.
155. Chipika et al. 2000, p. 56.
156. Mumbengegwi and Mabugu 2001.
157. Cited in Kanyenze 1995, cited in Knight 2001.
158. Fifty seven firms responded to this question (Carmody survey 1996).
159. Gunning and Oostendorp 2002a.
160. Bjurek and Durevall 2000.
161. Gunning and Oostendorp 2002a.
162. Rattsø and Torvik 1998.
163. Bond, 2000, p. 175.
164. Jenkins 1997.
165. Carmody, 2001.
166. Gunning and Oostendorp 2002b.
167. For example, World Bank 1995; Jenkins 1997.
168. See Bond, 1998. The World Bank resident representative admitted that "the reforms under ESAP could certainly not be regarded as a roaring success" (Allen 1999, cited in Yeros 2001, p. 73).
169. Gibbon 1996.
170. Robinson 2001.
171. I b i d.
172. Gibbon, 1996
173. Robinson 2001: 41
174. Robinson 2001. See also Meredith 2002. Meredith claims that by the end of the 1990s the government was spending on Z $6 per child on education per child enrolled in school ( p. 161).
175. World Bank 1995b, cited in Bond and Manyanya 2002, p. 37. ESAP was designed with input from the World Bank. "Ownership" of reforms is very much in vogue with the international financial institutions, partly perhaps as a way of deflecting criticism onto governments. The theoretical case for "ownership" is laid out in Killick 1998.
176. Sachikonye 1995.
177. Ranchod-Nilsson 1998;
178. Taylor 1999.
179. Harvey 1994.
180. In the decade prior to ESAP, Zimbabwe experienced positive economic growth, except for the recession years 1982 and 1987 (CSO, Harare. Quarterly Digest of Statistics, 3/96)
181. Sachikone 1993; 1996.
182. Robinson (2001) argues that the IMF may have suspended support prematurely, based on technicalities and Mugabe's anti-IMF rhetoric. Another explanation might be that given that the international financial institutions hoped Zimbabwe would be a successful adjuster, they were determined not to allow any program slippage.
183. The victory of independent candidate for parliament, Margaret Dongo, in 1995 was perhaps was the first indicator. A series of demonstrations organized by Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) in 1999 also cemented this view. More recently, the electoral performance of the MDC in urban centers far outstripped ZANU-PF in the 2000 parliamentary elections, and in 2001, MDC gained further advantage by beating the ruling party in key urban centers: Masvingo, Gweru, Bulawayo.
184. Kriger 1992.
185. Taylor 1999.
186. The Indigenous Business Development Centre had previously complained that "the current finance schemes set aside by Government, which have provided only up to $400,000 for each project is inadequate for entry into any serious venture that requires an average of $2.5million" (IBDC, 1997: 2 quoted in Dashwood 1999, p. 583. See also Taylor, 2002.
187. Andersson 2002.
188. This is not unlike the situation Reno (1998) describes for Zaire in the twilight of Mobutu's reign.
189. Following the deepened intervention in the DRC, the military became another actor with substantial influence over the ruling party and the president. Anonymous, "The New Scramble for Africa," Unpublished working paper, Washington, DC, September 2000. See also, Report to the UN Security Council (11/19/01), cited in EIU 2001, p. 20, and Nest 2001.
190. Sachikonye 1995.
191. Dashwood, 1999; 2000.
192. There was discontent in the army given the effects of inflation on their member and that "only 5 percent of its vehicles were in working order, monthly pilot training had been abandoned, and 70 percent of troops in one brigade had been off duty for a year or more, on forced leave in order to save money" (Herbst, 2000: 19). According to Dashwood (1999: 585) Mugabe was "clearly responding to the threat of a potential revolt within the ranks of the army and police.
193. Moore 2001b.
194. Dashwood 1999
195. Bond 2000.
196. Grabel 1997.
197. Gordon 2001.
198. The only force capable of uniting Zimbabwe's disparate and unfocused urban "constituency" was an urban-based movement. The MDC was established with key support from labor leaders, many of whom gained leadership positions in the party.
199. Sithole 2000.
200. EIU 2001.
201. Moore 2001b
202. Quoted in McGregor 2002.
203. Sachikonye 1996.
204. Dashwood 2000, p. 110.
205. Alexander 2000.
206. Mhone and Bond 2001, p. 19.
207. The February 2000 constitutional referendum asked voters to approve constitutional amendments that would, among other things, increase presidential power, and give the government free reign to seize white- owned farms. Although its defeat marked a setback for the government, President Mugabe has since proceeded without regard to legal sanctions.
208. According to the Suzman Foundation and others this election was stolen; see Johnson, 2000.
209. Moore 2001b. "Squatting" had been increasing across all tenure categories in Mashonaland according to Moyo 2000 (cited in McGregor 2001). Interestingly, the Zimbabwe Liberators' Platform, a breakaway group of war veterans, decried the government's tactics of land invasion (Moore 2000).
210. GoZ 1997 cited in Dashwood 1999.
211. Declining rural support for ZANU-PF is well-chronicled in Johnson, October 2000 and International Crisis Group 2002.
212. Reno 2000.
213. Quoted in Nest 2001, p. 476.
214. Weinstein, 1999; Anonymous 2000.
215. Zimbabwe Defense Forces Commander Vitalis Zvinavashe quoted in Bond 2002, p.1. This was widely interpreted as a warning to former union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC candidate, and his followers.
216. Bond 2002.
217. Jafari 2002.
218. EIU 2002, p. 1; McGregor 2002.
219. See for example, Rotberg 2000;
220. Meredith 2002.
221. Abrahamson 2000, p. 147.
222. See Chabal and Daloz 1999.
223. Moore 2001, p. 256.
224. Strange 1996.
225. Mittelmann 2000.
226. Hibou 1999, p. 97.
227. See Carmody 2002.
228. Ake 1996.
229. This is in contrast to Van de Walle's (2001) argument that adjustment continues to fail because of its selective implementation, which nonetheless allows governments to continue to gain access to multi-lateral funding.
230. Notably, Dashwood 1996.
231. Robinson, 2001.
232. See Hibou 1999;
233. Moore 2001b.
234. Despite the World Bank's new emphasis on "participation,", civil society groups were excluded from the drafting of ZIMPREST (Dorman 2002).
235. Bond 2000.
236. "Canadian Firm Trims Investment in Zim," 2/7/02. Conversely, some South African companies, such as Impala Platinum Holdings, take a longer-term view and continue to invest (Swarns 2002).
237. EIU 2001.
238. I b i d.
239. "Tourism Receipts Plunge 42%," 2/7/02.
240. Hoogvelt 1997. See also, Evans 1997. The political consequences of global capitalism were not as big an issue when there were colonial states. This could be thought of as a fourth contradiction of capitalism in addition for the periodic tendency for the rate of profit to fall, the development of the working class and the tendency to undercut its own ecological basis. Mining capital has found ways around this (see Reno 1998).
241. In order to pay for essential imports in 2001 the government conducted trade deals with Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand and Vietnam and import finance from the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, the Libyan Arab Foreign Bank, Afreximbank, the African Preferential Trade Area and the People's Republic of China (Bond 2002).
242. EIU 2002a.
243. Anonymous 2000.
244. A survey conducted in the early 1990s revealed a substantial white ownership and senior management presence among manufacturers, however, recent data are not available. See Bonyongwe 1991.
245. The prospect was advanced in EIU 2001.
246. Bond 2002.
247. See ZCTU, Beyond ESAP 1996.
248. Yeros 2001.
249. Rueschmeyer, Stephens and Stephens, 1992; Bratton and van de Walle 1997
250. A point raised in Latin America by Conaghan 1992.
251. Raftopolous 2001.
252. The MDC may attempt to cement this alliance through enforcing higher than market determined wages rates (Eddie Cross, cited in Bond 2001) as the ANC has done in South Africa.
253. Skalnes 1995.
254. Quoted in Bond 2001, p. 10. However Tsvangirai did go on to explain that what was important was for Zimbabwe to gradually work itself out of the IMF and World Bank's grip. Whether embracing neoliberalism is the way to achieve this is open to debate.
255. The Insider, October 31, 2001.
256. See EIU 2001.
257. Bond 2000, p. 185.
258. See also Beza 2000.
259. Thompson 1985, p. 144.
260. For example, life expectancy may fall as low as 30 as a result of HIV/AIDS (Gregson et al. 1998 and Logie 1999, cited in Gordon 2001). This will discourage foreign investment. The looming famine in southern Africa also threatens future stability and social and political infrastructure.
261. UNDP/PRF/IDS 2000, quoted in Bond 2000, p. 186. ZANU-PF's slogan for the March 2002 elections suggested a "third chimurenga" was underway.
262. Brecher, et al. 2000, p. 135.
263. Stiglitz 1998;
264. Fine et al 2001;
265. see also Taylor and Nel 2002.
266. Mohan et al. 2000.
267. Monreal 1999.
268. Hettne, 2001. See also an excellent discussion by Tsie 2001.
269. See Crush and Rogerson 2001.
270. See Bourke 1996.