Science advising and science policy in post-war west Germany: The example of the deutscher forschungsrat

Minerva

Volumn 40, Issue 2, 2002, Pages 147-179

  Carson, Cathryn ^a   Gubser, Michael ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 30244469793     PISSN: 00264695     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1015708903590     Document Type: Article

References (340)

1. We are not seeking to answer whether West Germany would have been better off had it succeeded.
2. Maurice Crosland, 'Science and the Franco-Prussian War', Social Studies of Science, VI (1976), 185-214;
3. Daniel J. Kevles, 'George Ellery Hale, the First World War, and the Advancement of Science in America', Isis, LIX (1968), 427-437;
4. Roy M. MacLeod and E. Kay Andrews, 'The Origins of theD.S.I.R.: Reflections on Ideas and Men, 1915-1916', Public Administration, XLVIII (1970), 23-48;
5. Ian Varcoe, 'Scientists, Government and Organised Research in Great Britain 1914-1916: The Early History of the DSIR', Minerva, VII (1970), 192-216;
6. Peter Alter, Wissenschaft, Staat, Mäzene: Anfänge moderner Wissenschaftspolitik in Großbritannien 1850-1920 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1982).
7. Morgan Sherwood, 'Federal Policy for Basic Research: Presidential Staff and the National Science Foundation, 1950-1956', Journal of American History, LV (1968), 599-615;
8. Daniel J. Kevles, 'The National Science Foundation and the Debate over Postwar Research Policy, 1942-1945: A Political Interpretation of Science - The Endless Frontier', Isis, LXVIII (1977), 5-26;
9. Rexmond C. Cochrane, The National Academy of Sciences: The First Hundred Years 1863-1963 (Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences, 1978);
10. J. Merton England, A Patron for Pure Science: The National Science Foundation's Formative Years, 1945-1957 (Washington, DC: National Science Foundation, 1982);
11. Nathan Reingold, 'Vannevar Bush's New Deal for Research: or The Triumph of the Old Order', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XVII (1987), 299-344;
12. Daniel Lee Kleinman, Politics on the Endless Frontier: Postwar Research Policy in the United States (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1995);
13. Jessica Wang, 'Liberals, the Progressive Left, and the Political Economy of Postwar American Science: The National Science Foundation Debate Revisited', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXV1 (1995), 139-166.
14. Philip J. Gummett and Geoffrey L. Price, 'An Approach to the Central Planning of British Science: The Formation of the Advisory Council on Scientific Policy', Minerva, XV (1977), 119-143;
15. Jon Agar and Brian Balmer, 'British Scientists and the Cold War: The Defence Research Policy Committee and Information Networks, 1947-1963', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXVII (1998), 209-252.
16. For background see Philip Gummett, Scientists in Whitehall (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1980).
17. Shigeru Nakayama, 'The American Occupation and the Science Council of Japan', in Everett Mendelsohn (ed.), Transformation and Tradition in the Sciences: Essays in Honor of I. Bernard Cohen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 353-369;
18. Hideo Yoshikawa and Joanne Kaufmann, Science Has No National Borders: Harry C. Kelly and the Reconstruction of Science and Technology in Postwar Japan (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994);
19. Morris Low, 'Science and Civil Society in Japan: Physicists as Public Men and Policy Makers', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXX (1999), 193-225;
20. Richard H. Beyler and Morris F. Low, 'Science Policy in Post-1945 West Germany and Japan: Between Ideology and Economics', in Mark Walker (ed.), Science and Ideology (Amsterdam: Harwood, forthcoming);
21. cf. François Jacq, 'The Emergence of French Research Policy: Methodological and Historiographical Problems (1945-1970)', History and Technology, XII (1995), 285-308.
22. Cochrane, op. cit. note 3, 236.
23. In so framing the question, we are not arguing for a German Sonderweg, fitting the council's troubles into some longer history of German antimodernism. Some of the council's members, however, would have viewed its fate in this way and railed against what they saw as a pattern.
24. Thomas Stamm, Zwischen Staat und Selbstverwaltung: Die deutsche Forschung im Wiederaufbau 1945-1965 (Köln: Wissenschaft und Politik, 1981), 121-150;
25. Maria Osietzki, Wissenschaftsorganisation und Restauration: Der Aufbau außeruniversitärer Forschungseinrichtungen und die Gründung des westdeutschen Staates 1945-1952 (Köln: Böhlau, 1984), principally 344-368.
26. See also Michael Eckert and Maria Osietzki, Wissenschaft für Macht und Markt: Kernforschung und Mikroelektronik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (München: C.H. Beck, 1989), ch. 1;
27. Thomas Stamm, 'New Opportunities - Old Traditions: The Struggle for Autonomy of Post-War German Science', in Michelangelo de Maria, Mario Grilli and Fabio Sebastiani (eds.), The Restructuring of Physical Sciences in Europe and the United States, 1945-1960 (Singapore: World Scientific, 1989), 228-246;
28. David C. Cassidy, Uncertainty: The Life and Science of Werner Heisenberg (New York: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1992), 531-537;
29. Maria Osietzki, 'Reform oder Modernisierung - Impulse zu neuartigen Organisationsstrukturen der Wissenschaft nach 1945', in Wolfram Fischer, Klaus Hierholzer, Michael Hubenstorf, Peter Th. Walther and Rolf Winau (eds.), Exodus von Wissenschaften aus Berlin: Frages-tellungen - Ergebnisse - Desiderate: Entwicklungen vor und nach 1933 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), 284-295;
30. Wolfgang D. Müller, Geschichte der Kernenergie in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Anfänge und Weichenstellungen (Stuttgart: Schäffer Verlag für Wirtschaft und Steuern, 1990), ch. A.3.
31. These go back to the accounts of the organizational actors: Kurt Zierold, Forschungs-förderung in drei Epochen: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft: Geschichte, Arbeitsweise, Kommentar (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1968);
32. Thomas Nipperdey and Ludwig Schmugge, 50 Jahre Forschungsfö rderung in Deutschland: Ein Abriß der Geschichte der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft 1920-1970 (Bonn: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, 1970);
33. H. Eickemeyer (ed.), Abschlußbericht des Deutschen Forschungsrates (München: R. Oldenbourg, 1953).
34. For instance, we can complicate the view of much of the German sociological literature that sees securing research funding as the principal goal of scientists' interactions with the state. See, e.g., Dietmar Braun, Die politische Steuerung der Wissenschaft: Ein Beitrag zum 'kooperativen Staat' (Frankfurt: Campus, 1997);
35. Peter Krevert, Funktionswandel der wissenschaftlichen Politikberatung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Entwicklungslinien, Probleme und Perspektiven im Kooperationsfeld von Politik, Wissenschaft und Öffentlichkeit (Münster: Lit, 1993).
36. Cf. Ronald Brickman and Arie Rip, 'Science Policy Advisory Councils in France, the Netherlands, and the United States, 1957-77: A Comparative Analysis', Social Studies of Science, IX (1979), 167-198;
37. Braun, op. cit. note 10;
38. Etel Solingen (ed.), Scientists and the State: Domestic Structures and the International Context (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994).
39. We make use of federal documentation not accessible for the foundational accounts of the early 1980s, as well as records of the DFR deemed too sensitive to pass over to the DFG. The latter records are located in the Werner-Heisenberg-Archiv, München (hereafter WHM).
40. On research policy in the early Federal Republic, see Hans-Willy Hohn and Uwe Schimank, Konflikte und Gleichgewichte im Forschungs-system: Akteurkonstellationen und Entwicklungspfade in der staatlich finanzierten außeruniversitären Forschung (Frankfurt: Campus, 1990);
41. Winfried Schulze with Sven Bergmann and Gerd Helm, Der Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft, 1920-1995 (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1995);
42. David Cassidy, 'Controlling German Science, II: Bizonal Occupation and the Struggle over West German Science Policy, 1946-1949', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXVI (1996), 197-239;
43. Helmuth Trischler and Rüdiger vom Bruch, Forschung für den Markt: Geschichte der Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft (München: C.H. Beck, 1999).
44. See the appendices to Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9.
45. Many documents are reprinted in Werner Heisenberg, Gesammelte Werke/Collected Works, Walter Blum, Hans-Peter Dürr, and Helmut Rechenberg (eds.), vol. C, part V (München: R. Piper, 1989).
46. Cf. Beyler and Low, op. cit. note 5.
47. Heisenberg, 'Vorwort', in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 9-10;
48. WHM Abschlussbericht, Heisenberg to Raiser, 6 January 1953.
49. Thomas Stamm-Kuhlmann, 'Deutsche Forschung und Internationale Integration', in Rudolf Vierhaus and Bernhard vom Brocke (eds.), Forschung im Spannungsfeld von Politik und Gesellschaft: Geschichte und Struktur der Kaiser-Wilhelm-/Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1990), 886-909.
50. If this arrangement suggested an appreciation of theory above practice, it also borrowed from common views of the relations between pure and applied research. Cf. Ronald Kline, 'Construing "Technology" as "Applied Science": Public Rhetoric of Scientists and Engineers in the United States', Isis, LXXXVI (1995), 194-221.
51. Cf. occasional references to the DFR as a korporative Vertretung: e.g., Hessisches Wirtschaftsarchiv (Darmstadt), Nachlaß Richard Merton (hereafter RMD), Abt. 2000, Nr. 117, Rein to Merton, 22 January 1949;
52. 'Vorläufige Satzung des DFR', in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 81-84, on 81.
53. WHM Notgemeinschaft, Eickemeyer, notes on discussion with Hundhammer, 28 March 1949.
54. Indeed, if we accept the accounts of political scientists, we would say that purely scientific advisory bodies were a novelty after 1945. Krevert, op. cit. note 10, 19-26, 67-86
55. drawing on Hannes Friedrich, Staatliche Verwaltung und Wissenschaft: Die wissenschaftliche Beratung der Politik aus der Sicht der Ministerialbürokratie (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1970), 47-75. Pre-1945 advisory bodies deserve more study, however, as Friedrich's conclusions accord too neatly with his sociological framework.
56. Kevles, op. cit. note 2;
57. Cochrane, op. cit. note 3;
58. Varcoe, op. cit. note 2;
59. MacLeod and Andrews, op. cit. note 2;
60. Joan Austoker and Linda Bryer (eds.), Historical Perspectives on the Role of the MRC: Essays in the History of the Medical Research Council and its Predecessor, the Medical Research Committee, 1913-1953 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989);
61. Timothy DeJager, 'Pure Science and Practical Interests: The Origins of the Agricultural Research Council, 1930-1937', Minerva, XXXI (1993), 129-150;
62. cf. Roy M. MacLeod and E. Kay Andrews, 'The Committee of Civil Research: Scientific Advice for Economic Development 1925-30', Minerva, VII (1969), 680-705.
63. For background see also Frank M. Turner, 'Public Science in Britain, 1880-1919', Isis, LXXI (1980), 589-608;
64. Roy MacLeod, 'Science for Imperial Efficiency and Social Change: Reflections on the British Science Guild, 1905-1936', Public Understanding of Science, III (1994), 155-193.
65. The Royal Society was occasionally cited as a model but not followed up: WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Blount to Heisenberg, 3 May 1949.
66. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 14 June 1949.
67. When the DFR made comparisons with the 'great powers', it left out their military research. See, e.g., WHM Vorgänge A-G, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 2 April 1951.
68. E.g., Heisenberg, 'Schlußwort' at a public meeting of 4 August 1950, in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 217-219, on 218.
69. For instance, Heisenberg, 'Die Not der Deutschen Forschung', in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 211-213
70. and 'Notwendigkeit wissenschaftlicher Forschung', 216-217.
71. Cathryn Carson, 'New Models for Science in Politics: Heisenberg in West Germany', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXX (1999), 115-171, 143, citing WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Dölger, 28 December 1950.
72. Compare Adolf Butenandt's comments in WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of American-Zone Länderrat, Koordinierungsbüro der Länder, 9 March 1949, reprinted in Heisenberg, op. cit. note 14, 72-86, on 82.
73. In the minutes, however, the forceful remarks attributed to Heisenberg in Stamm, op. cit. note 8, 130, n. 379, are not present.
74. WHM Bundesregierung, Heisenberg to Rust, 8 June 1950. The DFR proposed no counterpart to the DSIR.
75. Ian Varcoe, Organizing for Science in Britain: A Case-Study (London: Oxford University Press, 1974);
76. Gummett, op. cit. note 4;
77. Cochrane, op. cit. note 3;
78. Daniel J. Kevles, The Physicists: The History of a Scientific Community in Modern America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1995);
79. Robert Kargon and Elizabeth Hodes, 'Karl Compton, Isaiah Bowman, and the Politics of Science in the Great Depression', Isis, LXXVI (1985), 301-318;
80. A. Hunter Dupree, Science in the Federal Government: A History of Policies and Activities (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986);
81. Joel Genuth, 'Groping Towards Science Policy in the United States in the 1930s', Minerva, XXV, (1987), 238-268;
82. Glenn E. Bugos, 'Managing Cooperative Research and Borderland Science in the National Research Council, 1922-1942', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XX (1989), 1-32.
83. Frank Pfetsch, 'Scientific Organisation and Science Policy in Imperial Germany, 1871-1914', Minerva, VIII (1970), 557-580;
84. Peter Lundgreen, Bernd Horn, Wolfgang Krohn, Günter Küppers, and Rainer Paslack, Staatliche Forschung in Deutschland 1870-1980 (Frankfurt: Campus, 1986);
85. Alan Beyerchen, 'On the Stimulation of Excellence in Wilhelmian Science', in Jack R. Dukes and Joachim Remak (eds.), Another Germany: A Reconsideration of the Imperial Era (Boulder, CO, and London: Westview, 1988), 139-168;
86. David Cahan, An Institute for an Empire: The Physikalisch-Technische Reichsanstalt 1871-1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989);
87. Jeffrey Johnson, The Kaiser's Chemists: Science and Modernization in Imperial Germany (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990);
88. Vierhaus and vom Brocke, op. cit. note 17;
89. Helmuth Trischler, Luft-und Raumfahrtforschung in Deutschland 1900-1970: Politische Geschichte einer Wissenschaft (Frankfurt: Campus, 1992).
90. Brigitte Schroeder-Gudehus, 'The Argument for the Self-Government and Public Support of Science in Weimar Germany', Minerva, X (1972), 537-569;
91. Paul Forman, 'The Financial Support and Political Alignment of Physicists in Weimar Germany', Minerva, XII (1974), 39-66;
92. Rüdiger vom Bruch and Rainer A. Müller (eds.), Formen außerstaatlicher Wissenschaftsförderung im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert: Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1990);
93. Ulrich Marsch, Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft: Gründung undfrühe Geschichte 1920-1925 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1994);
94. Jochen Kirchhoff, 'Die Forschungspolitischen Schwerpunktlegungen der Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft 1925-1929 im transatlantischen Kontext', Dahlemer Archivgespräche, V (1999), 70-86.
95. Rudolf Stichweh, 'Differenzierung von Wissenschaft und Politik: Wissenschaft-spolitik im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert', in Wissenschaft, Universität, Professionen: Soziologische Analysen (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1994), 156-173;
96. Rüdiger vom Bruch, Wissenschaft, Politik und öffentliche Meinung: Gelehrtenpolitik im Wilhelminischen Deutschland (1890-1914) (Husum: Matthiesen, 1980);
97. Gustav Schmidt and Jörn Rüsen (eds.), Gelehrtenpolitik und politische Kultur in Deutschland 1830-1930 (Bochum: Studienverlag Dr. N. Brockmeyer, 1986);
98. Trischler, op. cit. note 30, 142-156.
99. Trischler, op. cit. note 30;
100. Kristie Macrakis, Surviving the Swastika: Scientific Research in Nazi Germany (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993);
101. Monika Renneberg and Mark Walker (eds.), Science, Technology, and National Socialism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994);
102. Christoph Meinel and Peter Voswinckel (eds.), Medizin, Naturwissenschaft, Technik und Nationalsozialismus: Kontinuitäten und Diskontinuitäten (Stuttgart: Verlag für Geschichte der Naturwissenschaften und der Technik, 1994);
103. Klaus Hentschel, introduction to Physics and National Socialism: An Anthology of Primary Sources (Basel: Birkhäuser, 1996), xv-ci;
104. Notker Hammerstein, Die Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft in der Weimarer Republik und im Dritten Reich (München: C.H. Beck, 1999);
105. Doris Kaufmann (ed.), Geschichte der Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft im Nationalsozialismus: Bestandaufnahme und Perspektiven der Forschung (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2000).
106. On the 1920s see WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Lehnartz, 29 August 1949;
107. WHM Bundesregierung, Martini to Globke, 7 January 1950. For the Third Reich, the documents rarely mention either the Nazis' organizational innovations or the grounds for their defeat. If Heisenberg was guided, as sometimes suspected, by his experience in the wartime fission project, he made little reference to it, either publicly or privately.
108. Cassidy, op. cit. note 13;
109. Stamm, op. cit. note 8;
110. Osietzki, Wissenschaftsorganisation und Restauration, op. cit. note 8.
111. Ibid., 19-36;
112. David Cassidy, 'Controlling German Science, I: U.S. and Allied Forces in Germany, 1945-1947', Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, XXIV (1994), 197-235.
113. For an example, see Jürgen Brautmeier, Forschungspolitik in Nordrhein-Westfalen 1945-1961 (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1983), 51-66.
114. Manfred Heinemann, 'Der Wiederaufbau der Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft und die Neugründungen der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (1945-1949)', in Vierhaus and vom Brocke, op. cit. note 17, 407-460;
115. and Hohn and Schimank, op. cit. note 13, 98-111.
116. Operation Epsilon: The Farm Hall Transcripts (Bristol: Institute of Physics Publishing, 1993).
117. Archiv zur Geschichte der Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (Berlin), Minutes of Deutscher Wissenschaftlicher Rat and Wissenschaftlicher Beirat, II/1A, Az. I A 6.
118. The occupying powers may have suggested that they did not want applied scientists to be heavily represented: WHM Heisenberg, Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, 29 August 1949.
119. E.g., Deutsches Museum (München), Nachlaß Walther Gerlach (hereafter WGM), NL 80, 286, Rein to Gerlach, 21 August 1948
120. and Heisenberg and Rein to Gerlach, 20 September 1948;
121. WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of 27 November 1948. By mid-August, the initiators had settled on a council called into being by scholars on their own.
122. Bundesarchiv (Koblenz) (hereafter BAK), Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, B227/508, Minutes of Hochschultagung, 19-20 May 1948;
123. Nordrhein-Westfälisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Düsseldorf) (hereafter NRWHStAD), NW25 Nr. 217, minutes of Conference of Cultural Ministers, 30-31 August 1948;
124. Staatsarchiv (Hamburg) (hereafter StAH), Hochschulwesen II, Wh. 28/1, Bd. 3, Landahl to Teusch, 13 December 1948.
125. Stamm, op. cit. note 8, 109-116;
126. Osietzki, op. cit. note 8, 227-234. Karl Geiler, legal scholar and former governor of the state of Hesse, was chosen president; Kurt Zierold, a civil servant in the Cultural Ministry of Lower Saxony, was installed as managing vice-president.
127. WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of preparatory meeting, 28 January 1949; minutes of British-Zone Arbeitsausschuss 'Forschungskontrolle', 4 March 1949; minutes of lecture event sponsored by Länder Coordinating Office of American-Zone Länderrat, 9 March 1949.
128. The statutes are reprinted in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 81-84. Initial members were Heisenberg, Rein, Hahn, Lehnartz, Alfred Benninghoff, Adolf Butenandt, Karl Freudenberg, Walter Eucken, Wolfgang Kunkel, Paul Martini, Friedrich Oehlkers, Erich Regener, Franz Schnabel, Bruno Snell, and Jonathan Zenneck; four-year terms were left open for this first group. They were later joined by Otto Bayer, Gustav Gaßner, Richard Grammel, Hans Piloty, Rudolph Plank, Bernhard Schweitzer, and Albrecht Unsöld. Eucken died during his term of office.
129. WHM Allgemeines 1949, Zenneck, Regener, Heisenberg, and Rein to the Parlamentarischer Rat, 15 December 1949.
130. On the initiative, which opened up years of conflict, see, e.g., Cassidy, op. cit. note 13;
131. Hohn and Schimank, op. cit. note 13;
132. and Hans Wenke, 'Die Kulturverwaltung im Verhältnis von Bund und Länder', in Theodor Maunz (ed.), Vom Bonner Grundgesetz zur gesamtdeutschen Verfassung: Festschrift zum 75. Geburtstag von Hans Nawiasky (München: Isar, 1956), 269-297. The Länder attitude was expressed in the Königstein Agreement of March 1949, which denied Land financing to any research institution that took Bund money.
133. WHM Allgemeines, minutes of 27 November 1948 and 4 March 1949. A medical advisory board had not yet come into existence.
134. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 20 April 1949;
135. Trischler and vom Bruch, op. cit. note 13;
136. Hohn and Schimank, op. cit. note 13, 181-190.
137. BAK, Bundesministerium für Wirtschaft, B102/40350, Josten to Heisenberg, 23 March 1949;
138. WGM 286, Würth, note on meeting of Arbeitsausschusses 'Forschungskon-trolle', 6 July 1949. Encouragement from the bi-zonal economics agencies came with suggestions for more applied research.
139. WHM Allgemeines 1949, Heisenberg and Rein to colleagues, 12 January 1949;
140. cf. NRWHStAD NW 25 Nr. 216, Heisenberg to Teusch, 10 March 1949.
141. WGM 286, Gerlach to Lehnartz, 1 April 1949.
142. The one exception was money from abroad, but that too the DFR would hand over to the Notgemeinschaft. See WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of 13 May 1949;
143. WGM 286, Gerlach to Geiler, 15 May 1949;
144. WHM Notgemeinschaft, Heisenberg to Geiler, 2 June 1949.
145. BAK B227/554, 'Notgemeinschaft der deutschen Wissenschaft und Deutscher Forschungsrat', n.d., with corrections in Zierold's hand and formulations picked up in WHM Notgemeinschaft, Geiler to Heisenberg, 11 July 1949.
146. Cf. BAK B227/558, Eickemeyer to Deutscher Verband Technisch- Wissenschaftlicher Vereine, 27 May 1949.
147. BAK B227/554, 'Notgemeinschaft und Forschungsrat', 21 March 1949, with corrections in Zierold's hand;
148. Niedersächsiches Hauptstaatsarchiv (Hannover), Nds. 401, Acc. 92/85, Nr. 125, excerpt from minutes of Conference of Cultural Ministers, 20-21 April 1949;
149. WHM Notgemeinschaft, Zierold to Heisenberg.
150. BAK B227/554, Raiser to Zierold, 7 July 1949.
151. WGM 286, Gerlach, notes on phone conversations with Zierold, 9 May 1949, and with Heisenberg, 11 May 1949. The arrangements, which have been variously described on an anecdotal basis, are documented in WHM Notgemeinschaft and WGM 286.
152. On the ensuing fuss by Zierold see WGM 286, Gerlach to Lehnartz, 18 July 1949;
153. Raiser to Zierold, 24 August 1949; BAK B227/554, Hahn to Zierold, 9 September 1949;
154. Zierold to Hahn, 12 September 1949; and the excerpt from a letter of Geiler to an unspecified recipient, 20 August 1949.
155. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Hundhammer, 17 May 1949;
156. WHM Allgemeines 1949, 'Memorandum über die Organisation der wissenschaftlichen Forschung in Deutschland, Alte Fassung', n.d. [early November 1949].
157. On Zierold's connections to the cultural ministers, see BAK B227/528, Teusch to Zierold, 23 December 1948.
158. On his power within the Notgemeinschaft, see, e.g., WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Piloty to Heisenberg, 16 July 1951.
159. BAK B227/554, [Zierold,] 'Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft und Deutscher Forschungsrat', n.d.;
160. Zierold, 'Wissenschaftliche Forschung heute', Indus-triekurier (Düsseldorf), 29 October 1949;
161. Zierold, 'Sechs Monate Notgemeinschaft: Ein Rechenschaftbericht', Deutsche Universitätszeitung (Göttingen), 2 December 1949. Some of these criticisms seemed like genuine concerns, while others suggest a Notgemeinschaft more interested in eliminating a perceived rival.
162. WHM Protokolle, minutes of joint Notgemeinschaft-DFR meeting, 31 March 1950, especially the remarks of Rupp, Teusch, and Heisenberg.
163. WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of 10 October 1949. The two organizations would keep one another informed of meetings and coordinate the creation of special commissions, the DFR would be responsible for domestic and international representation, the Notgemeinschaft would take the lead on all funding, and the DFR would gather money only abroad and then give it to the Notgemeinschaft.
164. WHM Notgemeinschaft, Lehnartz to Heisenberg, 17 October 1949, two letters (one official, one personal).
165. See Osietzki, Wissenschaftsorganisation und Restauration, op. cit. note 8, 353-354.
166. E.g., WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Gerlach, 20 June 1949.
167. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Adenauer to Heisenberg, 6 January 1949, and 14 March 1949;
168. Heisenberg to Adenauer, 15 August 1949;
169. WHM Allgemeines 1949, minutes of 16 July 1949;
170. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 19 November 1949. The DFR was oriented towards the Chancellor's Office by mid-July, before it was clear who would be Chancellor.
171. WHM Heisenberg, Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, 20 August 1949;
172. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Adenauer (addressing him as Chancellor, which he was not yet officially), 1 September 1949;
173. 'Denkschrift des Deutschen Forschungsrates über die Betreuung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung im Rahmen der Deutschen Bundesregierung', in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 117-121.
174. 'Memorandum des DFR über die Organisation der wissenschaftlichen Forschung in Deutschland', in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 122-126, enclosed with BAK, Bundeskanz-leramt, B136/5913, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 25 November 1949.
175. In Cassidy, op. cit. note 13, 237, n. 147, this memorandum is dated as 19 June 1951, but that document is to be found instead in WHM Vorgänge A-G, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 19 June 1951, with the attachment on nuclear energy found in WHM Abschlussbericht.
176. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Martini to Heisenberg, 8 November 1949;
177. WHM Notgemeinschaft, Martini, notes on conversation with Klauser and Zierold, 22 November 1949.
178. On attitudes towards the Bundesbank see Volker Hentschel, 'Die Entstehung des Bundesbankgesetzes 1949-1957: Politische Kontroversen und Konflikte (Teil 1)', Bankhistorisches Archiv, XIV (1988), 3-31, on 12.
179. Adenauer's Regierungserklärung of 20 September 1949 is reprinted in his Reden 1917-1967: Eine Auswahl, Hans-Peter Schwarz (ed.), (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1975), 153-169.
180. BAK B136/5913, Globke to Interior Minister, 20 October 1949;
181. Heinemann to Adenauer, 7 December 1949;
182. WHM Korrespondenz 1950, Heisenberg to Martini, 3 January 1950.
183. BAK, Bundesministerium für Bildung und Wissenschaft, B138/1454, Heinemann to Hundhammer, 23 December 1949;
184. Parlamentsarchiv, Deutscher Bundestag (Bonn), 1. Bundestag, minutes of Ausschuß für Kulturpolitik, 7 December 1949, and of Haushalts-ausschuß, 12 January 1950.
185. WHM Allgemeines 1949, Stein, 'Denkschrift über die Organisation der wissenschaftlichen Forschung und des kulturellen Lebens im Bund und in den Ländern', 29 September 1949.
186. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Gerlach to Heisenberg, 12 November 1949.
187. RMD 115, Gummert to Geiler, 13 December 1949;
188. RMD 113, Studders to Blank, 12 January 1950;
189. RMD 140, Gummert to Teusch, Heinemann, Geiler, and Zierold, 13 January 1950;
190. BAK B138/1454, Zierold to Interior Minister, 7 November 1949, with attached draft;
191. BAK, Bundespräsidialamt, B122/315, Zierold to Bott, 23 November 1949 and 2 December 1949;
192. BAK B138/1454, Schaar, notes on conversation with Zierold, 13 January 1950 and further notes, 14 January 1950 (with the remarks cited in quotation marks in the original).
193. BAK B138/1454, Schaar, brief for the Interior Minister, 21 August 1950;
194. BAK B136/5913, Globke to Interior Minister, 13 October 1950. The position went to Theodor Ritterspach, later appointed to the Federal Constitutional Court.
195. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Nordstrom, 20 April 1949;
196. WHM Protokolle, minutes of 12 December 1949;
197. WHM Allgemeines 1950, Heisenberg to Hinsch, 5 January 1950;
198. WHM Allgemeiner Schriftwechsel, Heisenberg to DFR members, 12 January 1950.
199. WHM Bundesregierung, Heisenberg to Blücher, 8 July 1950;
200. WHM non-DFR files, 1996 collection, Blücher to Heisenberg, 17 July 1950;
201. WHM Vorgänge J-Schu, Bayer to Heisenberg and Eickemeyer, 19 October 1950;
202. WHM loose, minutes of 28 October 1950 and 15 May 1951;
203. WHM Protokolle, minutes of 2 December 1950;
204. BAK B136/2028, Ritterspach to Heisenberg, 29 March 1951.
205. BAK B138/9778, Begründung of budget request, 1 February 1950.
206. For the prehistory see BAK B138/1454, Schaar, notes on conversation with Zierold, 13 January 1950 and further notes, 14 January 1950;
207. BAK 227/707, Pretsch to Zierold, 20 January 1950, with a draft of a letter from Zierold to Hintsch;
208. Zierold to Pretsch, 31 January 1950.
209. WHM Bundesregierung, Heisenberg to Rust, 8 June 1950;
210. minutes of cabinet meeting of 29 August 1950, in Hans Booms (ed.), Die Kabinettsprotokolle der Bundesregierung, vol. 2, 1950 (Boppard am Rhein: Harald Boldt, 1984), 647-648.
211. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Heisenberg to Bayer, 14 March 1951;
212. WHM Abschlussbericht, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 2 April 1951;
213. BAK B136/2028, Ritterspach, Stellungnahme, 9 April 1951;
214. WHM Bundesregierung, Martini to Heisenberg, 18 June 1951;
215. WHM Vorgänge A-G, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 19 June 1951.
216. WHM Vorgänge A-G, Adenauer to Heisenberg, 17 July 1951;
217. BAK B136/2028, Schäffer to Chancellor, 6 August 1951;
218. WHM Vorgänge A-G, Wende to Heisenberg, 21 February 1952.
219. BAK B138/1689, Fischer-Menshausen, notes on meeting of Länder cultural and finance ministers of 16 June 1950;
220. cf. BAK B227/707, Keim to Zierold, 19 June 1950.
221. By mid-summer 1950, barely a year after the Königstein Agreement, the Länder had negotiated a preliminary accord with the Interior Ministry; by the summer of 1951, they were themselves arguing the Bund's obligation to fund research. The interest of all parties was to 'rationalize' funding, meaning to reduce duplication and locate decision-making in their own hands. Cf. Müller, op. cit. note 8, 65-66, 95.
222. The discussions are documented in BAK B136/2028 and B138/1522;
223. see also the minutes of the cabinet meetings of 29 August 1950, 27 October 1950, and 9 January 1951, in Booms, op. cit. note 76, 647, 763-764, and vol. 3, 1951 (Boppard am Rhein: Harald Boldt, 1988), 59.
224. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Fraser, 9 November 1949;
225. WHM Protokolle, minutes of 12 December 1949.
226. The first meeting with the Beirat was held on 15 June 1950; its members are listed in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 156-159.
227. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Gerlach, 20 June 1949;
228. K.W. Wagner to Heisenberg, 6 July 1949;
229. BAK, Bundesministerium für Ernährung, Landwirtschaft und Forsten, B116/15506, Wagner to Chancellor, 25 October 1949;
230. WHM Heisenberg, Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, 4 February 1950.
231. E.g., WHM loose, draft minutes of 16 January 1951;
232. WGM 286, Baethgen to Heisenberg, 26 July 1951;
233. Ritter to DFR, 23 July 1951.
234. On research control see WGM 286, Würth, note on meeting of 6 July 1949;
235. WHM Vorgänge A-G, Heisenberg to Lauder, 15 April 1950;
236. WHM loose, minutes of 28 October 1950. Material on American negotiations is in WHM Vorgänge A-G and Schw-Z.
237. While the Interior Ministry at first greeted the initiative, the Economics Ministry and Land cultural ministers shot back that this was none of the DFR's business. BAK B106/2336, Interior Ministry to Eickemeyer, 15 March 1950;
238. Hundhammer to Interior Minister, 26 April 1950;
239. Erhard to Heisenberg, 2 May 1950.
240. The data are presented in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9, 53-58.
241. WHM Allgemeines 1950, Heisenberg, notes on Conference of Cultural Ministers, 19 January 1951;
242. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, correspondence between Heisenberg and Oehlkers of February 1951;
243. WGM 286, Gerlach to Heisenberg, 22 March 1951.
244. WHM Bundesregierung, Eickemeyer to Adenauer, 29 August 1950;
245. Martini to Eickemeyer, 6 September 1950;
246. Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, Rein, and Martini, 10 October 1950.
247. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 15 October 1949.
248. On interdisciplinarity see Maria Osietzki, 'Die Physik im Kontext der Disziplinen: Wissenschaftliche Politikberatung und "Sozialkompetenz" im Deutschen Forschungsrat 1949-1951', in Dieter Hoffmann (ed.), Physik und Physiker in Deutschland nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1945/1955), (Frankfurt: Harri Deutsch, forthcoming).
249. Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9.
250. For background, see Robert N. Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999), 165-170;
251. on continuation by the DFG, Carl-Heinz Schiel, 'Entscheidungshilfe
252. WHM, Notgemeinschaft, minutes of Notgemeinschaft Central Committee and Presidium, 1 August 1950;
253. WHM loose, minutes of 28 October 1950;
254. WHM Protokolle, minutes of DFG committee, 2 December 1950.
255. Stamm-Kuhlmann, op. cit. note 17.
256. See WHM Korrespondenz 1949 and Vorgänge J-Schu for correspondence with Fraser.
257. WHM Heisenberg, Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, 10 November 1949;
258. WHM Protokolle, minutes of 12 December 1949;
259. WHM Korrespondenz 1950, Globke to DFR presidium, 26 June 1950;
260. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 21 July 1950;
261. WHM Vorgänge J-Schu, von Muralt to Heisenberg, 26 September 1950.
262. WHM Bundesregierung, notes on conversation among Fraser, Rein, and Heisenberg, 28 October 1950;
263. Eickemeyer to Ritterspach, 14 November 1950.
264. Analysts have offered different interpretations of the route to fusion, which, on even a superficial reading, was characterized by discord and manoeuvering. The manoeuvering means, however, that the strategies become clear only when we have documentation of both sides' intentions. Stamm, op. cit. note 8, 121-150;
265. Osietzki, op. cit. note 8, 344-368;
266. Müller, op. cit. note 8, 76-77;
267. Cassidy, op. cit. note 8, 536-537;
268. Cassidy, op. cit. note 13, 237-238.
269. WGM 286, Geiler to Gerlach, 23 July 1949;
270. WHM Korrespondenz 1949, Heisenberg to Freudenberg, 15 August 1949.
271. WHM Protokolle, minutes of joint meeting, 31 March 1950;
272. RMD 119, Merton to Vits, 27 March 1950.
273. A few months earlier the Notgemeinschaft had represented itself to the Federal Economics Ministry as speaking for a larger 'Deutsche Forschungs-gemeinschaft'. But that body had not existed then, and the DFR recognized behind it Notgemeinschaft pressure to fuse. BAK B102/40350, Hinsch, notes of 21 January 1950;
274. WHM Heisenberg, Eickemeyer to Heisenberg, 4 February 1950, and Heisenberg to Eickemeyer, 7 February 1950.
275. RMD 140, minutes of DFG committee, 30 April 1950;
276. Deutsche Universitätszeitung, V (16) (18 August 1950).
277. WGM 286, Heisenberg to Gerlach, 5 April 1950, citing Richard von Weizsäcker.
278. WHM loose and Protokolle, minutes of 17 January 1951, and of joint meeting of DFR and Notgemeinschaft Central Committee and Presidium, 17 January 1951.
279. Statutes proposals are collected in WHM Satzungsentwürfe and reprinted in Eickemeyer, op. cit. note 9.
280. WHM Vorgänge A-G, Raiser to Heisenberg, 20 February 1951, Heisenberg to Raiser, 21 February 1951, and Heisenberg's marks on draft statutes.
281. For the first two items see BAK B227/554, minutes of Notgemeinschaft Presidium and Central Committee, 6-8 March 1951.
282. Heisenberg's recriminations are reported in BAK B227/554, Gerlach to Lehnartz, 14 March 1951 and Tellenbach to Zierold, 27 March 1951. The fallout is documented in WHM Notgemeinschaft in correspondence among Heisenberg, Zierold, and Lehnartz.
283. BAK B227/554, Lehnartz to DFR, 12 April 1951;
284. Lehnartz to Zierold, 25 April 1951. Lehnartz, a member of the DFR and chair of the Notgemeinschaft central committee, headed the DFG working group.
285. WHM Heisenberg, Heisenberg to Kunkel, 30 April 1951.
286. WHM Bundesregierung, Eickemeyer to Adenauer, 21 February 1951 (draft of 16 February 1951 in WHM Heisenberg). When the council had provisionally moved ahead on the basis of the old division of labour, fusion had seemed imminent, without concerns for loss of autonomy.
287. Cf. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 16 February 1951.
288. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini, notes on conversation with Adenauer, 31 March 1951.
289. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 25 April 1951, and Eickemeyer to Martini, 28 April 1951;
290. WHM Bundesregierung, 'Zur Frage Forschungsrat - Notgemeinschaft', draft with corrections by Heisenberg and Eickemeyer, n.d., with a final version in BAK B136/6044.
291. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Adenauer to Heisenberg, 11 May 1951;
292. WHM loose, short minutes, 15 May 1951;
293. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, second letter of 28 May 1951.
294. WHM Bundesregierung, 'Zur Frage Forschungsrat - Notgemeinschaft', draft, final version in BAK B136/6044.
295. For the persuasive effect of these considerations see RMD 150, Gummert, notes on conversation with Konrad Adenauer Jr, 12 July 1951;
296. Merton to Gummert, 20 July 1951;
297. WGM 286, Gerlach, notes, 20 July 1951.
298. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 1 June 1951.
299. Adenauer to Konrad Adenauer Jr, 13 June 1951, in Adenauer, Briefe 1951-1953, Hans Peter Mensing (ed.), (Berlin: Siedler, 1987), 71-72;
300. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Heisenberg to Martini, 6 June 1951.
301. StAH, Hochschulwesen II, Wh 28/1, Bd. 5, Hamburg staffer, note of 29 June 1951;
302. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini, notes on conversation with Adenauer and Globke, 29 June 1951.
303. See WHM Heisenberg for Heisenberg's correspondence between 21 June and 3 July 1951;
304. as well as WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 2 July 1951
305. and Lehnartz to Heisenberg, 6 July 1951.
306. WHM Protokolle, short minutes of 15 July 1951. The council further asked that it be allowed to retain its name, and after Raiser had lost its trust, it recorded its preference on presidential candidates.
307. WGM 286, Heisenberg to Gerlach, 16 July 1951;
308. WHM Bundesregierung, Heisenberg to Globke, 17 July 1951;
309. BAK B136/6044, Heisenberg to Ritterspach, 27 July 1951.
310. WGM 286, 'Stellungnahme des Forschungsrats', excerpt from transcript of Rectors' Conference, 1 August 1951;
311. NRWHStAD, NW 25 Nr. 241, minutes of Notgemeinschaft Presidium and Central Committee, 31 July-2 August 1951;
312. WHM Notgemeinschaft, minutes of Notgemeinschaft Constituent Assembly, 2 August 1951.
313. BAK B136/6044, Heisenberg to Adenauer, 4 August 1951;
314. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 16 August 1951;
315. WHM Allgemeines 1950-51, Heisenberg to DFR members, 27 August 1951.
316. WHM Korrespondenz 1951, Martini to Heisenberg, 23 October 1951;
317. BAK B136/5971, Lehr to DFG, 11 January 1952.
318. His ensuing negotiations about position and salary are recorded in WHM Marshall-Gelder and DFG Senat.
319. WHM DFG Korrespondenz, Heisenberg to Butenandt, 5 February 1952; quotation from Heisenberg to Regener, 19 April 1952.
320. Ludwig Raiser, 'Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft', Deutsche Universitätszeitung, VI (15-16) (31 August 1951), 3-4;
321. also more generally Zierold, op. cit. note 9
322. and Nipperdey and Schmugge, op. cit. note 9. However, we could use more research on the post-war DFG from a perspective not determined by either Zierold's lack of interest in scientific advising or the late-1960s distaste for Steuerung and Planung.
323. It was in good company, but that did not help its case.
324. Friedrich, op. cit. note 21;
325. Gottfried T.W. Dietzel, Wissenschaft und staatliche Entscheidungsplanung: Rechts- und Organisationsprobleme der wissenschaftlichen Politikberatung (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1978);
326. Axel Murswieck, 'Wissenschaftliche Beratung im Regierungsprozeß', in Murswieck (ed.), Regieren und Politikberatung (Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 1994), 103-119. The counter-example is the German Atomic Commission, which in the absence of other science policy bodies partly moved in to fill the gap.
327. Kurt Pfuhl, 'Der Wissenschaftsrat', in Wissenschaftsrat 1957-1967 (Bonn: Bundesdruckerei, 1968), 11-21;
328. Gerhard Hess, 'Zur Vorgeschichte des Wissenschaftsrats', in Wissenschaftsrat 1957-1967 (Bonn: Bundesdruckerei, 1968), 5-10.
329. Krevert, op. cit. note 10, 86-98, 109-115;
330. Wolfgang Bruder and Nicolai Dose, 'Forschungs-und Technologiepolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland', in Bruder (ed.), Forschungs und Technologiepolitik in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1986), 11-75;
331. Wolfgang Krieger, 'Zur Geschichte von Technologiepolitik und Forschungsförderung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Eine Problemskizze', Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, XXXV (1987), 247-271;
332. Helmuth Trischler, 'Planungseuphorie und Forschungssteuerung in den 1960er Jahren am Beispiel der Luft-und Raumfahrtforschung', in Margit Szöllösi-Janze and Helmuth Trischler (eds.), Großforschung in Deutschland (Frankfurt: Campus, 1990), 117-139;
333. Andreas Stucke, Institutionalisierung der Forschungspolitik: Entstehung, Entwicklung und Steuerungs-probleme des Bundesforschungsministeriums (Frankfurt: Campus, 1993);
334. Joachim Radkau, ' "Wirtschaftswunder" ohne technologische Innovation? Technische Modernität in den 50er Jahren', in Axel Schildt and Arnold Sywottek (eds.), Modernisierung im Wiederaufbau: Die Westdeutsche Gesellschaft der 50er Jahre (Bonn: J.H.W. Dietz Nachf., 1993), 129-154.
335. The liberal justification for corporatist self-administration, reserving public responsibilities for non-state organizations, marked a point of contact between German and American thinking. In funding sources, however, the two countries initially went their separate ways. David M. Hart, Forged Consensus: Science, Technology, and Economic Policy in the United States, 1921-1953 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998);
336. Gerald D. Feldman, 'The Politics of Wissenschaftspolitik in Weimar Germany: A Prelude to the Dilemmas of Twentieth-Century Science Policy', in Charles S. Maier (ed.), Changing Boundaries of the Political: Essays on the Evolving Balance Between State and Society, Public and Private in Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 255-285;
337. Braun, op. cit. note 10.
338. Even for economic reconstruction, the appeal of a coordinated science policy seems to have been modest. This goes beyond the present story; the reasons bear further study.
339. Except as industrial managers, German scientists had not found their way into powerful positions - not that this would have been unequivocally advantageous after 1945.
340. Yoshikawa and Kaufman, op. cit. note 5, 49, 54-60.