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Volumn 24, Issue 3, 1995, Pages 408-442

Globalization and the Future of the Nation State

Author keywords

Globalization; governance; international order; nation state; sovereignty

Indexed keywords

FUTURE PROSPECT; GEOPOLITICAL STUDIES; GLOBALISATION; GOVERNANCE; NATION STATE; SOVEREIGNTY; STATE FUNCTION; STATE ROLE;

EID: 0029509410     PISSN: 03085147     EISSN: 14695766     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/03085149500000017     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (206)

References (115)
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    • all emphasize that both the units of politics and the relationships between them changed their nature in early-modern Europe
    • See Weber (1969) especially p. 56. On the pluralism of political authority in the Middle Ages, see Gierke (1900) and especially the introduction by F.W. Maitland. Recent discussions of the formation of sovereign states and the modern system of states by international relations theorists have gone some way to take the discussion beyond Weber. For example, Ruggie (1986), Downing (1992) and Spruyt (1994) all emphasize that both the units of politics and the relationships between them changed their nature in early-modern Europe.
    • (1994) , pp. 56
    • Weber1
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    • see Limm
    • For the relevant provisions of the Treaty of Westphalia article 5 Paragraphs 1 and 30, see Limm (1984).
    • (1984) , vol.5 , pp. 1-30
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    • sovereignty as an exclusive attribute of the ruler/state
    • On the rise of ‘sovereignty as an exclusive attribute of the ruler/state’, see Hinsley (1986).
    • (1986)
  • 4
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    • billiard ball
    • interactions are stressed in Marge (1971). The notion of modern international relations as those of an anarchical society of states is taken from Bull
    • These ‘billiard ball’ interactions are stressed in Marge (1971). The notion of modern international relations as those of an anarchical society of states is taken from Bull (1977).
    • (1977)
  • 5
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    • whose scepticism about nationalist politics and whose practice of confronting the rhetoric of nationalists with the political and cultural complexities they seek to homogenize is a healthy corrective
    • This discussion of nationalism draws on two quite contrary approaches, that of Benedict Anderson (1991), which stresses the character of cultural homogeneity as a political project, and that of Eric Hobsbawm (1992) whose scepticism about nationalist politics and whose practice of confronting the rhetoric of nationalists with the political and cultural complexities they seek to homogenize is a healthy corrective.
    • (1992)
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    • See
    • See Hindess (1992).
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    • All Bosnians now
    • trenchant essay
    • See T. Tom Nairn’s trenchant essay ‘All Bosnians now’ (1993).
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    • Nairn’s, T.1
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    • for a critique of the concept of the self-governing political community
    • See Hindess (1991) for a critique of the concept of the self-governing political community.
    • (1991)
    • Hindess1
  • 9
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    • On the concepts of community sovereignty and ruler sovereignty, see Hinsley
    • On the concepts of community sovereignty and ruler sovereignty, see Hinsley (1986).
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    • On Perpetual Peace
    • and also, for the question of whether liberal states refrain from fighting each other, see Doyle (1983)
    • See Kant ‘On Perpetual Peace’ (1991), and also, for the question of whether liberal states refrain from fighting each other, see Doyle (1983).
    • (1991)
    • Kant1
  • 11
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    • On the changing role of national politics, see Mulgan, and on the declining role of the nation state
    • On the changing role of national politics, see Mulgan (1994), and on the declining role of the nation state, Horsman and Marshall (1994).
    • (1994)
  • 13
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    • deterred state
    • and closer to the solution to the nuclear stand-off advocated by Schell
    • This is in many ways the entry of states into a ‘civil order’ and no longer an anarchy; it moves international relations on beyond the ‘deterred state’ and closer to the solution to the nuclear stand-off advocated by Schell (1984).
    • (1984)
  • 14
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    • This argument draws extensively on
    • This argument draws extensively on Van Creveld V.(1991).
    • (1991)
    • Van Creveld1
  • 15
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    • advances this argument
    • Kant advances this argument (1991: n.16).
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    • Kant1
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    • (1991) and, for an elegant example of these processes in France, E. Weber
    • See Anderson (1991) and, for an elegant example of these processes in France, E. Weber (1979).
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  • 17
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    • See
    • See Casdes and Miller (1993).
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    • clash of civilizations
    • He argues that, after the ending of the conflict of ideologies, we are moving into a new era of the
    • It has become fashionable to erect political Islam, and other anti-Western movements, into a major threat, see for example Huntingdo (1993). He argues that, after the ending of the conflict of ideologies, we are moving into a new era of the ‘clash of civilizations ’.
    • (1993)
  • 19
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    • On political Islam, see
    • On political Islam, see Zubaida (1993).
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  • 20
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    • report Governance
    • For an interesting series of discussions of the difference between governance and government and of the possible forms of non-state regulation in international arenas, see Rosenau and Czempiel (1992); see also the World Bank's attempt to define the roles of states in respect to good governance in its 1994 report Governance.
    • (1994)
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  • 21
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    • In this respect Durkheim’s Division of Labour in Society remains unsurpassed, despite being published over a century ago; see also Hutton
    • In this respect Durkheim’s Division of Labour in Society remains unsurpassed, despite being published over a century ago; see also Hutton (1995).
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  • 22
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    • Chapter 4
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    • See Hirst and Thompson (1994: 295-6).
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    • See the interesting extended report on the global economy and the prospects for growth in developing countries in The Economist 1 October 1994
    • Chapter 5
    • See the interesting extended report on the global economy and the prospects for growth in developing countries in The Economist 1 October 1994. The Economist argues that growth, especially in Asia, is likely to be rapid and sustained, and if this happens it will stimulate growth in the advanced countries by promoting world trade. Such an outcome would be favourable, but an expanding system would still require a measure of stability that could be achieved only by monetary and trade regulation. Rapid growth in the developing world would not obviate the need for advanced countries to take the lead in re-regulation of the world economy and cannot be construed as favouring a laissez-faire approach; see Hirst and Thompson (1996: Chapter 5).
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    • is exceptionally valuable and suggestive in demonstrating the value of Keynes' ideas today for it shows him (especially in the 1920s) wrestling with the problem of national policy in a highly internationalized and volatile world economy
    • It is probably the case that Keynes’ main legacy to the modem world is not his account of the management of national economies in The General Theory but his Globalization and the future of the nation state 439 long-term emphasis on the corrosive effects of uncertainty on investment, output and trade and the value of a calculable international monetary framework in stabilizing expectations. Skidelsky’s biography (Vol. 2, 1992) is exceptionally valuable and suggestive in demonstrating the value of Keynes' ideas today for it shows him (especially in the 1920s) wrestling with the problem of national policy in a highly internationalized and volatile world economy.
    • (1992) The General Theory , vol.2
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    • See the literature on national systems of innovation
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    • See the literature on national systems of innovation (Ludval 1992; McKelvey 1991; Nelson 1993; Porter 1990) and national business systems (Whitely 1992a, 1992b).
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    • On regional economies as forms of economic governance
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    • On regional economies as forms of economic governance, see Sabel (1989) and Zeitlin (1992); see also Ohmae (1993) for the argument that region states can become increasingly salient in an era when nation states are declining. Region states or networks of city states are another thing entirely from the organized industrial district or subsidiary regional governments, and, although a fashionable idea (building on the success of Singapore or Hong Kong), are unlikely to become a widespread alternative to nation states. They rely both on strong international economic governance and on the collective security provided by major states. They are too small to survive alone in the face of less economically successful but militarily strong regional powers. They cannot bear the full costs of security or economic regulation alone without losing competitive advantage and larger political entities will not allow them a free ride if they become differentially successful and put competitive pressure on their own economies. For city states and city leagues as competitors to territorial states in the early-modern period, see Spruyt (1994).
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    • also Banuri and Schur (1992)
    • See Hirst and Thompson (1992: 359-60, 366); also Banuri and Schur (1992).
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    • Sovereignty and the mixed constitution
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    • The reference here is to those princes of the Holy Roman Empire who enjoyed the right to elect the Emperor. The Empire was not a ‘sovereign’ state but a political entity made up of associated institutions with varying powers of governance - its policies were determined by the Emperor, the Electors and the Imperial Diet. It could hardly be a model for the modern world, but given our need to understand emerging political relationships it has some limited value as an analogy. For debates on the constitutional status of the Empire at the period of the formation of the modern state, see J.H. Franklin ‘Sovereignty and the mixed constitution’ in Burns (1991: 309 - 328)
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