Luxembourg, Helsinki and beyond: Towards an interpretation of recent Turkey-EU relations

Government and Opposition

Volumn 35, Issue 4, 2000, Pages 463-483

  Öniş, Ziya ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0034363198     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1477-7053.00041     Document Type: Article

References (43)

1. On the origins, dynamics and conjectures concerning the future course of the EU enlargement process, see John Redmond and Glenda G. Rosenthal (eds), The Expanding European Union. Past, Present and Future, Boulder, Colo. and London, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998.
2. The major conclusions of the Luxembourg Summit of December 1997 are presented in the European Commission's Report, Agenda 2000: For a Stronger and Wider Union, Luxembourg, Office for the Official Publications of the European Communities, 1997.
3. On the nature of the European Union as a civilizational project and its perception of Turkey as the 'other' of Europe see Ziya Öniş, 'Turkey, Europe and Paradoxes of Identity: Perspectives on the International Context of Democralization', Mediterranean Quarterly, 10:3 (Summer 1999), pp. 109-136 and Meltem Müftüler-Baç, 'The Never-Ending Story: Turkey and the European Union', Middle Eastern Studies, 34:4 (1998), pp. 240-58.
4. On the nature of the European Union as a civilizational project and its perception of Turkey as the 'other' of Europe see Ziya Öniş, 'Turkey, Europe and Paradoxes of Identity: Perspectives on the International Context of Democralization', Mediterranean Quarterly, 10:3 (Summer 1999), pp. 109-136 and Meltem Müftüler-Baç, 'The Never-Ending Story: Turkey and the European Union', Middle Eastern Studies, 34:4 (1998), pp. 240-58.
5. On the outcome of the Helsinki Summit, see Matthew Keminski, 'EU Reaches Accord with Turkey: Ankara Accepts Offer to Apply for Membership', Wall Street Journal, 13 December 1999; Stephen Kirzner, 'Turks Jubilant as Europeans Unlock Door', New York Times, 13 December 1999; Quentin Peel and Leyla Boulton, 'Little is Left to Chance in Turkey's Bid for Europe', Financial Times, 13 December 1999. On the official text of the Helsinki Summit, see Presidency Conclusions, the Helsinki European Council, 10 and 11 December 1999.
6. On the outcome of the Helsinki Summit, see Matthew Keminski, 'EU Reaches Accord with Turkey: Ankara Accepts Offer to Apply for Membership', Wall Street Journal, 13 December 1999; Stephen Kirzner, 'Turks Jubilant as Europeans Unlock Door', New York Times, 13 December 1999; Quentin Peel and Leyla Boulton, 'Little is Left to Chance in Turkey's Bid for Europe', Financial Times, 13 December 1999. On the official text of the Helsinki Summit, see Presidency Conclusions, the Helsinki European Council, 10 and 11 December 1999.
7. On the outcome of the Helsinki Summit, see Matthew Keminski, 'EU Reaches Accord with Turkey: Ankara Accepts Offer to Apply for Membership', Wall Street Journal, 13 December 1999; Stephen Kirzner, 'Turks Jubilant as Europeans Unlock Door', New York Times, 13 December 1999; Quentin Peel and Leyla Boulton, 'Little is Left to Chance in Turkey's Bid for Europe', Financial Times, 13 December 1999. On the official text of the Helsinki Summit, see Presidency Conclusions, the Helsinki European Council, 10 and 11 December 1999.
8. On the outcome of the Helsinki Summit, see Matthew Keminski, 'EU Reaches Accord with Turkey: Ankara Accepts Offer to Apply for Membership', Wall Street Journal, 13 December 1999; Stephen Kirzner, 'Turks Jubilant as Europeans Unlock Door', New York Times, 13 December 1999; Quentin Peel and Leyla Boulton, 'Little is Left to Chance in Turkey's Bid for Europe', Financial Times, 13 December 1999. On the official text of the Helsinki Summit, see Presidency Conclusions, the Helsinki European Council, 10 and 11 December 1999.
9. The United States has also been concerned with Turkey's human rights record in recent years. See the web page of the US Department of State, Turkey: Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998, available at: http://www.state.gov (27 April 2000).
10. On the evolution of Turkey-EU relations, see Canan Balkir, 'The Customs Union and Beyond', in Libby Rittenberg (ed.), The Political Economy of Turkey in the Post-Soviet Era: Going West and Looking East?, Westport, Conn., Greenwood Press, 1998, pp. 51-78 and Heinz Kramer, A Changing Turkey. The Challenge to Europe and the United States, Washington DC, Brookings Institute Press, 2000. For the text of the Ankara Agreement signed on 1 September 1963, see the web page of Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, available at: http://www.mfa.gov.tr (27 April 2000).
11. On the evolution of Turkey-EU relations, see Canan Balkir, 'The Customs Union and Beyond', in Libby Rittenberg (ed.), The Political Economy of Turkey in the Post-Soviet Era: Going West and Looking East?, Westport, Conn., Greenwood Press, 1998, pp. 51-78 and Heinz Kramer, A Changing Turkey. The Challenge to Europe and the United States, Washington DC, Brookings Institute Press, 2000. For the text of the Ankara Agreement signed on 1 September 1963, see the web page of Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, available at: http://www.mfa.gov.tr (27 April 2000).
12. On the southern enlargement process of the EU, see Christopher Preston, Enlargement and Integration in the European Union, London, Routledge, 1997. On the contrasting fortunes of Greece and Spain incorporated into the European Union and Turkey excluded from the process in the post-1980 era, see Fatih Tayfur, 'Yunanistan ve Ispanya'nin Avrupalilasma Serüveni ve Türkiye: Iki Nikah ve Bir Cenaze', in Atila Eralp (ed.), Türkiye ve Avrupa, Ankara, Imge Kitabevi, 1997.
13. On the southern enlargement process of the EU, see Christopher Preston, Enlargement and Integration in the European Union, London, Routledge, 1997. On the contrasting fortunes of Greece and Spain incorporated into the European Union and Turkey excluded from the process in the post-1980 era, see Fatih Tayfur, 'Yunanistan ve Ispanya'nin Avrupalilasma Serüveni ve Türkiye: Iki Nikah ve Bir Cenaze', in Atila Eralp (ed.), Türkiye ve Avrupa, Ankara, Imge Kitabevi, 1997.
14. On the ambiguities and contradictions underlying the EU's 'foreign policy', see Jan Zielonka (ed.), Paradoxes of European Foreign Policy, The Hague and London, Kluwer Law International, 1998.
15. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
16. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
17. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
18. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
19. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
20. On the nature of the recent social democratic wave in Europe, its intellectual origins and its emphasis on 'multicultural citizenship', see Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', The Political Quarterly, 70:2 (1999), pp. 195-209; Kelly Duncan, 'Multicultural Citizenship: The Limitations of Liberal Democracy', The Political Quarterly, 71:1 (2000), pp. 31-40; Anthony Giddens, The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1998 and Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996. Indeed, explicit references to multicultural citizenship appear in the political programmes of both German Social Democrats and the British Labour Party. See 'the Basic Policy Programme of Social Democratic Party of Germany' available at http://www.spd.de/english/politics/programme01.html and 'Labour Party Policies' concerning democracy and citizenship available at: http://www.labour.org.uk.
21. It is estimated that 3.2 million Turks live in Europe, a very large proportion of whom are based in Germany. Interesting research has been undertaken in recent years by the Research Centre for Studies on Turkey based in Essen, Germany under the direction of Faruk Şen, concerning the economic activities of the Turkish population both in Germany and in Europe at large, research which has drawn attention to the rapid rise of entrepreneurial activity among these groups. For a number of publications concerning Turks in Europe, see the Centre's web page available at: http://www.uni-essen.de/zft (27 April 2000).
22. Concerning overlapping identities and the complex nature of interaction between Turks in Germany and Turks in mainland Turkey, see the interesting article by Kevin Robbins, 'Interrupting Identities: Turkey/Europe' in Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay (eds), Questions of Cultural Identity, London and Thousand Oaks, New Delhi, Sage Publications, 1996, pp. 61-86.
23. For a good discussion of the citizenship issue which has played an important role in the German general elections of September 1999, tilting the balance in favour of the SPD, see 'Who Should be German, Then?', The Economist, 4 July 1998, p. 27 and 'Turkish Germans', The Economist, 9 January 1999, p. 15.
24. For a good discussion of the citizenship issue which has played an important role in the German general elections of September 1999, tilting the balance in favour of the SPD, see 'Who Should be German, Then?', The Economist, 4 July 1998, p. 27 and 'Turkish Germans', The Economist, 9 January 1999, p. 15.
25. For an attempt to uncover the psychological bases of the Turco-Greek conflict, see Vamik D. Volkan and Norman Itzkowitz, Turks and Greeks: Neighbours in Conflict, Huntingdon, The Eothen Press, 1994.
26. For a valuable analysis of the economic bases underlying the recent rapprochement between Turkey and Greece, see Theodore Coulumbis, 'Greece and Turkey: Dawn of a New Era?', paper presented at the International Relations Seminar, Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey, 25 February 2000. Coulumbis argues that rapid economic development and growing possibilites for mutual economic gains from further interaction are exercising a positive influence over Turkey-Greece relations. For another useful analysis of the multiple influences at work underlying the recent Turkish-Greek rapprochement, see S. Gülden Ayman, 'Springtime in the Aegean', Private View, 8, 2000, pp. 56-60.
27. For a valuable analysis of the economic bases underlying the recent rapprochement between Turkey and Greece, see Theodore Coulumbis, 'Greece and Turkey: Dawn of a New Era?', paper presented at the International Relations Seminar, Koç University, Istanbul, Turkey, 25 February 2000. Coulumbis argues that rapid economic development and growing possibilites for mutual economic gains from further interaction are exercising a positive influence over Turkey-Greece relations. For another useful analysis of the multiple influences at work underlying the recent Turkish-Greek rapprochement, see S. Gülden Ayman, 'Springtime in the Aegean', Private View, 8, 2000, pp. 56-60.
28. The Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association, TÜSIAD, is an interest association representing large-scale firms or conglomerates which play an important role in the Turkish economy. On the important role performed by businessmen in general and TÜSIAD in particular on the road from Luxembourg to Helsinki particularly in terms of influencing the decisions of two key countries Germany and Greece, valuable information has been provided by TÜSIAD Chairman, Erkut Yücaoǧlu, in an interview on the Turkish TV channel, Kanal D, 23 December 1999.
29. The United States has been critical of the EU's decision in Luxembourg to exclude Turkey from candidate status right from the outset. See Stephen Kirzner, 'US Pressing European Union to be More Friendly to Turkey', New York Times, 5 January 1998. Indeed, the US has consistently pushed for Turkey's candidacy throughout the period leading to the Helsinki Summit. President Clinton's visit to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) meeting held in Istanbul during November 1999 represented the climax of such efforts. This visit was intended to persuade the European leaders to take a favourable decision in respect to Turkey. On the Clinton visit and the OSCE Summit, see Charles Babington, 'Improve Rights Record, Clinton Urges', Washington Post, 16 November 1999.
30. The United States has been critical of the EU's decision in Luxembourg to exclude Turkey from candidate status right from the outset. See Stephen Kirzner, 'US Pressing European Union to be More Friendly to Turkey', New York Times, 5 January 1998. Indeed, the US has consistently pushed for Turkey's candidacy throughout the period leading to the Helsinki Summit. President Clinton's visit to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) meeting held in Istanbul during November 1999 represented the climax of such efforts. This visit was intended to persuade the European leaders to take a favourable decision in respect to Turkey. On the Clinton visit and the OSCE Summit, see Charles Babington, 'Improve Rights Record, Clinton Urges', Washington Post, 16 November 1999.
31. See in this context Chris Rumford, 'Turkey and European Enlargement: Cross-Border Projects and a Pre-Accession Strategy for Non-Members', New Perspectives on Turkey, 19 (Fall 1998), pp. 71-96 and Heinz Kramer, 'Turkey-EU Customs Union Economic Integration and Political Turmoil', Mediterranenan Politics, 1:1, 1996, pp. 60-75.
32. See in this context Chris Rumford, 'Turkey and European Enlargement: Cross-Border Projects and a Pre-Accession Strategy for Non-Members', New Perspectives on Turkey, 19 (Fall 1998), pp. 71-96 and Heinz Kramer, 'Turkey-EU Customs Union Economic Integration and Political Turmoil', Mediterranenan Politics, 1:1, 1996, pp. 60-75.
33. On the most recent set of economic reforms designed to reduce the structural budget deficit and the persistently high rates of inflation in the Turkish economy, see OECD Economic Surveys, Turkey, 1998-1999, Paris, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 1999. On the growing optimism concerning Turkey's ability to undertake the reforms required in the favorable external context provided by the Helsinki Summit, see Ziya Öniş, 'The Turkish Economy at the Turn of a New Centruy: Critical and Comparative Perspectives', in Morton Abramowitz (ed.), Turkey's Transformation and American Policy, Washington, DC, The Century Foundation, 2000, pp. 95-115.
34. On the most recent set of economic reforms designed to reduce the structural budget deficit and the persistently high rates of inflation in the Turkish economy, see OECD Economic Surveys, Turkey, 1998-1999, Paris, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development 1999. On the growing optimism concerning Turkey's ability to undertake the reforms required in the favorable external context provided by the Helsinki Summit, see Ziya Öniş, 'The Turkish Economy at the Turn of a New Centruy: Critical and Comparative Perspectives', in Morton Abramowitz (ed.), Turkey's Transformation and American Policy, Washington, DC, The Century Foundation, 2000, pp. 95-115.
35. On Günter Verheugen's visit to Turkey during March 2000, see Stephen Kirzner, 'EU Again Tells Turkey, It Must Be More Democratic', New York Times, 11 March 2000.
36. For a critical examination of the 'Kurdish problem' in Turkey and for non-military solutions to the problem, see Kemal Kirişçi and Gareth Winrow, The Kurdish Question and Turkey: An Example of a Trans-state Ethnic Conflict, London, Frank Cass, 1997.
37. For a discussion of the strong state tradition and the official state ideology, see Metin Heper and Fuat Keyman, 'Double-Faced State: Political Patronage and the Consolidation of Democracy in Turkey', Middle Eastern Studies, 34:4, 1998, pp. 259-77. The 'Sèvres Syndrome' has deep historical roots going back to the total collapse of the Ottoman Empire by the end of the First World War. The Turkish state faced a situation of near extinction following the Sèvres Treaty of 1920, whereby Asia Minor was partitioned among the victorious allies. The process was only to be reversed by the War of Independence during the early 1920s, leading to the creation of the modern Republic in 1923. On the 'Sèvres Syndrome', see Kemal Kirişçi, 'Turkish Foreign Policy and the EU', paper presented at the Boǧaziçi University, Centre for European Studies Conference on 'Turkey in the European Union: A Question of Image or Governance?', 3 December 1999 and 'Turkey' in Stelios Starvidis, Theodore Couloumbis, Thanos Veremis and Neville Waites (eds), The Foreign Policies of the European Union's Mediterranean States and Applicant Countries in the 1990s, London, Macmillan Press, 1998.
38. For a discussion of the strong state tradition and the official state ideology, see Metin Heper and Fuat Keyman, 'Double-Faced State: Political Patronage and the Consolidation of Democracy in Turkey', Middle Eastern Studies, 34:4, 1998, pp. 259-77. The 'Sèvres Syndrome' has deep historical roots going back to the total collapse of the Ottoman Empire by the end of the First World War. The Turkish state faced a situation of near extinction following the Sèvres Treaty of 1920, whereby Asia Minor was partitioned among the victorious allies. The process was only to be reversed by the War of Independence during the early 1920s, leading to the creation of the modern Republic in 1923. On the 'Sèvres Syndrome', see Kemal Kirişçi, 'Turkish Foreign Policy and the EU', paper presented at the Boǧaziçi University, Centre for European Studies Conference on 'Turkey in the European Union: A Question of Image or Governance?', 3 December 1999 and 'Turkey' in Stelios Starvidis, Theodore Couloumbis, Thanos Veremis and Neville Waites (eds), The Foreign Policies of the European Union's Mediterranean States and Applicant Countries in the 1990s, London, Macmillan Press, 1998.
39. For a discussion of the strong state tradition and the official state ideology, see Metin Heper and Fuat Keyman, 'Double-Faced State: Political Patronage and the Consolidation of Democracy in Turkey', Middle Eastern Studies, 34:4, 1998, pp. 259-77. The 'Sèvres Syndrome' has deep historical roots going back to the total collapse of the Ottoman Empire by the end of the First World War. The Turkish state faced a situation of near extinction following the Sèvres Treaty of 1920, whereby Asia Minor was partitioned among the victorious allies. The process was only to be reversed by the War of Independence during the early 1920s, leading to the creation of the modern Republic in 1923. On the 'Sèvres Syndrome', see Kemal Kirişçi, 'Turkish Foreign Policy and the EU', paper presented at the Boǧaziçi University, Centre for European Studies Conference on 'Turkey in the European Union: A Question of Image or Governance?', 3 December 1999 and 'Turkey' in Stelios Starvidis, Theodore Couloumbis, Thanos Veremis and Neville Waites (eds), The Foreign Policies of the European Union's Mediterranean States and Applicant Countries in the 1990s, London, Macmillan Press, 1998.
40. For a recent attempt to classify and characterize the different political parties in Turkey, see Ziya Öniş, 'Neoliberal Globalization and the Democracy Paradox: Interpreting the Turkish General Elections of 1999', Journal of International Affairs, 2000 (forthcoming).
41. Concerning the argument that a major constitutional change is needed in Turkey to accommodate the requirements of full EU membership, given the strong emphasis on 'state sovereignty' by the current constitutional order, see Bülent Sözer, 'Some Remarks and Comments on the European Law with Particular Reference to the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey', mimeographed, Boǧaziçi University, Istanbul.
42. On the imposition of diplomatic sanctions on Austria by the EU in response to the participation in government of the far-right Freedom Party under the leadership of Haider, see Konstantin Richter, 'Austrian Response to EU Sanctions is more Muted than Mutinuous', Wall Street Journal Europe, 7 April 2000. The basic thrust of the EU's approach is that participation in a member government should be subject to specific rules which reflect the basic values of the EU. Nobody has asked, however, that the respective party should be outlawed and its leader put in gaol. Hence, one needs to exercise a certain degree of caution in making direct comparison with Turkey in this instance.
43. On the significance of a conducive international environment for democratic consolidation in newly-emerging democratic polities, see Laurence Whitehead (ed.), The International Dimensions of Democratization: Europe and the Americas, New York, Oxford University Press, 1996.