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Volumn 8, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 151-203

Ethnic fear: The social construction of insecurity

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EID: 0001375258     PISSN: 09636412     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09636419808429368     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (37)

References (206)
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    • David A. Lake and Donald Rothchild, "Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict," International Security 21, no. 2 (fall 1996): 41-75, 41. For a detailed rationalist discussion of group conflict, see Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
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    • Lake, D.A.1    Rothchild, D.2
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    • Princeton: Princeton University Press
    • David A. Lake and Donald Rothchild, "Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict," International Security 21, no. 2 (fall 1996): 41-75, 41. For a detailed rationalist discussion of group conflict, see Russell Hardin, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
    • (1995) One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict
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    • note
    • The ancient-hatreds hypothesis has been rebutted from many academic quarters. I instead focus on the rationalist approach to ethnic conflict as presented by V. P. Gagnon at the élite level and by David Lake and Donald Rothchild at the group level. These two works are illustrative of the two main variants of a rationalist approach to ethnic conflict. Of course, most authors using either variant of the rational-choice approach use a mixture of both variants, but do nonetheless put more emphasis on one or the other.
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    • The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon
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    • James D. Fearon and David D. Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation," American Political Science Review 90, no. 4 (December 1996): 715-35, 717.
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    • Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia," 132. Note that Gagnon's use of the term "constructs" does not imply "social construction" but rather élite single-handed manipulation of the ethnic sentiments of their coethnics. In a "social construction" approach the élite's identities will also be mutually reconstructed as they try to manipulate their followers' identities.
    • Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia , pp. 132
    • Gagnon1
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    • This is reminiscent of the "Contact Hypothesis," which has been much debated in social psychology. This hypothesis assumes that increased contact between different ethnic groups gives each group more accurate information about the other and thus reduces friction. The empirical evidence on this argument is rather mixed. For a thorough examination of the contact hypothesis, see Hugh D. Forbes, Ethnic Conflict: Commerce, Culture, and the Contact Hypothesis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).
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    • Intersubjective meanings are "not simply the aggregation of the beliefs of individuals who jointly experience and interpret the world. Rather, they exist as collective knowledge mat is shared by all who are competent to engage or recognize the appropriate performance of a social practice or range of practices. This knowledge persists beyond the lives of individual social actors, embedded in social routines and practices as they are reproduced by interpreters who participate in their production and workings. Intersubjeciive meanings have structural attributes that do not merely constrain or empower actors. They also define their social reality" (Emanuel Adler, "Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics," European Journal of International Relations 3, no. 3 [September 1997]: 319-63, 327.
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    • ed. Paul Rabinow and William Sullivan Berkeley: University of California Press
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    • Hardin's effort is especially interesting for he attempts to account for the logic of group conflict by analyzing group identification from a rationalist perspective. He stops short, however, of accounting for the origin of self-interest of group members. He instead posits that group members are self-interested. He then attempts to explain, for example, how is it that self-interested members tend to identify with groups and reinforce group norms. He argues that "norms that serve collective interests are stronger when they are consistent with individual interest, and they are weaker when they are not" (Hardin, One for All, 140). While such a statement is very helpful, it still overlooks the fact that group norms (and identity) shape individual interest. There is thus no wonder why Hardin arrives at his conclusion. Individuals remain "free agents," who act on the basis of their own preferences, as long as the group norms and shared understandings cognitively frame these preferences.
    • One for All , pp. 140
    • Hardin1
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    • Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
    • Containing Fear
    • Lake1    Rothchild2
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    • One for All
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    • Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear"; Hardin, One for All; Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation"; Barry R. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict," Survival 35, no. 1 (spring 1993): 27-47.
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    • spring
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    • (1993) Survival , vol.35 , Issue.1 , pp. 27-47
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    • As put by Mozaffar, clarifying the "reciprocal relationship between institutions and the political organization of ethnicity involves focusing on now and why political actors choose ethnicity over other social cleavages to define and promote their interests, how institutions shape ethnic communities and structure the incentives (and disincentives) of political entrepreneurs to articulate ethnic-based demands, and how institutions are themselves transformed as a result of ethnic politics" (Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon," 45).
    • The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon , pp. 45
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    • note
    • Note that the term "social" as used in this paper refers also to political and cultural realms. That is, "social" is used to describe activities between social actors in politics, economics, and what is commonly called the social sphere (and other types). "Social" refers to an actor's practices as pan of a larger whole such as a group, a society, a community, or the world.
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    • Practice can be intentionally instituted or may emerge from habit and usage. Nardin argues that "The essence of any practice is to be found in the conditions it recommends or imposes on the conduct of agents pursuing self-chosen ends" (Terry Nardin, Law, Morality, and the Relations of States [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], 8).
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    • Put differently, individuals and groups always seek more ontological security and stability. Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 1-54; William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 25-53.
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    • Giddens, A.1
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    • Put differently, individuals and groups always seek more ontological security and stability. Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 1-54; William Bloom, Personal Identity, National Identity, and International Relations (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 25-53.
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    • The security dilemma stands for a condition under which what a group does to enhance its security causes reactions that, in the end, can make the group less secure. Posen, "The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict."
    • The Security Dilemma and Ethnic Conflict
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    • By social structure I mean "shared understandings, expectations, and social knowledge" embedded in various patterns of social relations (Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," 389). These social structures are not reducible to individual actors and are persistent enough to withstand, though not immutably, the whims of actors. They have a dynamic of their own and a logic that contributes to their reproduction. Sharon Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture," Sociological Theory 12, no. 1 (March 1994): 57-72.
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    • March
    • By social structure I mean "shared understandings, expectations, and social knowledge" embedded in various patterns of social relations (Wendt, "Collective Identity Formation and the International State," 389). These social structures are not reducible to individual actors and are persistent enough to withstand, though not immutably, the whims of actors. They have a dynamic of their own and a logic that contributes to their reproduction. Sharon Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture," Sociological Theory 12, no. 1 (March 1994): 57-72.
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    • Historical memory possesses the three basic properties that Hays delineates for social structures, that is, they are the creation of human beings and in turn mold the identity of people, they are both enabling and constraining, and they have different levels of depth. This applies to historical memories since, first, as argued by Bernard Lewis, human beings create, remember, and rediscover their historical memory. Second, historical memory becomes a social-psychological context that molds people's beliefs, expectations, and actions and, therefore, may constrain or enable them in their daily lives. Third, historical memory often provides deeply rooted rationalizations for peoples' actions and beliefs even though these peoples might not be readily aware of that. Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture"; Bernard Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
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    • Historical memory possesses the three basic properties that Hays delineates for social structures, that is, they are the creation of human beings and in turn mold the identity of people, they are both enabling and constraining, and they have different levels of depth. This applies to historical memories since, first, as argued by Bernard Lewis, human beings create, remember, and rediscover their historical memory. Second, historical memory becomes a social-psychological context that molds people's beliefs, expectations, and actions and, therefore, may constrain or enable them in their daily lives. Third, historical memory often provides deeply rooted rationalizations for peoples' actions and beliefs even though these peoples might not be readily aware of that. Hays, "Structure and Agency and the Sticky Problem of Culture"; Bernard Lewis, History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975).
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    • Eric J. Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Eric J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1870: Programme, Myth, Reality (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Paul R. Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1993); Ernest Gellner, Encounters with Nationalism (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1994); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991); Geoff Eley and Ronald Grigor Suny, Becoming National (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).
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    • Edelman defines a myth as "an unquestioned belief held in common by a large group of people that give events and actions a particular meaning" (Murray J. Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action [Chicago: Markham, 1971], 53). Snyder and Ballentine define nationalist myths as "assertions that would lose credibility if their claim to a basis in fact or logic were exposed to rigorous, disinterested public evaluation" (Jack Snyder and Karen Ballentine, "Nationalism and the Marketplace of Ideas," International Security 21, no. 2 [fall 1996]: 5-40, 10). Snyder's and Ballentine's definition is appropriate to their approach based on a marketplace-of-ideas analogy. Had Snyder and Ballentine defined nationalist myths differently, it would have been hard to qualify the myths as a "commodity" in a marketplace of ideas. People would not be able to falsify or discredit myths that dp not have a variable "marketable value." Such assumptions do not exactly fit in the social milieu within which political myths are constructed and propagated. In such a milieu, the consumer is far from being an "economic" actor. Political myths are interpretative and social in nature, and their credibility arises from intersubjective meanings constructed through public discourses and social interactions. Moreover, as Hardin put it, "that the belief is not convincing, even patently not so in the sense that it would not stand serious scrutiny, however, does not entail that people cannot believe it" (Hardin, One for All, 62). My definition concurs with Lake s and Rothchild's remark that ethnic myths are "often rooted in actual events, and probably could not be long sustained absent a historical basis" (Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 55).
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    • Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
    • (1996) Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe
    • Linz, J.1    Stepan, A.2
  • 86
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    • Democratization and Communal Politics
    • spring
    • Mozaffar, "The Institutional Logic of Ethnic Politics: A Prolegomenon." The problem is the more acute in societies where there are profound differences about the form of the state-a stateness problem. On the stateness problem during democratization, see Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Political Identities and Electoral Sequences: Spain, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia," Daedalus 121, no. 2 (spring 1992): 121-39; Alfred Stepan, "When Democracies and the Nation-State are Competing Logics: Reflections on Estonia," Archives Européennes de Sociologie 35 (1994): 127-41; Claus Offe, "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in East Central Europe," Social Research 58, no. 4 (winter 1991): 865-92; Donald Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Donald Horowitz, "Democracy in Divided Societies," Journal of Democracy 4, no. 4 (fall 1993): 18-38; Adam Przeworski, Sustainable Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chap. 1; Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe, South America, and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996); Badredine Arfi, "Democratization and Communal Politics," Democratization 5, no. 1 (spring 1998): 42-63.
    • (1998) Democratization , vol.5 , Issue.1 , pp. 42-63
    • Arfi, B.1
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    • Ethnic activists are individuals who genuinely advocate the group's identity and political, economic, and social welfare. Political entrepreneurs are individuals who may or may not be strongly committed to the views that the activists advocate, but who seek leadership positions and political power. Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear."
    • Containing Fear
    • Lake1    Rothchild2
  • 95
    • 85034301504 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • George Schöpflin argues that "for a myth to be effective in organizing and mobilizing opinion, it must, however, resonate....It seems that there are clear and unavoidable limits to invention and imagination and these are set by resonance. This is signifi-cant because it underpins the proposition that myth cannot be constructed purely out of false material; it has to have some relationship with the memory of the collectivity that has fashioned it. There has to be some factor, some event, some incident in the collective memory to which the myth makes an appeal; it is only at that point that the reinterpretation can vary radically from a closer historical assessment" (Hosking and Schöpflin, Myth & Nationhood, 25-26).
    • Myth & Nationhood , pp. 25-26
    • Hosking1    Schöpflin2
  • 96
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    • Image, Identity, and Conflict Resolution
    • ed. Chester A. Crocker, Fen O. Hampson, and Pamela Aall Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace
    • Janice G. Stein, "Image, Identity, and Conflict Resolution," in Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict, ed. Chester A. Crocker, Fen O. Hampson, and Pamela Aall (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1996), 93-111.
    • (1996) Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict , pp. 93-111
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    • Myth, Ritual, and Political Control
    • March
    • W. L. Bennett, "Myth, Ritual, and Political Control," Journal of Communication 30, no. 2 (March 1980): 166-79.
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    • Nationalism, Patriotism, and Group Loyalty: A Social Psychological Perspective
    • This list is meant to be suggestive rather than exhaustive. The issue, how shifts in group loyalty occur is still a debated one. For a review, see Daniel Druckman, "Nationalism, Patriotism, and Group Loyalty: A Social Psychological Perspective," Mershon International Studies Review 38 (1994): 43-68.
    • (1994) Mershon International Studies Review , vol.38 , pp. 43-68
    • Druckman, D.1
  • 100
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    • Ritualizatipn proceeds through a repetitive use of emotionally charged symbols in symbolically significant locations at symbolically appropriate times. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power, W. L. Bennett, "Imitation, Ambiguity, and Drama in Political Life: Civil Religion and the Dilemmas of Publics Morality," Journal of Politics 41, no. 1 (February 1979): 106-33.
    • Ritual, Politics, & Power
    • Kertzer1
  • 101
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    • Imitation, Ambiguity, and Drama in Political Life: Civil Religion and the Dilemmas of Publics Morality
    • February
    • Ritualizatipn proceeds through a repetitive use of emotionally charged symbols in symbolically significant locations at symbolically appropriate times. Kertzer, Ritual, Politics, & Power, W. L. Bennett, "Imitation, Ambiguity, and Drama in Political Life: Civil Religion and the Dilemmas of Publics Morality," Journal of Politics 41, no. 1 (February 1979): 106-33.
    • (1979) Journal of Politics , vol.41 , Issue.1 , pp. 106-133
    • Bennett, W.L.1
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    • Kaufman, "Spiraling to Ethnic War: Elites, Masses, and Moscow in Moldova's Civil War"; Lake and Rothchild, Containing Fear.
    • Containing Fear
    • Lake1    Rothchild2
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    • Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action. Van Evera argues that myths come in three principal varieties: self-glorifying myths which encourage the membership to contribute to the community, self-whitewashing myths which bolster the authority and political power of the incumbent élites, and other-maligning myths which support the claims that the community faces external threats. Stephen Van Evera, "Hypotheses on Nationalism and War," International Security 18, no. 4 (spring 1994): 5-39.
    • Politics As Symbolic Action
    • Edelman1
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    • Hypotheses on Nationalism and War
    • spring
    • Edelman, Politics as Symbolic Action. Van Evera argues that myths come in three principal varieties: self-glorifying myths which encourage the membership to contribute to the community, self-whitewashing myths which bolster the authority and political power of the incumbent élites, and other-maligning myths which support the claims that the community faces external threats. Stephen Van Evera, "Hypotheses on Nationalism and War," International Security 18, no. 4 (spring 1994): 5-39.
    • (1994) International Security , vol.18 , Issue.4 , pp. 5-39
    • Van Evera, S.1
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    • September
    • R. Merelman, "Learning and Legitimacy," American Political Science Review 60, no. 3 (September 1966): 548.
    • (1966) American Political Science Review , vol.60 , Issue.3 , pp. 548
    • Merelman, R.1
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    • Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace
    • Group mobilization can be achieved through various strategies depending on the conditions surrounding group-state and intergroup relations and on the issues at stake. Ted R. Gurr, Minorities at Risk, a Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1993), 61-88, 123-38; Jeff Goodwin, "Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions," Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (1994): 731-66.
    • (1993) Minorities at Risk, a Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts , pp. 61-88
    • Gurr, T.R.1
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    • Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions
    • Group mobilization can be achieved through various strategies depending on the conditions surrounding group-state and intergroup relations and on the issues at stake. Ted R. Gurr, Minorities at Risk, a Global View of Ethnopolitical Conflicts (Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace, 1993), 61-88, 123-38; Jeff Goodwin, "Toward a New Sociology of Revolutions," Theory and Society 23, no. 5 (1994): 731-66.
    • (1994) Theory and Society , vol.23 , Issue.5 , pp. 731-766
    • Goodwin, J.1
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    • For a short summary of the primordialist-instrumentalist debate on ethnicity, see Esman, Ethnic Politics, 9-16.
    • Ethnic Politics , pp. 9-16
    • Esman1
  • 111
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    • note
    • Obviously, Tito was not operating by himself only. He had many supporters devoted to him.
  • 112
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    • Bloomington: Indiana University Press
    • Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 21-46.
    • (1992) Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991
    • Ramet, S.P.1
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    • Washington, D.C.: Brookings
    • Sabrina P. Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962-1991 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992); Susan L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 21-46.
    • (1995) Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution after the Cold War , pp. 21-46
    • Woodward, S.L.1
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    • Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia
    • ed. Charles A. Kupchan Ithaca: Cornell University Press
    • Aleksa Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia," in Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe, ed. Charles A. Kupchan (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 85-106.
    • (1995) Nationalism and Nationalities in the New Europe , pp. 85-106
    • Djilas, A.1
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    • New York: Benn
    • Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Yugoslavia (New York: Benn, 1971); Ivo Banac, The National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics ,(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984).
    • (1971) Yugoslavia
    • Pavlowitch, S.K.1
  • 120
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    • Woodward, Balkan Tragedy.; Leonard J. Cohen, Broken Bonds: Yugoslavia's Disintegration and Balkan Politics in Transition (Boulder: Westview, 1995).
    • Balkan Tragedy
    • Woodward1
  • 125
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    • note
    • I focus somewhat on Gagnon's work because his set of hypotheses has many aspects in common with a constructivist account of ethnic conflict, although he does not frame his work in this way.
  • 128
    • 85034304260 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the end of the cold war also provided the context where many leaders remained in power, but transformed their leadership style away from communist authoritarianism.
  • 132
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    • Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 82-145; Cohen, Broken Bonds, 79-225.
    • Balkan Tragedy , pp. 82-145
    • Woodward1
  • 133
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    • Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy, 82-145; Cohen, Broken Bonds, 79-225.
    • Broken Bonds , pp. 79-225
    • Cohen1
  • 138
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    • New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich
    • Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
    • (1976) A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918 , vol.1
    • Petrovich, M.B.1
  • 139
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    • Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
    • Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
    • (1966) A Short History of Yugoslavia
    • Clissold, S.1
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    • Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
    • Michael B. Petrovich, A History of Modern Serbia, 1804-1918, vol. 1 (New York: Harcourt Brace Javanovich, 1976); Stephen Clissold, A Short History of Yugoslavia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966); Fred Singleton, A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).
    • (1985) A Short History of the Yugoslav Peoples
    • Singleton, F.1
  • 141
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    • New York: Columbia University Press
    • Thomas A. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990); Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
    • (1990) Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389
    • Emmert, T.A.1
  • 142
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    • The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography
    • Ramet and Adamovich
    • Thomas A. Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990); Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
    • Beyond Yugoslavia , pp. 39-65
    • Banac, I.1
  • 143
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    • Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
    • Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389
    • Emmert1
  • 144
    • 85034296485 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
    • The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography
    • Banac1
  • 145
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    • Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press
    • Emmert, Serbian Golgotha Kosovo, 1389; Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography"; Bogdan Denitch, Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994).
    • (1994) Ethnic Nationalism: The Tragic Death of Yugoslavia
    • Denitch, B.1
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    • Post-Communism as Post-Yugoslavism: The Yugoslav Non-Revolutions of 1989-1990
    • ed. Ivo Banac Ithaca: Cornell University Press
    • Ivo Banac, "Post-Communism as Post-Yugoslavism: The Yugoslav Non-Revolutions of 1989-1990," in Eastern Europe in Revolution, ed. Ivo Banac (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992), 168-87.
    • (1992) Eastern Europe in Revolution , pp. 168-187
    • Banac, I.1
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    • Belgrade, 15 May
    • Pravloslavlje, Belgrade, 15 May 1982.
    • (1982) Pravloslavlje
  • 156
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    • The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography
    • Ramet and Adamovich
    • Ivo Banac, "The Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 39-65.
    • Beyond Yugoslavia , pp. 39-65
    • Banac, I.1
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    • Belgrade, 1 June
    • Pravloslavlje, Belgrade, 1 June 1989, 3-4.
    • (1989) Pravloslavlje , pp. 3-4
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    • The Serbian Church and the Serbian Nation
    • Ramet and Adamovich
    • Sabrina P. Ramet, "The Serbian Church and the Serbian Nation," in Ramet and Adamovich, Beyond Yugoslavia, 102-22.
    • Beyond Yugoslavia , pp. 102-122
    • Ramet, S.P.1
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    • 4 August
    • FBIS-EEU, 4 August 1989, 43.
    • (1989) FBIS-EEU , pp. 43
  • 170
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    • Aleksa Djilas, The Contested Country: Yugoslav Unity and Communist Revolution, 1919-1953 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Djilas, "Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia"; Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia."
    • Fear Thy Neighbor: The Breakup of Yugoslavia
    • Djilas1
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    • 2 September
    • Politika, 2 September 1990, 18.
    • (1990) Politika , pp. 18
  • 177
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    • Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia"; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy; Thompson, Forging War.
    • Balkan Tragedy
    • Woodward1
  • 178
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    • Gagnon, "Ethnic Nationalism and International Conflict: The Case of Serbia"; Woodward, Balkan Tragedy; Thompson, Forging War.
    • Forging War
    • Thompson1
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    • 26 June
    • FBIS-EEU, 26 June 1992, 18.
    • (1992) FBIS-EEU , pp. 18
  • 198
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    • Lake and Rothchild, "Containing Fear," 44; see also: Hardin, One for All, 144-47.
    • One for All , pp. 144-147
    • Hardin1
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    • Introduction: The Politics of Interpretation
    • ed. Michael T. Gibbons New York: New York University Press
    • As Gibbons put it, any "attempt to understand the intersubjective meanings embedded in social life is at the same time an attempt to explain why people act the way they do" (Michael T. Gibbons, "Introduction: The Politics of Interpretation," in Interpreting Politics, ed. Michael T. Gibbons [New York: New York University Press, 1987], 3).
    • (1987) Interpreting Politics , pp. 3
    • Gibbons, M.T.1
  • 201
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    • Fearon and Laitin, who present a much more optimistic scenario than Lake and Rothchild, argue that "despite the greater tensions, peaceful and cooperative relations are by far the more typical outcome than is large-scale violence" (Fearon and Laitin, "Explaining Interethnic Cooperation,". 715). As pointed out earlier, however, Fearon and Laitin's explanation of interethnic cooperation, although very insightful, still stops short of considering the role that group social identity plays in interethnic cooperation and violence.
    • Explaining Interethnic Cooperation , pp. 715
    • Fearon1    Laitin2
  • 203
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    • For good reviews, see Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, 601-52; Esman, Ethnic Politics, 216-40.
    • Ethnic Politics , pp. 216-240
    • Esman1
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    • Ithaca: CornelL University Press
    • David Laitin introduces this expression in his Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad (Ithaca: CornelL University Press, 1998), chap. 12. Ethnic cleansing, liberal style stands for a policy which proposes that "groups whose leaders can make credible claims to being a nation should be rewarded with plebiscites, recognition, and aid packages to help the process of state consolidation" (ibid.). As strongly argued by Laitin, such a policy would readily encourage ethnic cleansing and violence.
    • (1998) Identity in Formation: The Russian-Speaking Populations in the Near Abroad
    • Laitin, D.1
  • 205
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    • note
    • All these policy implications depend on a timely mixture of actors and resources. Timely preempting the construction, or deconstructing, of aggressive social identities of the major ethnic groups is crucial. Resources are also needed to carry out the tasks. To counter a given reinterpretation of historical memories, for example, actively involved actors need public media resources that would convey their message to a variety of social groups.


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