Ethnic fear: The social construction of insecurity

Security Studies

Volumn 8, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 151-203

  Arfi, Badredine ^a,b  

^a OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA CHAMPAIGN   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0001375258     PISSN: 09636412     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09636419808429368     Document Type: Article

References (206)

1. Misha Glenny, The Fall of Yugoslavia (New York: Penguin, 1992), 85.
2. For an attempt to synthesize various levels of explanations, see Stuart J. Kaufman, "Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses, and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War," International Security 21, no. 2 (fall 1996): 108-38.
3. See, for example, Robert D. Kaplan, Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through History (New York: St. Martin's, 1993).
4. V. P. Gagnon Jr., "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," International Security 19, no. 3 (winter 1994/95): 130-66.
5. David A. Lake and Donald Rothchild, "Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict," International Security 21, no. 2 (fall 1996): 41-75, 41. For a detailed rationalist discussion of group conflict, see Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
6. David A. Lake and Donald Rothchild, "Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict," International Security 21, no. 2 (fall 1996): 41-75, 41. For a detailed rationalist discussion of group conflict, see Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
7. The ancient-hatreds hypothesis has been rebutted from many academic quarters. I instead focus on the rationalist approach to ethnic conflict as presented by V. P. Gagnon at the élite level and by David Lake and Donald Rothchild at the group level. These two works are illustrative of the two main variants of a rationalist approach to ethnic conflict. Of course, most authors using either variant of the rational-choice approach use a mixture of both variants, but do nonetheless put more emphasis on one or the other.
8. Shaheen Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon," in Ethnic Conflict and Democratization in Africa, ed. Harvey Glickman (Atlanta: African Studies Association Press, 1995), 33-69.
9. James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation," American Political Science Review 90, no. 4 (December 1996): 715-35, 717.
10. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," 132. Note that Gagnon's use of the term "constructs" does not imply "social construction" but rather élite single-handed manipulation of the ethnic sentiments of their coethnics. In a "social construction" approach the élite's identities will also be mutually reconstructed as they try to manipulate their followers' identities.
11. Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation," 730.
12. This is reminiscent of the "Contact Hypothesis," which has been much debated in social psychology. This hypothesis assumes that increased contact between different ethnic groups gives each group more accurate information about the other and thus reduces friction. The empirical evidence on this argument is rather mixed. For a thorough examination of the contact hypothesis, see Hugh D. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict: Commerce, Culture, and the Contact Hypothesis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).
13. Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation," 730.
14. Intersubjective meanings are "not simply the aggregation of the beliefs of individuals who jointly experience and interpret the world. Rather, they exist as collective knowledge mat is shared by all who are competent to engage or recognize the appropriate performance of a social practice or range of practices. This knowledge persists beyond the lives of individual social actors, embedded in social routines and practices as they are reproduced by interpreters who participate in their production and workings. Intersubjeciive meanings have structural attributes that do not merely constrain or empower actors. They also define their social reality" (Emanuel Adler, "Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics," European Journal of International Relations 3, no. 3 [September 1997]: 319-63, 327.
15. Charles Taylor, "Interpretation and the Sciences of Man," in Interpretative Social Science: A Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow and William Sullivan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 51.
16. Adler, "Seizing the Middle Ground," 327.
17. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 45-46.
18. Hardin, One for All, 60 (Hardin's emphasis).
19. James D. Fearon, "Rationalist Explanations for War," International Organiza-tion 49, no. 3 (summer 1995): 379-14, 385.
20. In mathematical jargon, Fearon assumes that the state utility function u(x) ≥ x. Had he assumed instead that u(x)
21. Hardin's effort is especially interesting for he attempts to account for the logic of group conflict by analyzing group identification from a rationalist perspective. He stops short, however, of accounting for the origin of self-interest of group members. He instead posits that group members are self-interested. He then attempts to explain, for example, how is it that self-interested members tend to identify with groups and reinforce group norms. He argues that "norms that serve collective interests are stronger when they are consistent with individual interest, and they are weaker when they are not" (Hardin, One for All, 140). While such a statement is very helpful, it still overlooks the fact that group norms (and identity) shape individual interest. There is thus no wonder why Hardin arrives at his conclusion. Individuals remain "free agents," who act on the basis of their own preferences, as long as the group norms and shared understandings cognitively frame these preferences.
22. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
23. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
24. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
25. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
26. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon."
27. As put by Mozaffar, clarifying the "reciprocal relationship between institutions and the political organization of ethnicity involves focusing on now and why political actors choose ethnicity over other social cleavages to define and promote their interests, how institutions shape ethnic communities and structure the incentives (and disincentives) of political entrepreneurs to articulate ethnic-based demands, and how institutions are themselves transformed as a result of ethnic politics" (Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon," 45).
28. Alexander Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," American Political Science Review 88, no. 2 (June 1994): 384-96, 385.
29. Note that the term "social" as used in this paper refers also to political and cultural realms. That is, "social" is used to describe activities between social actors in politics, economics, and what is commonly called the social sphere (and other types). "Social" refers to an actor's practices as pan of a larger whole such as a group, a society, a community, or the world.
30. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon," 56.
31. Denis H. Wrong, The Problem of Order: What Unites and Divides Society (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 37-69.
32. Practice can be intentionally instituted or may emerge from habit and usage. Nardin argues that "The essence of any practice is to be found in the conditions it recommends or imposes on the conduct of agents pursuing self-chosen ends" (Terry Nardin, Law, Morality, and the Relations of States [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 8).
33. William H. Sewell Jr., "A Theory of Structure: Duality, Agency, and Transformation," American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 1 (July 1992): 1-29.
34. Put differently, individuals and groups always seek more ontological security and stability. Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 1-54; William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 25-53.
35. Put differently, individuals and groups always seek more ontological security and stability. Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 1-54; William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 25-53.
36. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear."
37. The security dilemma stands for a condition under which what a group does to enhance its security causes reactions that, in the end, can make the group less secure. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict."
38. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear."
39. For an attempt to synthesize various sociological theories on social interaction, see John Turner, A Theory of Social Interaction (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988).
40. By social structure I mean "shared understandings, expectations, and social knowledge" embedded in various patterns of social relations (Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," 389). These social structures are not reducible to individual actors and are persistent enough to withstand, though not immutably, the whims of actors. They have a dynamic of their own and a logic that contributes to their reproduction. Sharon Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture," Sociological Theory 12, no. 1 (March 1994): 57-72.
41. By social structure I mean "shared understandings, expectations, and social knowledge" embedded in various patterns of social relations (Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," 389). These social structures are not reducible to individual actors and are persistent enough to withstand, though not immutably, the whims of actors. They have a dynamic of their own and a logic that contributes to their reproduction. Sharon Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture," Sociological Theory 12, no. 1 (March 1994): 57-72.
42. Giddens calls this process "structuration." Anthony Giddens, The Constitution of Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 1-40.
43. Historical memory possesses the three basic properties that Hays delineates for social structures, that is, they are the creation of human beings and in turn mold the identity of people, they are both enabling and constraining, and they have different levels of depth. This applies to historical memories since, first, as argued by Bernard Lewis, human beings create, remember, and rediscover their historical memory. Second, historical memory becomes a social-psychological context that molds people's beliefs, expectations, and actions and, therefore, may constrain or enable them in their daily lives. Third, historical memory often provides deeply rooted rationalizations for peoples' actions and beliefs even though these peoples might not be readily aware of that. Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture"; Bernard Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
44. Historical memory possesses the three basic properties that Hays delineates for social structures, that is, they are the creation of human beings and in turn mold the identity of people, they are both enabling and constraining, and they have different levels of depth. This applies to historical memories since, first, as argued by Bernard Lewis, human beings create, remember, and rediscover their historical memory. Second, historical memory becomes a social-psychological context that molds people's beliefs, expectations, and actions and, therefore, may constrain or enable them in their daily lives. Third, historical memory often provides deeply rooted rationalizations for peoples' actions and beliefs even though these peoples might not be readily aware of that. Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture"; Bernard Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
45. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
46. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
47. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
48. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
49. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
50. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
51. Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
52. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
53. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
54. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
55. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
56. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
57. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
58. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
59. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
60. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
61. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
62. On studies of historical memory, see Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented; David Lowenthal, The Past Is a Foreign Country (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Richard E. Neustadt and Ernest R. May, Thinking in Time: The Uses of History for Decision-Makers (New York: Free Press, 1986); George L. Mosse, Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990); John R. Gillis, Commemorations: The Politics of National Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994); S. Frederick Starr, The Legacy of History in Russia and the New States of Eurasia (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1994); Yael Zerubavel, Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995); Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick: Transaction, 1994); Nachman Ben-Yahuda, The Masada Myth: Collective Memory and Mythmaking in Israel (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995); Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); James W. Pennebaker, Dario Paez, and Bernard Rimé, Collective Memory of Political Events. Social Psychological Perspectives (Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1997).
63. Edward H. Carr, What Is History? (New York: Vintage, 1961).
64. Edelman defines a myth as "an unquestioned belief held in common by a large group of people that give events and actions a particular meaning" (Murray J. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action [Chicago: Markham, 1971], 53). Snyder and Ballentine define nationalist myths as "assertions that would lose credibility if their claim to a basis in fact or logic were exposed to rigorous, disinterested public evaluation" (Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," International Security 21, no. 2 [fall 1996]: 5-40, 10). Snyder's and Ballentine's definition is appropriate to their approach based on a marketplace-of-ideas analogy. Had Snyder and Ballentine defined nationalist myths differently, it would have been hard to qualify the myths as a "commodity" in a marketplace of ideas. People would not be able to falsify or discredit myths that dp not have a variable "marketable value." Such assumptions do not exactly fit in the social milieu within which political myths are constructed and propagated. In such a milieu, the consumer is far from being an "economic" actor. Political myths are interpretative and social in nature, and their credibility arises from intersubjective meanings constructed through public discourses and social interactions. Moreover, as Hardin put it, "that the belief is not convincing, even patently not so in the sense that it would not stand serious scrutiny, however, does not entail that people cannot believe it" (Hardin, One for All, 62). My definition concurs with Lake s and Rothchild's remark that ethnic myths are "often rooted in actual events, and probably could not be long sustained absent a historical basis" (Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 55).
65. Edelman defines a myth as "an unquestioned belief held in common by a large group of people that give events and actions a particular meaning" (Murray J. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action [Chicago: Markham, 1971], 53). Snyder and Ballentine define nationalist myths as "assertions that would lose credibility if their claim to a basis in fact or logic were exposed to rigorous, disinterested public evaluation" (Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," International Security 21, no. 2 [fall 1996]: 5-40, 10). Snyder's and Ballentine's definition is appropriate to their approach based on a marketplace-of-ideas analogy. Had Snyder and Ballentine defined nationalist myths differently, it would have been hard to qualify the myths as a "commodity" in a marketplace of ideas. People would not be able to falsify or discredit myths that dp not have a variable "marketable value." Such assumptions do not exactly fit in the social milieu within which political myths are constructed and propagated. In such a milieu, the consumer is far from being an "economic" actor. Political myths are interpretative and social in nature, and their credibility arises from intersubjective meanings constructed through public discourses and social interactions. Moreover, as Hardin put it, "that the belief is not convincing, even patently not so in the sense that it would not stand serious scrutiny, however, does not entail that people cannot believe it" (Hardin, One for All, 62). My definition concurs with Lake s and Rothchild's remark that ethnic myths are "often rooted in actual events, and probably could not be long sustained absent a historical basis" (Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 55).
66. Edelman defines a myth as "an unquestioned belief held in common by a large group of people that give events and actions a particular meaning" (Murray J. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action [Chicago: Markham, 1971], 53). Snyder and Ballentine define nationalist myths as "assertions that would lose credibility if their claim to a basis in fact or logic were exposed to rigorous, disinterested public evaluation" (Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," International Security 21, no. 2 [fall 1996]: 5-40, 10). Snyder's and Ballentine's definition is appropriate to their approach based on a marketplace-of-ideas analogy. Had Snyder and Ballentine defined nationalist myths differently, it would have been hard to qualify the myths as a "commodity" in a marketplace of ideas. People would not be able to falsify or discredit myths that dp not have a variable "marketable value." Such assumptions do not exactly fit in the social milieu within which political myths are constructed and propagated. In such a milieu, the consumer is far from being an "economic" actor. Political myths are interpretative and social in nature, and their credibility arises from intersubjective meanings constructed through public discourses and social interactions. Moreover, as Hardin put it, "that the belief is not convincing, even patently not so in the sense that it would not stand serious scrutiny, however, does not entail that people cannot believe it" (Hardin, One for All, 62). My definition concurs with Lake s and Rothchild's remark that ethnic myths are "often rooted in actual events, and probably could not be long sustained absent a historical basis" (Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 55).
67. Edelman defines a myth as "an unquestioned belief held in common by a large group of people that give events and actions a particular meaning" (Murray J. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action [Chicago: Markham, 1971], 53). Snyder and Ballentine define nationalist myths as "assertions that would lose credibility if their claim to a basis in fact or logic were exposed to rigorous, disinterested public evaluation" (Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," International Security 21, no. 2 [fall 1996]: 5-40, 10). Snyder's and Ballentine's definition is appropriate to their approach based on a marketplace-of-ideas analogy. Had Snyder and Ballentine defined nationalist myths differently, it would have been hard to qualify the myths as a "commodity" in a marketplace of ideas. People would not be able to falsify or discredit myths that dp not have a variable "marketable value." Such assumptions do not exactly fit in the social milieu within which political myths are constructed and propagated. In such a milieu, the consumer is far from being an "economic" actor. Political myths are interpretative and social in nature, and their credibility arises from intersubjective meanings constructed through public discourses and social interactions. Moreover, as Hardin put it, "that the belief is not convincing, even patently not so in the sense that it would not stand serious scrutiny, however, does not entail that people cannot believe it" (Hardin, One for All, 62). My definition concurs with Lake s and Rothchild's remark that ethnic myths are "often rooted in actual events, and probably could not be long sustained absent a historical basis" (Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 55).
68. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 41.
69. Jiri Musil, "Czech and Slovak Society," Government and Opposition 28, no. 4 (fall 1993): 479-93; Henry Kamm, "At Fork in Road, Czechoslovaks Fret," New York Times, 9 October 1992, A10.
70. Jiri Musil, "Czech and Slovak Society," Government and Opposition 28, no. 4 (fall 1993): 479-93; Henry Kamm, "At Fork in Road, Czechoslovaks Fret," New York Times, 9 October 1992, A10.
71. Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 25-44.
72. Ivo D. Duchacek, "Comparative Federalism: An Agenda for Additional Research," in Constitutional Design and Power-Sharing in the Post-Modern Epoch, ed. Daniel J. Elazar (Lanham: University Press of America, 1991), 31.
73. Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985); 577-600.
74. David I. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988).
75. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 563-76; Milton J. Esman, Ethnic Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 1-48; Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon."
76. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 563-76; Milton J. Esman, Ethnic Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 1-48; Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon."
77. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 563-76; Milton J. Esman, Ethnic Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 1-48; Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon."
78. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
79. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
80. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
81. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
82. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
83. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
84. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
85. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
86. Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
87. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," 140-41.
88. Carol S. Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1987 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).
89. Stanislav J. Kirschbaum, A History of Slovakia: The Struggle for Survival (NewYork: St. Martin's Griffin, 1995), 1-10, 225-72.
90. Leff, National Conflict in Czechoslovakia: The Making and Remaking of a State, 1918-1987.
91. Ethnic activists are individuals who genuinely advocate the group's identity and political, economic, and social welfare. Political entrepreneurs are individuals who may or may not be strongly committed to the views that the activists advocate, but who seek leadership positions and political power. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear."
92. Geoffrey Hosking and George Schöpflin, eds., Myth & Nationhood (New York: Routledge, 1997), 1-35.
93. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action; Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power.
94. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action; Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power.
95. George Schöpflin argues that "for a myth to be effective in organizing and mobilizing opinion, it must, however, resonate....It seems that there are clear and unavoidable limits to invention and imagination and these are set by resonance. This is signifi-cant because it underpins the proposition that myth cannot be constructed purely out of false material; it has to have some relationship with the memory of the collectivity that has fashioned it. There has to be some factor, some event, some incident in the collective memory to which the myth makes an appeal; it is only at that point that the reinterpretation can vary radically from a closer historical assessment" (Hosking and Schöpflin, Myth & Nationhood, 25-26).
96. Janice G. Stein, "Image, Identity, and Conflict Resolution," in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict, ed. Chester A. Crocker, Fen O. Hampson, and Pamela Aall (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1996), 93-111.
97. Berger and Luckmann define reification as "the apprehension of the products of human activity as if they were something else than human products" (Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge [New York: Doubleday, 1966], 89).
98. W. L. Bennett, "Myth, Ritual, and Political Control," Journal of Communication 30, no. 2 (March 1980): 166-79.
99. This list is meant to be suggestive rather than exhaustive. The issue, how shifts in group loyalty occur is still a debated one. For a review, see Daniel Druckman, "Nationalism, Patriotism, and Group Loyalty: A Social Psychological Perspective," Mershon International Studies Review 38 (1994): 43-68.
100. Ritualizatipn proceeds through a repetitive use of emotionally charged symbols in symbolically significant locations at symbolically appropriate times. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power, W. L. Bennett, "Imitation, Ambiguity, and Drama in Political Life: Civil Religion and the Dilemmas of Publics Morality," Journal of Politics 41, no. 1 (February 1979): 106-33.
101. Ritualizatipn proceeds through a repetitive use of emotionally charged symbols in symbolically significant locations at symbolically appropriate times. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power, W. L. Bennett, "Imitation, Ambiguity, and Drama in Political Life: Civil Religion and the Dilemmas of Publics Morality," Journal of Politics 41, no. 1 (February 1979): 106-33.
102. Kaufman, "Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses, and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War"; Lake and Rothchild, Containing Fear.
103. Kaufman, "Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses, and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War"; Lake and Rothchild, Containing Fear.
104. Esman, Ethnic Politics.
105. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action. Van Evera argues that myths come in three principal varieties: self-glorifying myths which encourage the membership to contribute to the community, self-whitewashing myths which bolster the authority and political power of the incumbent élites, and other-maligning myths which support the claims that the community faces external threats. Stephen Van Evera, "Hypotheses on Nationalism and War," International Security 18, no. 4 (spring 1994): 5-39.
106. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action. Van Evera argues that myths come in three principal varieties: self-glorifying myths which encourage the membership to contribute to the community, self-whitewashing myths which bolster the authority and political power of the incumbent élites, and other-maligning myths which support the claims that the community faces external threats. Stephen Van Evera, "Hypotheses on Nationalism and War," International Security 18, no. 4 (spring 1994): 5-39.
107. R. Merelman, "Learning and Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 60, no. 3 (September 1966): 548.
108. Group mobilization can be achieved through various strategies depending on the conditions surrounding group-state and intergroup relations and on the issues at stake. Ted R. Gurr, Minorities at Risk, a Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1993), 61-88, 123-38; Jeff Goodwin, "Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions," Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (1994): 731-66.
109. Group mobilization can be achieved through various strategies depending on the conditions surrounding group-state and intergroup relations and on the issues at stake. Ted R. Gurr, Minorities at Risk, a Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1993), 61-88, 123-38; Jeff Goodwin, "Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions," Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (1994): 731-66.
110. For a short summary of the primordialist-instrumentalist debate on ethnicity, see Esman, Ethnic Politics, 9-16.
111. Obviously, Tito was not operating by himself only. He had many supporters devoted to him.
112. Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 21-46.
113. Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 21-46.
114. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 21-46.
115. Aleksa Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia," in Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe, ed. Charles A. Kupchan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 85-106.
116. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.
117. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991.
118. Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Yugoslavia (New York: Benn, 1971); Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics ,(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984).
119. Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Yugoslavia (New York: Benn, 1971); Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics ,(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984).
120. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.; Leonard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia's Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder: Westview, 1995).
121. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.; Leonard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia's Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder: Westview, 1995).
122. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991.
123. Cohen, Broken Bonds, 45-78.
124. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 47-113.
125. I focus somewhat on Gagnon's work because his set of hypotheses has many aspects in common with a constructivist account of ethnic conflict, although he does not frame his work in this way.
126. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," 140.
127. Ibid., 132.
128. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the end of the cold war also provided the context where many leaders remained in power, but transformed their leadership style away from communist authoritarianism.
129. Dennison Rusinow, "The Avoidable Catastrophe," in Beyond Yugoslavia: Politics, Economics, and Culture in a Shattered Community, ed. Sabrina P. Ramet and Ljubisa S. Adamovich (Boulder: Westview, 1995), 13-37.
130. Sabrina P. Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia (Boulder: Westview, 1992).
131. Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 82-145; Cohen, Broken Bonds, 79-225.
132. Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 82-145; Cohen, Broken Bonds, 79-225.
133. Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 82-145; Cohen, Broken Bonds, 79-225.
134. Cohen, Broken Bonds.
135. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 127.
136. Cohen, Broken Bonds, 72.
137. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy..
138. Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
139. Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
140. Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
141. Thomas A. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990); Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
142. Thomas A. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990); Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
143. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
144. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
145. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
146. Ivo Banac, "Post-Communism as Post-Yugoslavism: The Yugoslav Non-Revolutions of 1989-1990," in Eastern Europe in Revolution, ed. Ivo Banac (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 168-87.
147. Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia.
148. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918.
149. Ibid.; Ramet, Balkan Babel.
150. Ibid.; Ramet, Balkan Babel.
151. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389.
152. Ibid.; Rusinow, "The Avoidable Catastrophe."
153. Ibid.; Rusinow, "The Avoidable Catastrophe."
154. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389.
155. Pravloslavlje, Belgrade, 15 May 1982.
156. Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
157. Pravloslavlje, Belgrade, 1 June 1989, 3-4.
158. Ramet, Balkan Babel.
159. Sabrina P. Ramet, "The Serbian Church and the Serbian Nation," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 102-22.
160. Ibid.
161. Ramet, Balkan Babel.
162. Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia.
163. Ramet, "The Serbian Church and the Serbian Nation."
164. Ramet, Balkan Babel.
165. Cohen, Broken Bonds, 52.
166. FBIS-EEU, 4 August 1989, 43.
167. Ramet, "The Serbian Church and the Serbian Nation."
168. Ramet, Balkan Babel.
169. Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia"; Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia."
170. Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia"; Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia."
171. Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia"; Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia."
172. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia."
173. Politika, 2 September 1990, 18.
174. Snyder and Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," 26.
175. Mark Thompson, Forging War: The Media in Serbia, Croatia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina (London: Bath Press, 1994).
176. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia"; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy; Thompson, Forging War.
177. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia"; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy; Thompson, Forging War.
178. Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia"; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy; Thompson, Forging War.
179. Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953.
180. Jill A. Irvine, The Croat Question: Partisan\Politics in the Formation of the Yugoslav Socialist State (Boulder: Westview, 1993).
181. Ramet, Balkan Babel.
182. Irvine, The Croat Question;
183. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991.
184. Irvine, The Croat Question.
185. Ibid.
186. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991.
187. The regime banned at least two of his concerts. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991.
188. Cohen, Broken Bonds.
189. Linz and Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia."
190. FBIS-EEU, 26 June 1992, 18.
191. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.
192. Cohen, Broken Bonds, 172-73.
193. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 113.
194. For a comparative study of the effect of election sequencing in multiethnic states, see Linz and Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia."
195. James Gow, Legitimacy and the Military: The Yugoslav Crisis (New York: St. Martin's, 1992).
196. Cohen, Broken Bonds.
197. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 44; see also: Hardin, One for All, 144-47.
198. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 44; see also: Hardin, One for All, 144-47.
199. As Gibbons put it, any "attempt to understand the intersubjective meanings embedded in social life is at the same time an attempt to explain why people act the way they do" (Michael T. Gibbons, "Introduction: The Politics of Interpretation," in Interpreting Politics, ed. Michael T. Gibbons [New York: New York University Press, 1987], 3).
200. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 57.
201. Fearon and Laitin, who present a much more optimistic scenario than Lake and Rothchild, argue that "despite the greater tensions, peaceful and cooperative relations are by far the more typical outcome than is large-scale violence" (Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation,". 715). As pointed out earlier, however, Fearon and Laitin's explanation of interethnic cooperation, although very insightful, still stops short of considering the role that group social identity plays in interethnic cooperation and violence.
202. For good reviews, see Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 601-52; Esman, Ethnic Politics, 216-40.
203. For good reviews, see Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 601-52; Esman, Ethnic Politics, 216-40.
204. David Laitin introduces this expression in his Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad (Ithaca: CornelL University Press, 1998), chap. 12. Ethnic cleansing, liberal style stands for a policy which proposes that "groups whose leaders can make credible claims to being a nation should be rewarded with plebiscites, recognition, and aid packages to help the process of state consolidation" (ibid.). As strongly argued by Laitin, such a policy would readily encourage ethnic cleansing and violence.
205. All these policy implications depend on a timely mixture of actors and resources. Timely preempting the construction, or deconstructing, of aggressive social identities of the major ethnic groups is crucial. Resources are also needed to carry out the tasks. To counter a given reinterpretation of historical memories, for example, actively involved actors need public media resources that would convey their message to a variety of social groups.
206. For a comparative study of the evolution of democratization in Algeria and South Africa, see Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics."