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Volumn 46, Issue 5, 1998, Pages 963-977

Universals and particulars: The case of liberal cultural nationalism

(1)  Seglow, Jonathan a  

a NONE

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EID: 0032325033     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00179     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (18)

References (89)
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    • 12 This aspect of rights is emphasised by A. Honneth in his Struggles for Recognition (Cambridge, Polity, 1995). Honneth distinguishes between self-respect as a rights bearer and self-esteem for one's way of life but does not link the latter to culture.
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    • 13 For the idea of a comprehensive doctrine see Rawls, Political Liberalism, pp. 13-4.
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    • 19 W. Kymlicka, Liberalism, Community and Culture (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 192-3. Oddly, Rawlsian self-respect has no explicit role in Multicultural Citizenship though Kymlicka's argument remains.
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    • 23 Kymlicka, also refers to the 'Historic agreement' and 'Value of Diversity' arguments for minority rights, but these are given fairly short shrift. See Multicultural Citizenship, pp. 116-23.
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    • 28 On this see J. Danley, 'Liberalism, aboriginal rights, and cultural minorities', Philosophy and Public Affairs 20 (1991), 168-85 at pp. 174-81; G. B. Levey, 'Equality, autonomy, and cultural rights', Political Theory, 25 (1997), 215-48 at pp. 220-4; and C. Kukathas, 'Multiculturalism as fairness: Will Kymlicka's multicultural citizenship', Journal of Political Philosophy 5 (1997), 406-27 at pp. 412-6.
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    • 32 Perhaps Kymlicka has this in mind when he distinguishes between identifying the demands of liberal justice in abstract and imposing it on non-liberal minorities. This move severs equal respect for persons from autonomy as the grounds of that respect. See Multicultural Citizenship, pp. 183-70.
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    • 39 See, for example, Y. Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton NJ, Princeton University Press, 1993) ch. 3; J. Raz and A. Margalit, 'National self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61; and A. de-Shalit, 'National self-determination: political, not cultural', Political Studies, 44 (1996), 906-20. National self-determination is obviously a correlate of Miller's argument that there should be a substantive ethical basis to the state.
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    • 47 According to Miller a nation is (i) a network of shared belief united by mutual recognition, (ii) whose identity embody historical continuity making each a 'community of obligation', (iii) Nations are active collective identities who (iv) occupy a particular geographical place, and who finally (v) share a common public culture. See Miller, 'In Defence of Nationality', pp. 6-8; and On Nationality, p. 22-7.
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    • 47 According to Miller a nation is (i) a network of shared belief united by mutual recognition, (ii) whose identity embody historical continuity making each a 'community of obligation', (iii) Nations are active collective identities who (iv) occupy a particular geographical place, and who finally (v) share a common public culture. See Miller, 'In Defence of Nationality', pp. 6-8; and On Nationality, p. 22-7.
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    • 50 Indeed, Miller claims that the needs of minority groups are best met by a clear and distinct national identity which stands above their specific cultural identities. See 'In defence of nationality', p. 11. Thus he offers no specific principles to aid members of minority cultures' self-respect.
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