The political economy of Islamic resurgence in Turkey: The rise of the Welfare Party in perspective

Third World Quarterly

Volumn 18, Issue 4, 1997, Pages 743-766

  Öniş, Ziya ^a  

^a BOGAZICI UNIVERSITY   (Turkey)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0000245308     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599714740     Document Type: Review

References (42)

1. The unexpected rise of the Welfare Party has generated a large literature in recent years. For a small sample, see Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, party, and state: the politicization of Islam in Turkey', Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 40-57; Sabri Sayari, 'Turkey's Islamist challenge'. Middle East Quarterly, 3 (3) 1996, pp 35-43; Jenny B White, 'Islam and democracy: the Turkish experience', Current History, 94 (588), 1995, pp 7-12; white 'Pragmatists or ideologues? Turkey's Welfare Party in power', Current History, 96 (606), 1997, pp 25-30; and David Shankland, 'The demise of the Republican Turkey's social contract', Government and Opposition, 31 (3), 1996, pp 30-32.
2. The unexpected rise of the Welfare Party has generated a large literature in recent years. For a small sample, see Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, party, and state: the politicization of Islam in Turkey', Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 40-57; Sabri Sayari, 'Turkey's Islamist challenge'. Middle East Quarterly, 3 (3) 1996, pp 35-43; Jenny B White, 'Islam and democracy: the Turkish experience', Current History, 94 (588), 1995, pp 7-12; white 'Pragmatists or ideologues? Turkey's Welfare Party in power', Current History, 96 (606), 1997, pp 25-30; and David Shankland, 'The demise of the Republican Turkey's social contract', Government and Opposition, 31 (3), 1996, pp 30-32.
3. The unexpected rise of the Welfare Party has generated a large literature in recent years. For a small sample, see Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, party, and state: the politicization of Islam in Turkey', Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 40-57; Sabri Sayari, 'Turkey's Islamist challenge'. Middle East Quarterly, 3 (3) 1996, pp 35-43; Jenny B White, 'Islam and democracy: the Turkish experience', Current History, 94 (588), 1995, pp 7-12; white 'Pragmatists or ideologues? Turkey's Welfare Party in power', Current History, 96 (606), 1997, pp 25-30; and David Shankland, 'The demise of the Republican Turkey's social contract', Government and Opposition, 31 (3), 1996, pp 30-32.
4. The unexpected rise of the Welfare Party has generated a large literature in recent years. For a small sample, see Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, party, and state: the politicization of Islam in Turkey', Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 40-57; Sabri Sayari, 'Turkey's Islamist challenge'. Middle East Quarterly, 3 (3) 1996, pp 35-43; Jenny B White, 'Islam and democracy: the Turkish experience', Current History, 94 (588), 1995, pp 7-12; white 'Pragmatists or ideologues? Turkey's Welfare Party in power', Current History, 96 (606), 1997, pp 25-30; and David Shankland, 'The demise of the Republican Turkey's social contract', Government and Opposition, 31 (3), 1996, pp 30-32.
5. The unexpected rise of the Welfare Party has generated a large literature in recent years. For a small sample, see Sencer Ayata, 'Patronage, party, and state: the politicization of Islam in Turkey', Middle East Journal, 50 (1), 1996, pp 40-57; Sabri Sayari, 'Turkey's Islamist challenge'. Middle East Quarterly, 3 (3) 1996, pp 35-43; Jenny B White, 'Islam and democracy: the Turkish experience', Current History, 94 (588), 1995, pp 7-12; white 'Pragmatists or ideologues? Turkey's Welfare Party in power', Current History, 96 (606), 1997, pp 25-30; and David Shankland, 'The demise of the Republican Turkey's social contract', Government and Opposition, 31 (3), 1996, pp 30-32.
6. On the origins and performance of the National Salvation Party (MSP), the forerunner of RP in the pre-1980 paper, see İlkay Sunar & Binnaz Toprak, 'Islam in politics: the case of Turkey', Government and Opposition, 18 (4) 1983, pp421-441. From a comparative perspective, see Hootan Shambayat, 'The rentier state, interest groups and the paradox of autonomy: state and business in Turkey and Iran', Comparative Politics, 26 (3), 1994, pp 307-332.
7. On the origins and performance of the National Salvation Party (MSP), the forerunner of RP in the pre-1980 paper, see İlkay Sunar & Binnaz Toprak, 'Islam in politics: the case of Turkey', Government and Opposition, 18 (4) 1983, pp421-441. From a comparative perspective, see Hootan Shambayat, 'The rentier state, interest groups and the paradox of autonomy: state and business in Turkey and Iran', Comparative Politics, 26 (3), 1994, pp 307-332.
8. The distribution of the national vote at the general elections of 1995 was as follows: Welfare Party, (RP), 21.4%; True Path Party (DYP), 19.2%; Motherland Party (ANAP), 19.7%; Democratic Left Party (DSP), 14.6% and the Republican People's Party (CHP, the successor to the Social Democratic Populist Party), 10.7%. What is also striking in the context of the 1995 elections is that the two fringe parties, the extreme nationalists, the National Action Party (MHP) and the ethnic separatists, HADEP, also obtained a significant share of the national vote. MHP'S share was 8.2%, while HADEP's share was 6.1%. Neither of these two parties could be represented in parliament because of their failure to pass the 10% national electoral threshold. Nonetheless, their electoral success was significant in terms of undermining the power base of the centre parties, clearly facilitating the rise of the Welfare Party in the process. For detailed information on individual political parties in Turkey, see Metin Heper & Jacob M Landau (eds), Political Parties and Democracy in Turkey, London: IB Tauris, 1991.
9. On the challenges confronting the process of democratic consolidation in Turkey, see Ergun Özbudun, 'Turkey: how far from consolidation?'. Journal of Democracy, 1 (3), 1996, pp 123-138.
10. The centre-periphery paradigm was originally developed by Şerif Mardin. As an example of this approach to the study of Islam in Turkish politics, see his 'Religion and politics in modern Turkey' in James Piscatori (ed), Islam in the Political Process, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp 138-159. For a recent analysis that attempts to locate the post-1980 experience in a centre - periphery framework, see Ümit Cizre-Sakallioglu, 'Parameters and strategies of Islam - state interaction in Republican Turkey', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 18, 1996, pp 231-251.
11. The centre-periphery paradigm was originally developed by Şerif Mardin. As an example of this approach to the study of Islam in Turkish politics, see his 'Religion and politics in modern Turkey' in James Piscatori (ed), Islam in the Political Process, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp 138-159. For a recent analysis that attempts to locate the post-1980 experience in a centre - periphery framework, see Ümit Cizre-Sakallioglu, 'Parameters and strategies of Islam - state interaction in Republican Turkey', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 18, 1996, pp 231-251.
12. On the impact of globalisation and the rise of identity politics, see in particular Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996; Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty first Century, London: Fontana, 1993; Vincent Cable, The World's New Fissures: Identities in Crisis, London: Demos, 1994; and Paul Hirst & Grahame Thompson, 'Globalization and the future of the nation state', Economy and Society, 24 (3), 1995, pp 408-442.
13. On the impact of globalisation and the rise of identity politics, see in particular Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996; Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty first Century, London: Fontana, 1993; Vincent Cable, The World's New Fissures: Identities in Crisis, London: Demos, 1994; and Paul Hirst & Grahame Thompson, 'Globalization and the future of the nation state', Economy and Society, 24 (3), 1995, pp 408-442.
14. On the impact of globalisation and the rise of identity politics, see in particular Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996; Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty first Century, London: Fontana, 1993; Vincent Cable, The World's New Fissures: Identities in Crisis, London: Demos, 1994; and Paul Hirst & Grahame Thompson, 'Globalization and the future of the nation state', Economy and Society, 24 (3), 1995, pp 408-442.
15. On the impact of globalisation and the rise of identity politics, see in particular Anthony Giddens, Beyond Left and Right: The Future of Radical Politics, Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996; Paul Kennedy, Preparing for the Twenty first Century, London: Fontana, 1993; Vincent Cable, The World's New Fissures: Identities in Crisis, London: Demos, 1994; and Paul Hirst & Grahame Thompson, 'Globalization and the future of the nation state', Economy and Society, 24 (3), 1995, pp 408-442.
16. For a comparative Middle Eastern perspective emphasising Islam as an urban movement reflecting the modernist aspirations of rising groups in society, see Sami Zubaida, Islam, the People and the State, London: IB Tauris, 1993.
17. Our discussion of the secondary elites has been influenced by Faruk Birtek & Binnaz Toprak, 'The conflictual agendas of neoliberal reconstruction and the rise of Islamic politics in Turkey', Praxis International, 13 (2), 1993, pp 192-212.
18. On the broad political economy of Turkey during the post-1980 era, see Ziya Öniş & Steven B Webb, 'Turkey: democratization and adjustment from above', in Stephan Haggard & Steven B Webb (eds) Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization and Economic Adjustment pp 128-184 New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. See also the collection of essays in Atila Eralp, Muharrem Tümay & Birol Yeşilada (ed), The Political and Socioeconomic Transformation of Turkey, Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993.
19. On the broad political economy of Turkey during the post-1980 era, see Ziya Öniş & Steven B Webb, 'Turkey: democratization and adjustment from above', in Stephan Haggard & Steven B Webb (eds) Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization and Economic Adjustment pp 128-184 New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. See also the collection of essays in Atila Eralp, Muharrem Tümay & Birol Yeşilada (ed), The Political and Socioeconomic Transformation of Turkey, Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993.
20. For a detailed analysis of the role of the military in the post-1980 context, see Huri Türsan, 'Ersatz democracy: Turkey in the 1990s', in Richard Gillespie (ed), Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 2, pp 215-230, London: Pinter, 1996.
21. The evidence on relative income inequality is based on the 1994 national survey whose outcome was disclosed by the State Institute of Statistics in 1996.
22. On the changing role of the state in Turkey during the post-1980 era, see Korkut Boratav, 'İktisat Tarihi, 1981-1994' in Sina Akşin (ed) Türkiye Tarihi, Cilt 5, Bugünkü Türkiye, pp 159-210, Istanbul: Cem Yayinevi, 1995.
23. Our discussions concerning the programmatic statements of RP are based on election manifestos and documents setting out the controversial 'just economic order'. The key documents are the following: 20 Ekim 1991 Genel Seçimi Refah Partisi Secirn Beyannamesi, Ankara, 1991; Adil Ekonomik Düzen: 21 Soru 21 Cevap, Ankara, 1991; and Refah Partisi 14 Aralik 1995 Seçimleri Seçim Beyannamesi Ankara, 1995.
24. Our discussions concerning the programmatic statements of RP are based on election manifestos and documents setting out the controversial 'just economic order'. The key documents are the following: 20 Ekim 1991 Genel Seçimi Refah Partisi Secirn Beyannamesi, Ankara, 1991; Adil Ekonomik Düzen: 21 Soru 21 Cevap, Ankara, 1991; and Refah Partisi 14 Aralik 1995 Seçimleri Seçim Beyannamesi Ankara, 1995.
25. Our discussions concerning the programmatic statements of RP are based on election manifestos and documents setting out the controversial 'just economic order'. The key documents are the following: 20 Ekim 1991 Genel Seçimi Refah Partisi Secirn Beyannamesi, Ankara, 1991; Adil Ekonomik Düzen: 21 Soru 21 Cevap, Ankara, 1991; and Refah Partisi 14 Aralik 1995 Seçimleri Seçim Beyannamesi Ankara, 1995.
26. The decline of the social democrats should be placed in perspective in the sense that the combined vote of the two principal social democratic parties exceeded the share of RP in the general elections of 1995. What is significant, however, is the pronounced decline of the social democrats compared with the pre-1980 period, when they could obtain around 40% of the national vote and even more in the context of the mid-1970s.
27. For a detailed analysis of the electoral performance of the principal political parties on a region by region basis and illustrating the regional dimension in the fragmentation of the national vote, see Ali Çarkoǧlu, '24 Aralik 1995 Seçimlerinde Bölgeselleşme, Oynaklik, Parçalanma ve Temsil Adaleti', 25, Görüş 1996 pp 50-54. For a study which emphasises the strong regional as well as the rural connection underlying support for the Welfare Party, see Hasan Kirmanoǧlu, 'Refah Partisinin Yükselişinin Ekonomi Politiǧi', mimeo, Faculty of Economics, University of Istanbul, 1996.
28. For a detailed analysis of the electoral performance of the principal political parties on a region by region basis and illustrating the regional dimension in the fragmentation of the national vote, see Ali Çarkoǧlu, '24 Aralik 1995 Seçimlerinde Bölgeselleşme, Oynaklik, Parçalanma ve Temsil Adaleti', 25, Görüş 1996 pp 50-54. For a study which emphasises the strong regional as well as the rural connection underlying support for the Welfare Party, see Hasan Kirmanoǧlu, 'Refah Partisinin Yükselişinin Ekonomi Politiǧi', mimeo, Faculty of Economics, University of Istanbul, 1996.
29. In the public image, the Saudi presence in the Turkish economy that originated in the mid-1980s has been associated with the formation of financial institutions based on the principles of interest-free banking. For evidence on Saudi capital, see Birol Yeşilada, 'Islam, dollars and politics: the political economy of Saudi capital in Turkey', paper delivered to the annual MESA Conference in Toronto, Canada, 15-18 November 1989.
30. An example of such a brotherhood that is much publicised is the religious community founded by Fethullah Güen, a disciple of Said Nursi, the Nur sect.
31. Data on the distribution of MÜSIAD membership reveals the following pattern. In October 1996 MÜSIAD had a total membership of 2567. The largest congregations of members included Istanbul (786), Bursa (246), İzmir (205), Konya (184), Kayseri (175), Ankara (169) and Kocaeli (107). Of these only Konya and Kayseri are the traditional RP strongholds in the Inner Anatolian region. The rest are major metropolitan centres. It is also interesting that the emerging towns associated with successful industrialisation in recent years, namely Çorum, Kahramanmaraş., Şanliurfa, Gaziantep and Denizli have a combined membership of 256, which is also significant. Thanks are due to Dr Ömer Bolat, the General Secretary of MÜSIAD, for granting me an interview and making the information on the association's membership available.
32. The success story of 'Anatolian tigers' in the rising small towns of Inner and Southeast Anatolia have been highlighted in a series of articles that appeared in the Turkish daily, Milliyet, during July 1996.
33. For an exposition of MÜSIAD's basic perspective, see the annual reports on the Turkish economy which start in 1994. See also the report, Economic Cooperation Among Islamic Countries, Istanbul. Another useful study in terms of illuminating the basic MÜSIAD perspective, is a book by the president of the Association, Erol Yarar, 21. Yüzyila Girerken Dünyaya Yeni Bir Bakiş, Istanbul: MÜSIAD, 1996.
34. For an exposition of MÜSIAD's basic perspective, see the annual reports on the Turkish economy which start in 1994. See also the report, Economic Cooperation Among Islamic Countries, Istanbul. Another useful study in terms of illuminating the basic MÜSIAD perspective, is a book by the president of the Association, Erol Yarar, 21. Yüzyila Girerken Dünyaya Yeni Bir Bakiş, Istanbul: MÜSIAD, 1996.
35. See the key report, Pamuk Birligi, Istanbul: MÜSIAD, 1996.
36. See a recent, much publicised and controversial report by TÜSIAD, Türkiye'de Demokratik Perspektifler, Istanbul: TÜSIAD, 1997.
37. For an interpretation along these lines, see Saad Eddin Ibrahim, The other side of the moon: from Taliban to Erbakan', Civil Society, 5 (59), 1996, p 4.
38. On the relationship between Islam and postmodernity, see Akbar S Ahmed and Hastings Donnan (eds), Islam, Globalization and Postmodernity, London: Routledge, 1994. For a useful exploration of the complex and uneasy relationship between Islam and postmodernity with special reference to the Turkish context, see Ali Yaşar Saribay, Postmodemite, Sivil Toplum ve Islam, Istanbul: İletişim Yayinlari, 1995.
39. On the relationship between Islam and postmodernity, see Akbar S Ahmed and Hastings Donnan (eds), Islam, Globalization and Postmodernity, London: Routledge, 1994. For a useful exploration of the complex and uneasy relationship between Islam and postmodernity with special reference to the Turkish context, see Ali Yaşar Saribay, Postmodemite, Sivil Toplum ve Islam, Istanbul: İletişim Yayinlari, 1995.
40. See Ruşen Çakir, Ne Şeriat Ne Demokrasi, Istanbul: Metis Yayinlari, 1994; and Cakir, Ayet ve Slogan, Istanbul: Metis Yayinlari, 1990.
41. See Ruşen Çakir, Ne Şeriat Ne Demokrasi, Istanbul: Metis Yayinlari, 1994; and Cakir, Ayet ve Slogan, Istanbul: Metis Yayinlari, 1990.
42. See Olivier Roy, The Failure of Political Islam, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994.