Globalization, Four Paths of Internationalization and Domestic Policy Change: The Case of EcoForestry in British Columbia, Canada

Canadian Journal of Political Science

Volumn 33, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 67-98

  Bernstein, Steven ^a   Cashore, Benjamin ^b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

^b AUBURN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0347807763     PISSN: 00084239     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0008423900000044     Document Type: Article

References (136)

1. An earlier version of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, St. Catharines, 1996. We gratefully acknowledge financial support from Canada's Tri-Council Secretariat Eco-Research programme; the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada; the Canada-US Fulbright programme; and the Alabama Agricultural Experiment Station. We also thank Chadwick Alger, Marc Busch, George Hoberg, Donna Krejci, Henry Lee, Don Munton, Norrin Ripsman, Grace Skogstad, Jackie Smith, Kim Smith and Linda White for their helpful comments and Nathalie Japkowicz and Donna Krejci for assistance with the French abstract.
2. For example, Peter A. Gourevitch, "The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics," International Organization 32 (1978), 881-911; Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), esp. chap. 3; and Peter J. Katzenstein, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985).
3. For example, Peter A. Gourevitch, "The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics," International Organization 32 (1978), 881-911; Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), esp. chap. 3; and Peter J. Katzenstein, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985).
4. For example, Peter A. Gourevitch, "The Second Image Reversed: The International Sources of Domestic Politics," International Organization 32 (1978), 881-911; Gourevitch, Politics in Hard Times (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), esp. chap. 3; and Peter J. Katzenstein, Small States in World Markets: Industrial Policy in Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985).
5. David Vogel, Trading Up: Consumer and Environmental Regulation in a Global Economy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
6. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); and Richard Price, "Reversing the Gun Sights: Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines," International Organization 52 (1998), 613-44.
7. Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998); and Richard Price, "Reversing the Gun Sights: Transnational Civil Society Targets Land Mines," International Organization 52 (1998), 613-44.
8. Thomas Risse-Kappen, ed., Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-state Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
9. Risse-Kappen, "Introduction," in ibid., 3.
10. See Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989); and Alexander Wendt and Raymond Duvall, "Institutions and International Order," in James Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel, eds., Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges (Boston: Lexington Books, 1989), 51-74.
11. See Robert O. Keohane, International Institutions and State Power (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989); and Alexander Wendt and Raymond Duvall, "Institutions and International Order," in James Rosenau and Ernst-Otto Czempiel, eds., Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges (Boston: Lexington Books, 1989), 51-74.
12. The BC forestry sector has a long history of dependence on foreign markets for its products, and significant foreign ownership. See Patricia Marchak, Green Gold: The Forest Industry in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1983); and Richard Schwindt and Terry Heaps, Chopping Up the Money Tree: Distributing the Wealth from British Columbia's Forests (Vancouver: The David Suzuki Foundation, 1996), 80-81. On the high level of foreign direct investment, see "Ownership and Inter-Corporate Linkages of Selected Forest Companies in British Columbia," Forest Planning Canada 9 (1993), 34-35.
13. The BC forestry sector has a long history of dependence on foreign markets for its products, and significant foreign ownership. See Patricia Marchak, Green Gold: The Forest Industry in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1983); and Richard Schwindt and Terry Heaps, Chopping Up the Money Tree: Distributing the Wealth from British Columbia's Forests (Vancouver: The David Suzuki Foundation, 1996), 80-81. On the high level of foreign direct investment, see "Ownership and Inter-Corporate Linkages of Selected Forest Companies in British Columbia," Forest Planning Canada 9 (1993), 34-35.
14. The BC forestry sector has a long history of dependence on foreign markets for its products, and significant foreign ownership. See Patricia Marchak, Green Gold: The Forest Industry in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1983); and Richard Schwindt and Terry Heaps, Chopping Up the Money Tree: Distributing the Wealth from British Columbia's Forests (Vancouver: The David Suzuki Foundation, 1996), 80-81. On the high level of foreign direct investment, see "Ownership and Inter-Corporate Linkages of Selected Forest Companies in British Columbia," Forest Planning Canada 9 (1993), 34-35.
15. Other stages include agenda setting, policy formation, implementation and evaluation. See Michael Howlett and M. Ramesh, Studying Public Policy: Policy Cycles and Policy Subsystems (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1995).
16. In contrast to Keck and Sikkink (Activists beyond Borders), we treat getting an item on the public agenda but failing to influence policy making as an insufficient indicator of a policy response or change.
17. A blunt measure of policy change was chosen because we are interested primarily in the general direction of change. Although "learning" literature in comparative politics and international relations suggests some related measures of change, we avoid this terminology because it remains mired in conceptual debates such as whether organizations or just individuals can "learn," whether it always means positive change, or how to differentiate learning from other changes. See Jack S. Levy, "Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield," International Organization 48 (1994), 279-312; and Colin Bennett and Michael Howlett, "The Lessons of Learning: Reconciling Theories of Policy Learning and Policy Change," Policy Sciences 25 (1992), 275-94. For an application of "learning" to the BC forests case, see Ken Lertzman, Jeremy Wilson and Jeremy Rayner, "Learning and Change in the B.C. Forest Policy Sector: A Consideration of Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework," this JOURNAL 29 (1996), 112-33.
18. A blunt measure of policy change was chosen because we are interested primarily in the general direction of change. Although "learning" literature in comparative politics and international relations suggests some related measures of change, we avoid this terminology because it remains mired in conceptual debates such as whether organizations or just individuals can "learn," whether it always means positive change, or how to differentiate learning from other changes. See Jack S. Levy, "Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield," International Organization 48 (1994), 279-312; and Colin Bennett and Michael Howlett, "The Lessons of Learning: Reconciling Theories of Policy Learning and Policy Change," Policy Sciences 25 (1992), 275-94. For an application of "learning" to the BC forests case, see Ken Lertzman, Jeremy Wilson and Jeremy Rayner, "Learning and Change in the B.C. Forest Policy Sector: A Consideration of Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework," this JOURNAL 29 (1996), 112-33.
19. A blunt measure of policy change was chosen because we are interested primarily in the general direction of change. Although "learning" literature in comparative politics and international relations suggests some related measures of change, we avoid this terminology because it remains mired in conceptual debates such as whether organizations or just individuals can "learn," whether it always means positive change, or how to differentiate learning from other changes. See Jack S. Levy, "Learning and Foreign Policy: Sweeping a Conceptual Minefield," International Organization 48 (1994), 279-312; and Colin Bennett and Michael Howlett, "The Lessons of Learning: Reconciling Theories of Policy Learning and Policy Change," Policy Sciences 25 (1992), 275-94. For an application of "learning" to the BC forests case, see Ken Lertzman, Jeremy Wilson and Jeremy Rayner, "Learning and Change in the B.C. Forest Policy Sector: A Consideration of Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework," this JOURNAL 29 (1996), 112-33.
20. Suzanne Berger, "Introduction," in Suzanne Berger and Ronald Dore, eds., National Diversity and Global Capitalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), 9.
21. Jan Aart Scholte, "Global Capitalism and the State," International Affairs 73 (1997), 427-52.
22. For a similar definition, see G. Bruce Doern et al., "The Internationalization of Canadian Public Policy," in G. Bruce Doern et al., eds., Border Crossings: The Internationalization of Canadian Public Policy (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1996), 2.
23. Others use the terms differently. For example, Robert O. Keohane and Helen Milner, eds., Internationalization and Domestic Politics (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996) use "internationalization" as we use globalization.
24. Policy convergence may result (or be resisted) owing to many factors, only some of which are economic. See Colin J. Bennett, "What Is Policy Convergence and What Causes It?" British Journal of Political Science 21 (1991), 215-33; and Berger, "Introduction." On convergence in the North American context, see Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, eds., Degrees of Freedom: Canada and the United States in a Changing World (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1997.
25. Policy convergence may result (or be resisted) owing to many factors, only some of which are economic. See Colin J. Bennett, "What Is Policy Convergence and What Causes It?" British Journal of Political Science 21 (1991), 215-33; and Berger, "Introduction." On convergence in the North American context, see Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, eds., Degrees of Freedom: Canada and the United States in a Changing World (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1997.
26. See Berger and Dore (National Diversity) for a range of views; Keohane and Milner (Internationalization) who generally support the convergence hypothesis,
27. See Berger and Dore (National Diversity) for a range of views; Keohane and Milner (Internationalization) who generally support the convergence hypothesis,
28. with the caveat that domestic institutions may intervene; Louis W. Pauly and Simon Reich ("National Structures and Multinational Corporate Behavior: Enduring Differences in the Age of Globalization," International Organization 51 [1997], 1-30) who demonstrate a lack of convergence where one would expect it most strongly, in multinational corporations;
29. and Geoffrey Garrett ("Global Markets and National Politics: Collision Course or Virtuous Circle?" International Organization 52 [1998], 787-824), who argues that different aspects of globalization constrain different economic policy choices to greater or lesser degrees, but finds little evidence of a pervasive "race to the neoliberal bottom" in OECD countries.
30. Berger, "Introduction," 12, although this finding is not unanimous. For example, Garrett, while not denying the incentives created by globalization, argues that other economic incentives, generated by domestic factors, may simultaneously push in other directions ("Global Markets").
31. Berger, "Introduction," 12, although this finding is not unanimous. For example, Garrett, while not denying the incentives created by globalization, argues that other economic incentives, generated by domestic factors, may simultaneously push in other directions ("Global Markets").
32. Vogel, Trading Up . However, integration of financial markets may militate more strongly than increased trade against harmonization up because it increases the threat of capital flight (see Garrett, "Global Markets").
33. Vogel, Trading Up . However, integration of financial markets may militate more strongly than increased trade against harmonization up because it increases the threat of capital flight (see Garrett, "Global Markets").
34. Vogel, Trading Up, 5.
35. Ibid., 2-5.
36. There is nothing inevitable about this process - Vogel argues that it only occurs when organized interests in rich and powerful countries pressure their leaders to negotiate such international agreements (Trading Up, 268).
37. See note 17.
38. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
39. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
40. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
41. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
42. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
43. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In; Thomas Risse-Kappen, "Exploring the Nature of the Beast: International Relations Theory and Comparative Policy Analysis Meet the European Union," Journal of Common Market Studies 34 (1996), 53-80; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders; Martha Finnemore, National Interests in International Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); and Price, "Reversing the Gunsights." We draw on authors concerned specifically with transnational influences on domestic policy. In contrast, literature on "global civic society" downplays the state altogether (for example, Paul Wapner, "Politics beyond the State: Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics," World Politics 47 [1995], 311-40), while scholarship on nongovernmental organizations often focuses on international negotiations or direct influence on local activities. For a recent review of transnational relations and environmental politics, see Michael Zürn, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics: A Review of Current Research," World Politics 50 (1998), 617-49.
44. The degree to which market integration, trade agreements, international institutions, or transnational activity actually limit or displace the authority of states is widely debated. For example, see Susan Strange, Retreat of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999). Whether or not state authority remains resilient, internationalization and globalization appear to be influencing the shared understandings of authority, autonomy and inviolability that underlie sovereignty. See Thomas J. Biersteker and Cynthia Weber, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
45. The degree to which market integration, trade agreements, international institutions, or transnational activity actually limit or displace the authority of states is widely debated. For example, see Susan Strange, Retreat of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999). Whether or not state authority remains resilient, internationalization and globalization appear to be influencing the shared understandings of authority, autonomy and inviolability that underlie sovereignty. See Thomas J. Biersteker and Cynthia Weber, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
46. The degree to which market integration, trade agreements, international institutions, or transnational activity actually limit or displace the authority of states is widely debated. For example, see Susan Strange, Retreat of the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999). Whether or not state authority remains resilient, internationalization and globalization appear to be influencing the shared understandings of authority, autonomy and inviolability that underlie sovereignty. See Thomas J. Biersteker and Cynthia Weber, eds., State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
47. Whether globalization necessarily leads to the vulnerability and sensitivity associated with economic interdependence is subject to debate. See Jean-Marc F. Blanchard and Norrin M. Ripsman, "Measuring Economic Interdependence: A Geopolitical Perspective," Geopolitics and International Boundaries 1 (1996), 231-41.
48. Globalization, as we define it, is not always present since states may create rules to manage non-economic problems such as the spread of human rights, or common security concerns, such as nuclear proliferation.
49. Keck and Sikkink use "leverage politics" to include normative influences as well (Activists Beyond Borders, 23-24).
50. Mary L. Barker and Dietrich Soyez, "Think Locally Act Globally? The Transnationalization of Canadian Resource-Use Conflicts," Environment 36 (1994), 12-20, 32-36; and "Quebec Shelves Great Whale Project: Cree Leader Lauds PQ's Decision on Huge Hydro Development," Globe and Mail (Toronto), November 19, 1994, A1, 7.
51. Mary L. Barker and Dietrich Soyez, "Think Locally Act Globally? The Transnationalization of Canadian Resource-Use Conflicts," Environment 36 (1994), 12-20, 32-36; and "Quebec Shelves Great Whale Project: Cree Leader Lauds PQ's Decision on Huge Hydro Development," Globe and Mail (Toronto), November 19, 1994, A1, 7.
52. If domestic political interests make the government more willing to endure economic losses to avoid political losses or make political gains, then domestic politics may matter more in this path. Nonetheless to illustrate the logic of influence along different pathways, and to the degree that firms are motivated to seek profits, external market pressure can be seen to be the primary causal factor along this path.
53. Although Garrett's work (for example, "Global Markets and National Politics") shows the importance of domestic factors (such as strength of organized labour, domestic institutions and the role of economic goods produced by the welfare state) in mediating the "downward" pressure of globalization, for the limited purpose of this hypothesis we assume, other things being equal, that globalization does bring downward pressure. Our focus is on how internationalization interacts with globalization prior to entering the domestic arena, although future research might also look at the interaction in the domestic arena to take Garrett's hypotheses more explicitly into account.
54. Vogel labels this phenomenon the "California Effect," in reference to the ability of California, owing to its power and market size, to drive up standards through competition with other jurisdictions (Trading Up, 5-8, 248-70).
55. Jennifer Clapp, "The Privatization of Global Environmental Governance: ISO 14000 and the Developing World," Global Governance 4 (1998), 295-315.
56. Unlike the competition-driven California Effect, along this path "powerful countries can strengthen the regulatory standards of their trading partners through . . . political mechanisms" (ibid., 268). Although Vogel focuses primarily on domestic actors in large countries as drivers of change, such actors may also create coalitions across borders or influence negotiations in partner countries. Similarly, Robert Putnam identifies the process of "reverberation," when international negotiations tip the balance for particular domestic interests ("Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games," International Organization 42 [1988], 427-60).
57. Unlike the competition-driven California Effect, along this path "powerful countries can strengthen the regulatory standards of their trading partners through . . . political mechanisms" (ibid., 268). Although Vogel focuses primarily on domestic actors in large countries as drivers of change, such actors may also create coalitions across borders or influence negotiations in partner countries. Similarly, Robert Putnam identifies the process of "reverberation," when international negotiations tip the balance for particular domestic interests ("Diplomacy and Domestic Politics: The Logic of Two-Level Games," International Organization 42 [1988], 427-60).
58. See Risse-Kappen, "The Nature of the Beast."
59. On attempts to link foreign aid to environmental protection, see Robert Keohane and Marc Levy, eds., Institutions for Environmental Aid (Boston: MIT Press, 1996).
60. Züm, "The Rise of International Environmental Politics," 642-48.
61. Putnam, "Diplomacy and Domestic Politics."
62. Thomas Franck argues that legitimacy is a property of a rule "which itself exerts a pull toward compliance on those addressed" whether or not rules are accompanied by enforcement (The Power of Legitimacy among Nations [New York: Oxford University Press, 1990], 16).
63. Price, "Reversing the Gunsights," 636-37.
64. Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders, 30.
65. Ibid., 10-16.
66. Ibid., 73.
67. Ibid., 29.
68. See also Karen Litfin, Ozone Discourses (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995).
69. For a good review, see Emanuel Adler, "Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics," European Journal of International Relations 3 (1997), 319-63.
70. Finnemore, National Interests.
71. Mark Imber, Environment, Security and UN Reform (London: Macmillan, 1994), 71.
72. This definition draws from William Coleman and Grace Skogstad, "Policy Communities and Policy Networks," in William Coleman and Grace Skogstad, eds., Policy Communities and Public Policy in Canada: A Structural Approach (Mississauga: Copp Clark Pitman, 1990), 14-33.
73. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In. See also Matthew Evangelista, "The Paradox of State Strength: Transnational Relations, Domestic Structures, and Security Policy in Russia and the Soviet Union," International Organization 49 (1995), 1-38; and Andrew P. Cortell and James W. Davis, Jr., "How Do International Institutions Matter? The Domestic Impact of International Rules and Norms," International Studies Quarterly 40 (1996), 451-78.
74. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In. See also Matthew Evangelista, "The Paradox of State Strength: Transnational Relations, Domestic Structures, and Security Policy in Russia and the Soviet Union," International Organization 49 (1995), 1-38; and Andrew P. Cortell and James W. Davis, Jr., "How Do International Institutions Matter? The Domestic Impact of International Rules and Norms," International Studies Quarterly 40 (1996), 451-78.
75. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In. See also Matthew Evangelista, "The Paradox of State Strength: Transnational Relations, Domestic Structures, and Security Policy in Russia and the Soviet Union," International Organization 49 (1995), 1-38; and Andrew P. Cortell and James W. Davis, Jr., "How Do International Institutions Matter? The Domestic Impact of International Rules and Norms," International Studies Quarterly 40 (1996), 451-78.
76. Whereas some research asserts that a single national-level policy network exists, our research supports studies that find different policy networks within the same country, and often within the same policy sector. In broad policy areas such as natural resource, forest and environmental policy, an array of closed and open networks are often found, allowing transnational actors to seek the most accommodating networks.
77. Eric Nordlinger, On the Autonomy of the Democratic State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 1.
78. Following the orientation of the policy network literature, our conceptualization of autonomy focuses on state independence from business interests, even though, conceivably, a state agency could have little autonomy from nonbusiness interests, or society as a whole.
79. Indeed, much of the policy network literature rejects a pure "statist" approach, focusing instead on the nature of the relationship between the state and societal interests. See Coleman and Skogstad, "Policy Communities and Policy Networks," 27-29.
80. For a detailed discussion on the way centralized and decentralized structures mediate international influence on domestic policy, see Cortell and Davis, "How Do International Institutions Matter?"
81. Risse-Kappen, Bringing Transnational Relations Back In.
82. See note 43.
83. Steven Lewis Yaffee, The Wisdom of the Spotted Owl: Policy Lessons for a New Century (Covelo, Calif.: Island Press, 1994).
84. For a detailed treatment, see Jeremy Wilson, Talk and Log: Wilderness Politics in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1998); Benjamin Cashore, "Governing Forestry: Environmental Group Influence in British Columbia and the US Pacific Northwest" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto, 1997); and George Hoherg, "The Politics of Sustainability: Forest Policy in British Columbia," in Ken Carty, ed., Policy, Politics, and Government in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1996), 272-89 (plus notes).
85. For a detailed treatment, see Jeremy Wilson, Talk and Log: Wilderness Politics in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1998); Benjamin Cashore, "Governing Forestry: Environmental Group Influence in British Columbia and the US Pacific Northwest" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto, 1997); and George Hoherg, "The Politics of Sustainability: Forest Policy in British Columbia," in Ken Carty, ed., Policy, Politics, and Government in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1996), 272-89 (plus notes).
86. For a detailed treatment, see Jeremy Wilson, Talk and Log: Wilderness Politics in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1998); Benjamin Cashore, "Governing Forestry: Environmental Group Influence in British Columbia and the US Pacific Northwest" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto, 1997); and George Hoherg, "The Politics of Sustainability: Forest Policy in British Columbia," in Ken Carty, ed., Policy, Politics, and Government in British Columbia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1996), 272-89 (plus notes).
87. The United States accounts for 59 per cent of BC's forest products export market, the European Union 11 per cent and Japan 21 per cent (Natural Resources Canada, The State of Canada's Forests: 1997-1998 [Ottawa: Government of Canada, Natural Resources Canada, 1998]).
88. W. T. Stanbury, Ilan B. Vertinsky, and Bill Wilson, The Challenge to Canadian Forest Products in Europe: Managing a Complex Environmental Issue (Vancouver: Forest Economics and Policy Analysis Research Unit, University of British Columbia, 1995), Appendix 2.
89. Ibid., 11.
90. Miro Cernetig, "BC Park Plan Will End Loggers' Jobs: Harcourt Says Province Must Yield to Global Pressures on Harvesting," Globe and Mail (Toronto), June 23, 1994, A1, A4. By not renewing its contract with MacMillan Bloedel, the New York Times joined Scott Paper and UK-based Kimberly Clark in suspending contracts over BC clearcutting ("Costs of Clearcutting," Environment 38 [1996], 21).
91. Miro Cernetig, "BC Park Plan Will End Loggers' Jobs: Harcourt Says Province Must Yield to Global Pressures on Harvesting," Globe and Mail (Toronto), June 23, 1994, A1, A4. By not renewing its contract with MacMillan Bloedel, the New York Times joined Scott Paper and UK-based Kimberly Clark in suspending contracts over BC clearcutting ("Costs of Clearcutting," Environment 38 [1996], 21).
92. Miro Cernetig, "BC Park Plan Will End Loggers' Jobs: Harcourt Says Province Must Yield to Global Pressures on Harvesting," Globe and Mail (Toronto), June 23, 1994, A1, A4. By not renewing its contract with MacMillan Bloedel, the New York Times joined Scott Paper and UK-based Kimberly Clark in suspending contracts over BC clearcutting ("Costs of Clearcutting," Environment 38 [1996], 21).
93. Personal interview, April 1996. See also Jim Hume, "Harcourt Steady under Fire," Victoria Times-Colonist, February 8, 1994, A5. Later the same year, the BC forest minister also traveled to Europe to fight the boycott campaigns. See Stanbury and Vertinsky, The Challenge to Canadian Forest Products, 63.
94. Personal interview, April 1996. See also Jim Hume, "Harcourt Steady under Fire," Victoria Times-Colonist, February 8, 1994, A5. Later the same year, the BC forest minister also traveled to Europe to fight the boycott campaigns. See Stanbury and Vertinsky, The Challenge to Canadian Forest Products, 63.
95. Personal interview, senior official, BC Council of Forest Industries, Vancouver, November 1994.
96. Personal interview, senior official, Forest Alliance of BC, Vancouver, November 1994. See also Forest Alliance of British Columbia, UK Tour Report (Vancouver: Forest Alliance of British Columbia, 1994).
97. "Premier Called a Hero for Fighting Greenpeace," Victoria Times-Colonist, February 4, 1994.
98. Interviews with senior government officials also emphasized that boycotts strengthened the government's resolve to carry through with Forest Practice Code reforms Jeremy Wilson argues that international pressures may not have been the primary cause of the Code, but did provide "leverage" to persuade reluctant companies and workers of the necessity for change (Talk and Log, 302-03).
99. Personal interviews, senior officials, Ministry of Forests and Environment, Lands and Parks, March, April and May 1995.
100. Personal interview, senior attorney, NRDC, June 1994.
101. Gordon Hamilton, "Don't Lower Stumpage, US Tells BC," The Vancouver Sun, April 11, 1997, D1.
102. In May 1996, the San Francisco-based Rain Forest Action Network launched a new advertising campaign denouncing clearcutting in this area. Efforts were renewed in the fall of 1998. See Hal Bernton, "Coalition for Forests Gets Help of Firms," The Oregonian (Portland), December 9, 1998.
103. For details of such schemes, see Fred Gale and Cheri Burda, "The Pitfalls and Potential of Eco-Certification as a Market Incentive for Sustainable Forest Management," in Chris Tollefson, ed., The Wealth of Forests: Markets, Regulation and Sustainable Forestry (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1998), 278-96.
104. Limited international rules have not stopped transnational actors such as the California-based Pacific Environment Resources Center from studying how international law might be used to put pressure on BC to improve its forest practices (Paul Kibel, "Canada's International Forest Protection Obligations: A Case of Promises Forgotten in British Columbia and Alberta," Fordham Environmental Law Journal 6 [1995], 231-52).
105. Benjamin Cashore, "Flights of the Phoenix: Explaining the Durability of the Canada-US Softwood Lumber Dispute," Canadian-American Public Policy 32 (1997), 20-22; 30-36.
106. "Protestors Playing into Hands of US, Minister Says," Vancouver Sun, October 20, 1994, 20, B10.
107. Northwest Ecosystem Alliance, Conservationists Sue Feds over Trade Agreement: Lawsuit Alleges Softwood Lumber Agreement Fuels Deforestation, Undermines Species Recovery (Seattle: Northwest Ecosystem Alliance, 1998).
108. Global Forestry Project (New York), "Over 80 Organizations from Six Continents Announce Opposition to Global Forest Convention," press release of February 10, 1997.
109. The US NRDC met with the US timber lobby to discuss the possibility of jointly lobbying Congress to change US trade law so that they could directly challenge BC's environmental forestry regulations (personal interviews, June 1994; December 1996.
110. Personal interview, senior official, WWF, Toronto, July, 1994. See also World Wildlife Fund Canada, "Making Choices: A Submission to the Government of British Columbia Regarding Protected Areas and Forest Land Use" (Toronto: World Wildlife Fund Canada, 1993).
111. Personal interview, John Cashore, former BC minister of environment, lands and parks, September 1994. See World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), chap. 6. Similarly, the Ontario government announced it would add 378 new parks and protected areas to reach the Brundtland goal of protecting 12 per cent of its territory (Ministry of Natural Resources of Ontario, "Ontario's Living Legacy: A Complete Park System," press release of March 29, 1999).
112. Personal interview, John Cashore, former BC minister of environment, lands and parks, September 1994. See World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), chap. 6. Similarly, the Ontario government announced it would add 378 new parks and protected areas to reach the Brundtland goal of protecting 12 per cent of its territory (Ministry of Natural Resources of Ontario, "Ontario's Living Legacy: A Complete Park System," press release of March 29, 1999).
113. The meetings leading up to Rio provided a forum for governmental learning about the concept of biodiversity, which transnational groups such as the NRDC and WWF promoted in British Columbia. Domestic forest environmental groups in turn used these concepts in BC in the late 1980s and early 1990s. They focused most of their efforts on shaping the ideas of the opposition NDP, who they correctly predicted would win the next election (personal interviews, BC environmental groups and NDP cabinet members, September, November, December 1994; March and November 1995. According to one government official, until the late 1980s the term "biodiversity" was never even used in the province (personal interview, senior official, Ministry of Environment, Lands and Parks, April 1995).
114. "Non-legally Binding Authoritative Statement of Principles for a Global Consensus on the Management, Conservation and Sustainable Development of All Types of Forests" (UNCED A/CONF.151/6/Rev.1).
115. Those who attended included Environment Minister John Cashore and Chief Forester John Cuthbert.
116. Personal interviews, NRDC, WWF, June and July 1994; January 1995.
117. Much of the approach was borrowed from the US experience in implementing ecosystem management in the Pacific Northwest. Key members of the Clayoquot Sound Scientific Panel included US experts on ecosystem management. See Lertzman et al., "Learning and Change."
118. Ibid.
119. Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Practices in Clayoquot Sound, Sustainable Ecosystem Management in Clayoquot Sount: Planning and Practices (Victoria: Government of British Columbia, The Scientific Panel for Sustainable Forest Pratices in Clayoquot Sound, 1995).
120. Personal interview, Michael Harcourt, Vancouver, April 1996.
121. Cashore, "Governing Forestry," chap. 8.
122. Just why networks adapt or remain durable has been subject to extensive theoretical and empirical research, but for the purposes of this article we treat network structure as given. For a detailed account of why we characterize particular networks as we do, see ibid.
123. Government cabinet ministers have noted that the maps provided by the Sierra Club provided new sources of information their own bureaucratic officials could not produce (personal interviews, September 1994).
124. Personal interview, June 1994.
125. WWF Canada, Making Choices.
126. Interview with provincial officials and cabinet ministers noted the effectiveness of this strategy.
127. Personal interview, BC Wild official, March 1995.
128. Eco-trust chose the Kitlope after a computer search revealed that it represented the largest remaining intact rainforest in the North America.
129. Glenn Bohn, "Reporter Gets Job with Group that Saves Forest," Vancouver Sun, November, 16, 1994.
130. Personal interview, Sierra Legal Defence Fund, November 15, 1994. See also, Sierra Legal Defence Fund, "SLDF Introduces Itself," Sierra Legal Defence Fund Newsletter 1 (1992).
131. Sierra Legal Defence Fund, Greg McDade and Mark Haddock, "The Forest Practices Code of British Columbia Act: A Critical Analysis of Its Provisions" (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1994); SLDF, British Columbia's Clear Cut Code: Changing the Way We Manage our Forests? (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1996); and SLDF, Stream Protection under the Code: The Destruction Continues (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1997).
132. Sierra Legal Defence Fund, Greg McDade and Mark Haddock, "The Forest Practices Code of British Columbia Act: A Critical Analysis of Its Provisions" (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1994); SLDF, British Columbia's Clear Cut Code: Changing the Way We Manage our Forests? (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1996); and SLDF, Stream Protection under the Code: The Destruction Continues (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1997).
133. Sierra Legal Defence Fund, Greg McDade and Mark Haddock, "The Forest Practices Code of British Columbia Act: A Critical Analysis of Its Provisions" (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1994); SLDF, British Columbia's Clear Cut Code: Changing the Way We Manage our Forests? (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1996); and SLDF, Stream Protection under the Code: The Destruction Continues (Vancouver: Sierra Legal Defence Fund, 1997).
134. Even then, however, a coalition of BC labour and business groups launched a public attack on the environmental movement in 1998 when they revealed the amount of money US-based foundations had invested in the province.
135. BC Wild, "Report as of October 31, 1994" (Vancouver: BC Wild and Earthlife Canada, 1994).
136. For example, a high profile environmental activist at the CORE regional Cariboo table was a full time employee of BC Wild.