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Volumn 44, Issue 5, 1996, Pages 906-920

National self-determination: Political, not cultural

(1)  De Shalit, Avner a  

a NONE

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EID: 0039712704     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00341.x     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (31)

References (55)
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    • note
    • Earlier versions of this article were presented at the IPSA conference in Berlin, 1994, and at the ECPR meeting in Bordeaux, May 1995. I would like to thank Brian Barry, Harry Beran, Linda Bishai, Simon Caney, Michael Freeman, Paul Gilbert, Chandran Kukathas, Percy Lehning, David Miller Brendan O'Leary, Saul Smilansky, and Hillel Steiner for their comments.
  • 2
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    • In defence of nationality
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1993) Journal of Applied Philosophy , vol.10 , pp. 3-17
    • Miller, D.1
  • 3
    • 85012527990 scopus 로고
    • Secession: The case of Quebec
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1993) Journal of Applied Philosophy , vol.10 , pp. 29-44
    • Nielsen, K.1
  • 4
    • 0042653407 scopus 로고
    • Self-government revisited
    • Miller and Siedentrop (eds), Oxford, Clarendon
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1983) The Nature of Political Theory , pp. 121-155
    • Barry, B.1
  • 5
    • 84970706826 scopus 로고
    • Are there any natural rights?
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1992) Political Theory , vol.20 , pp. 105-140
    • Kukathas, C.1
  • 6
    • 0042653407 scopus 로고
    • Cultural rights
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1992) Political Theory , vol.20
  • 7
    • 84970674050 scopus 로고
    • The rights of minority cultures
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1992) Political Theory , vol.20 , pp. 140-147
    • Kymlicka, W.1
  • 8
    • 0042653407 scopus 로고
    • paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin
    • I do not intend to argue this point. The reader may refer to David Miller, 'In defence of nationality'. Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 3-17, Kai Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 10 (1993), 29-44, and Brian Barry -Self-government revisited' in Miller and Siedentrop (eds), The Nature of Political Theory (Oxford, Clarendon, 1983) pp 121-55 Among the basic needs of human beings, it is claimed, is the need to belong to a group beyond one's immediate social environment. It is further claimed that the nation constitutes such a group and it corresponds to this need. Nor am I discussing the issue which is sometimes tied up with national self-determination, namely tolerating illiberal minority groups within a liberal state. For a very interesting discussion of this problem see the exchange between Chandran Kukathas 'Are there any natural rights?', Political Theory, 20 (1992), 105-40; 'Cultural rights 'Political Theory 20 (1992) and Will Kymlicka, 'The rights of minority cultures', Political Theory, 20 (1992) 140-7 Their ideas are further discussed and challenged by Michael Freeman, 'Minority rights and ethnic conflict: a problem of liberal-democratic theory and practice', paper delivered at the IPSA conference, Berlin 1994.
    • (1994) Minority Rights and Ethnic Conflict: A Problem of Liberal-democratic Theory and Practice
    • Freeman, M.1
  • 9
    • 0041071462 scopus 로고
    • The myth of the right of collective self-determination
    • W. Twining (ed.), Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press
    • Which could also be a myth, as De George forcefully argues in his 'The myth of the right of collective self-determination', in W. Twining (ed.), Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1990) pp. 1-7, or on the other hand a collective right, as Walzer claims in his 'The moral standing of states', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 9 (1980) 209-30. The reader is free to decide for herself.
    • (1990) Issues of Self-determination , pp. 1-7
    • George, D.1
  • 10
    • 0007639855 scopus 로고
    • The moral standing of states
    • Which could also be a myth, as De George forcefully argues in his 'The myth of the right of collective self-determination', in W. Twining (ed.), Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen, Aberdeen University Press, 1990) pp. 1-7, or on the other hand a collective right, as Walzer claims in his 'The moral standing of states', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 9 (1980) 209-30. The reader is free to decide for herself.
    • (1980) Philosophy and Public Affairs , vol.9 , pp. 209-230
    • Walzer1
  • 11
    • 85033745063 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The theory of national self-determination that is put forward here seems to me to be better because it is liberated from the chains of liberalism in its thin meaning - a theory of individualism and liberty.
  • 12
    • 0040477258 scopus 로고
    • Boulder CO, Westview
    • See, for example, A. Buchanan, Secession, (Boulder CO, Westview, 1992).
    • (1992) Secession
    • Buchanan, A.1
  • 13
    • 85033757751 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • I owe this point to Simon Caney.
  • 14
    • 85033769977 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • According to Liddell and Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon the word was used in the Iliad as a 'number of people accustomed to living together', and after Homer it meant a 'nation or a people'. This meaning is ascribed to 'ethnos' in the works of the Greek historian Herodotus as well. And the Oxford Dictionary of Current English writes: 'ethnic: of group of mankind having common national or cultural tradition'.
  • 15
    • 0003650617 scopus 로고
    • New York NY, Oxford University Press
    • This is, perhaps based on a communitarian definition of a nation. According to this interpretation, the Americans are not a nation in the strong sense of the word. Paraphrasing Robert Entman's book about American politics. Democracy Without Citizens (New York NY, Oxford University Press, 1989), I would claim that this is a case of citizens without a nation. Indeed, what holds Americans together is mainly the constitution: but this is a matter of citizenship. They do not hang to each other in obligations of welfare and well-being in the way one would find in many European countries. For further discussion see my Why Posterity Matters (London, Routledge, 1995) in which a moderate theory of communitarianism is put forward. See also the 'Introduction' in S. Avineri and A. de-Shalit, Communitarianism and Individualism (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992).
    • (1989) Democracy Without Citizens
    • Entman, R.1
  • 16
    • 0040477281 scopus 로고
    • London, Routledge
    • This is, perhaps based on a communitarian definition of a nation. According to this interpretation, the Americans are not a nation in the strong sense of the word. Paraphrasing Robert Entman's book about American politics. Democracy Without Citizens (New York NY, Oxford University Press, 1989), I would claim that this is a case of citizens without a nation. Indeed, what holds Americans together is mainly the constitution: but this is a matter of citizenship. They do not hang to each other in obligations of welfare and well-being in the way one would find in many European countries. For further discussion see my Why Posterity Matters (London, Routledge, 1995) in which a moderate theory of communitarianism is put forward. See also the 'Introduction' in S. Avineri and A. de-Shalit, Communitarianism and Individualism (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992).
    • (1995) Why Posterity Matters
  • 17
    • 0004260389 scopus 로고
    • Oxford, Oxford University Press
    • This is, perhaps based on a communitarian definition of a nation. According to this interpretation, the Americans are not a nation in the strong sense of the word. Paraphrasing Robert Entman's book about American politics. Democracy Without Citizens (New York NY, Oxford University Press, 1989), I would claim that this is a case of citizens without a nation. Indeed, what holds Americans together is mainly the constitution: but this is a matter of citizenship. They do not hang to each other in obligations of welfare and well-being in the way one would find in many European countries. For further discussion see my Why Posterity Matters (London, Routledge, 1995) in which a moderate theory of communitarianism is put forward. See also the 'Introduction' in S. Avineri and A. de-Shalit, Communitarianism and Individualism (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1992).
    • (1992) Communitarianism and Individualism
    • Avineri, S.1    De-Shalit, A.2
  • 18
    • 85012468199 scopus 로고
    • Peoples and secession
    • See also the discussion of this question in R. E. Ewin, 'Peoples and secession', Journal of Applied Philosophy, 11 (1994), p. 225.
    • (1994) Journal of Applied Philosophy , vol.11 , pp. 225
    • Ewin, R.E.1
  • 20
    • 0003733447 scopus 로고
    • Oxford, Oxford University Press
    • Ernest Gellner has already argued that nationalism is 'primarily a principle which holds that the political and national unity should be congruent'. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1983), p. 1.
    • (1983) Nations and Nationalism , pp. 1
    • Gellner, E.1    Gellner2
  • 21
    • 0003434446 scopus 로고
    • Cambridge, Cambridge University Press
    • E. J. Hobsbawm also adopts this use of the term in his Nations and Nationalism Since 1870 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990). I dare even claim that in order for the nation to be constitutive of its members, it has to be an ethnic group as well. But this is, perhaps, an issue for another paper.
    • (1990) Nations and Nationalism Since 1870
    • Hobsbawm, E.J.1
  • 22
    • 85033770820 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • But then there are cases in which multi-culturalism is only a reflection of multi-ethnicism. In that case the discussion should focus on the ethnic aspect, because this tends to raise more radical and, from our point of view, more interesting demands.
  • 23
    • 0039292383 scopus 로고
    • The place of secession in liberal democratic theory
    • P. Gilbert and P. Gregory (eds) Aldershot, Avebury
    • H. Beran, 'The place of secession in liberal democratic theory' in P. Gilbert and P. Gregory (eds) Nations, Cultures and Markets (Aldershot, Avebury, 1994); H. Beran, 'A democratic theory of political self-determination for a new world order'. Paper presented at the IPSA conference. Berlin 1994; H. Beran, 'An attempt to formulate a democratic theory of the right of political selt-determination and secession', unpublished paper (1995).
    • (1994) Nations, Cultures and Markets
    • Beran, H.1
  • 24
    • 85033735130 scopus 로고
    • Paper presented at the IPSA conference. Berlin
    • H. Beran, 'The place of secession in liberal democratic theory' in P. Gilbert and P. Gregory (eds) Nations, Cultures and Markets (Aldershot, Avebury, 1994); H. Beran, 'A democratic theory of political self-determination for a new world order'. Paper presented at the IPSA conference. Berlin 1994; H. Beran, 'An attempt to formulate a democratic theory of the right of political selt-determination and secession', unpublished paper (1995).
    • (1994) A Democratic Theory of Political Self-determination for a New World Order
    • Beran, H.1
  • 25
    • 85033740380 scopus 로고
    • unpublished paper
    • H. Beran, 'The place of secession in liberal democratic theory' in P. Gilbert and P. Gregory (eds) Nations, Cultures and Markets (Aldershot, Avebury, 1994); H. Beran, 'A democratic theory of political self-determination for a new world order'. Paper presented at the IPSA conference. Berlin 1994; H. Beran, 'An attempt to formulate a democratic theory of the right of political selt-determination and secession', unpublished paper (1995).
    • (1995) An Attempt to Formulate a Democratic Theory of the Right of Political Selt-determination and Secession
    • Beran, H.1
  • 26
    • 0000044093 scopus 로고
    • The new tribalism
    • Michael Walzer, 'The new tribalism', Dissent (1992), 162-71; D. Philpott, 'In defence of self-determination', Ethics, 105 (1995), 352-85.
    • (1992) Dissent , pp. 162-171
    • Walzer, M.1
  • 27
    • 84900569676 scopus 로고
    • In defence of self-determination
    • Michael Walzer, 'The new tribalism', Dissent (1992), 162-71; D. Philpott, 'In defence of self-determination', Ethics, 105 (1995), 352-85.
    • (1995) Ethics , vol.105 , pp. 352-385
    • Philpott, D.1
  • 28
    • 0000182108 scopus 로고
    • Secession: The case of Quebec
    • A. Margalit and J. Raz, 'National self-determination'
    • Nielsen, 'Secession: the case of Quebec'; A. Margalit and J. Raz, 'National self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61.
    • (1990) Journal of Philosophy , vol.87 , pp. 439-461
    • Nielsen1
  • 30
    • 0004002174 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Oxford, Oxford University Press, ch. 4.
    • See also David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996), ch. 4.
    • (1996) On Nationality
    • Miller, D.1
  • 31
    • 84937308085 scopus 로고
    • The crisis of identification: The case of Canada
    • Tully
    • See also James Tully's analysis of the demands in Canada, where people demand 'constitutional protection' for their language and cultures, and 'constitutional recognition as official language minorities'. Tully, 'The crisis of identification: the case of Canada', Political Studies, 42 (1994), p. 78.
    • (1994) Political Studies , vol.42 , pp. 78
    • Tully's, J.1
  • 32
  • 33
    • 0003929983 scopus 로고
    • Princeton University Press
    • Y. Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 6, 57.
    • (1993) Liberal Nationalism , pp. 6
    • Tamir, Y.1
  • 34
    • 33746392328 scopus 로고
    • Nationalism: Ambiguous legacies and contingent futures
    • special issue
    • E. Kamenka, 'Nationalism: ambiguous legacies and contingent futures'. Political Studies, 41, special issue (1993), p. 83.
    • (1993) Political Studies , vol.41 , pp. 83
    • Kamenka, E.1
  • 35
    • 0004118689 scopus 로고
    • Oxford, Clarendon
    • G. A. Cohen History, Labour and Freedom (Oxford, Clarendon, 1988), p. 139. This paragraph is not necessarily related to nationality, and Cohen is quoted without any relation to the fact that he is originally from Quebec.
    • (1988) History, Labour and Freedom , pp. 139
    • Cohen, G.A.1
  • 36
    • 85033759245 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Notice that these cases are much more severe than the way Philpott describes a group which achieves self-determination and is now 'better able to participate, better represented, better able to deliberate ... (and) more autonomous'. Philpott, 'In defence of self-determination', p. 360.
  • 37
    • 85033764009 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The same applies to the Jews' movement of national determination, which flourished after the cultural emancipation of Jews in Europe, and after Jews had gained much more control over their private lives than formerly.
  • 38
    • 79952378956 scopus 로고
    • Liberalism and the right to culture
    • See A. Margalit and M. Halbertal, 'Liberalism and the right to culture'. Social Research, 61 (1994), p. 491. My interpretation here may be challenged along the lines that sometimes the majority views the minority's demand for self-determination as a threat to the majority's own existence. Indeed, many Israelis regard the Palestinian demand for a state as a threat not only to their free access to holy places in Hebron, East Jerusalem and other parts of the occupied territories, but rather to the existence of the state of Israel. It goes without saying that one of the conditions for granting national groups a state (I discuss this below) is that these groups respect the other groups' self-determination (cf. Margalit and Raz, 'National self-determination', pp. 457, 461). Of course the problem still remains whether these conditions are likely to be fulfilled. If the state is established for the sake of advancing the interests of a nation A, this may be in contrast to the interests of nation B. (cf. T. Kapitan, 'Nation, territory and the principles of self-determination', presented at the APA conference, May 1994, p. 9). Notice, however, that often the problem starts when one group suppresses the other (see my discussion below), not letting its members become citizens, at least not in the full sense. (See Yo'av Peled's distinction between liberal citizenship, i.e. having rights, and republican citizenship, i.e. being active de facto in the moral and political discourse which shapes the community: Peled, 'Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992) 432-43.
    • (1994) Social Research , vol.61 , pp. 491
    • Margalit, A.1    Halbertal, M.2
  • 39
    • 0004345188 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • See A. Margalit and M. Halbertal, 'Liberalism and the right to culture'. Social Research, 61 (1994), p. 491. My interpretation here may be challenged along the lines that sometimes the majority views the minority's demand for self-determination as a threat to the majority's own existence. Indeed, many Israelis regard the Palestinian demand for a state as a threat not only to their free access to holy places in Hebron, East Jerusalem and other parts of the occupied territories, but rather to the existence of the state of Israel. It goes without saying that one of the conditions for granting national groups a state (I discuss this below) is that these groups respect the other groups' self-determination (cf. Margalit and Raz, 'National self-determination', pp. 457, 461). Of course the problem still remains whether these conditions are likely to be fulfilled. If the state is established for the sake of advancing the interests of a nation A, this may be in contrast to the interests of nation B. (cf. T. Kapitan, 'Nation, territory and the principles of self-determination', presented at the APA conference, May 1994, p. 9). Notice, however, that often the problem starts when one group suppresses the other (see my discussion below), not letting its members become citizens, at least not in the full sense. (See Yo'av Peled's distinction between liberal citizenship, i.e. having rights, and republican citizenship, i.e. being active de facto in the moral and political discourse which shapes the community: Peled, 'Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992) 432-43.
    • National Self-determination , pp. 457
    • Margalit1    Raz2
  • 40
    • 85033749816 scopus 로고
    • presented at the APA conference, May
    • See A. Margalit and M. Halbertal, 'Liberalism and the right to culture'. Social Research, 61 (1994), p. 491. My interpretation here may be challenged along the lines that sometimes the majority views the minority's demand for self-determination as a threat to the majority's own existence. Indeed, many Israelis regard the Palestinian demand for a state as a threat not only to their free access to holy places in Hebron, East Jerusalem and other parts of the occupied territories, but rather to the existence of the state of Israel. It goes without saying that one of the conditions for granting national groups a state (I discuss this below) is that these groups respect the other groups' self-determination (cf. Margalit and Raz, 'National self-determination', pp. 457, 461). Of course the problem still remains whether these conditions are likely to be fulfilled. If the state is established for the sake of advancing the interests of a nation A, this may be in contrast to the interests of nation B. (cf. T. Kapitan, 'Nation, territory and the principles of self-determination', presented at the APA conference, May 1994, p. 9). Notice, however, that often the problem starts when one group suppresses the other (see my discussion below), not letting its members become citizens, at least not in the full sense. (See Yo'av Peled's distinction between liberal citizenship, i.e. having rights, and republican citizenship, i.e. being active de facto in the moral and political discourse which shapes the community: Peled, 'Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992) 432-43.
    • (1994) Nation, Territory and the Principles of Self-determination , pp. 9
    • Kapitan, T.1
  • 41
    • 84971814909 scopus 로고
    • Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship
    • See A. Margalit and M. Halbertal, 'Liberalism and the right to culture'. Social Research, 61 (1994), p. 491. My interpretation here may be challenged along the lines that sometimes the majority views the minority's demand for self-determination as a threat to the majority's own existence. Indeed, many Israelis regard the Palestinian demand for a state as a threat not only to their free access to holy places in Hebron, East Jerusalem and other parts of the occupied territories, but rather to the existence of the state of Israel. It goes without saying that one of the conditions for granting national groups a state (I discuss this below) is that these groups respect the other groups' self-determination (cf. Margalit and Raz, 'National self-determination', pp. 457, 461). Of course the problem still remains whether these conditions are likely to be fulfilled. If the state is established for the sake of advancing the interests of a nation A, this may be in contrast to the interests of nation B. (cf. T. Kapitan, 'Nation, territory and the principles of self-determination', presented at the APA conference, May 1994, p. 9). Notice, however, that often the problem starts when one group suppresses the other (see my discussion below), not letting its members become citizens, at least not in the full sense. (See Yo'av Peled's distinction between liberal citizenship, i.e. having rights, and republican citizenship, i.e. being active de facto in the moral and political discourse which shapes the community: Peled, 'Ethnic democracy and the legal construction of citizenship', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992) 432-43.
    • (1992) American Political Science Review , vol.86 , pp. 432-443
    • Peled1
  • 45
    • 84926174681 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The right of self-determination in international law
    • Twining
    • I should stress that other theorists have emphasized the importance of enmity as well, but in another context, that of the colonial relations. For example, R. S. Bhalla suggested that the principle of self-determmation is acceptable as a legal principle only in its application to the liberation of colonial territories. Here I adopt a broader position. See Bhalla, 'The right of self-determination in international law' in Twining, Issues of Self-Determination.
    • Issues of Self-determination
    • Bhalla, R.S.1
  • 47
    • 0003434446 scopus 로고
    • Cambridge, Cambridge University Press
    • Hobsbawn is perhaps, right when he distinguishes between Balkanization and Lebanonization. The former is the return of many nations to declare their autonomy or independence, whereas the latter stands for 'autonomist and separatist aspirations of threatened minorities within national entities'. E. J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 186.
    • (1992) Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 , pp. 186
    • Hobsbawm, E.J.1
  • 51
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    • note
    • The notion of antagonistic conflict is taken from Mao Tse-Toung, although the meaning here is different.
  • 52
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    • note
    • I owe this example to Michael Freeman.
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    • Democracy and territoriality
    • F. Dolan and T. Dumm (eds), Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press
    • For a different attitude see W. E. Connoly. 'Democracy and territoriality' in F. Dolan and T. Dumm (eds), Rhetorical Republic (Amherst, University of Massachusetts Press, 1994).
    • (1994) Rhetorical Republic
    • Connoly, W.E.1
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    • note
    • Obviously, it would be better if there were more liberal and fewer illiberal states. Also, it does not follow that we cannot specify at least a few minimal conditions for granting the right for a state. We can, perhaps, distinguish between the group not harming fundamental rights and not harming derivative rights. And yet, it we want to do so, we must have a clearer theoretical justification for this distinction, which, I suspect, we still lack.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.