EU intervention in ethno-political conflicts: The cases of Cyprus and serbia-montenegro

European Foreign Affairs Review

Volumn 9, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 551-573

  Tocci, Nathalie ^a  

^a EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE   (Italy)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 85045166465     PISSN: 13846299     EISSN: 18758223     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.54648/eerr2004042     Document Type: Article

References (32)

1. T. Diez, S. Stetter and M. Albert 'The EU and the Transformation of Border Conflicts' (2004) 1 EUBorderConf Working Papers, January 2004;
2. N. Tocci, 'Conflict Resolution in the European Neighbourhood: the Role of the EU as a Framework and as an Actor' (2004) EUI Working Paper, Florence.
3. C. Hill 'The EU's Capacity for Conflict Prevention' (2001) 6 EFA Rev, pp. 315-333.
4. On EU political conditionality see K. Smith (1998) 'The Use of Political Conditionality in the EU's Relations with Third Countries: how effective?' (1998) 3 EFA Rev, pp. 253-74.
5. See G. Noutcheva and M. Huysseune, 'Serbia and Montenegro' in B. Coppieters, M. Emerson, M.Huysseune, G.Noutcheva, N.Tocci and M.Vahl, Europeanization and Conflict Resolution: Case Studies from the Divided Periphery (Academia Press, Ghent, 2004).
6. United Nations Secretary General, The Comprehensive Settlement of the Cyprus Problem, Main Articles, article 2.2 and 19.3, 2004, .
7. B. Kerremans, 'Determining a European Policy in a Multi-Level Setting: The Case of Specialised Co-ordination in Belgium' (2000) 10/1 Regional and Federal Studies, pp. 36-61;
8. T. Kovziridze, 'Europeanization of Federal Institutional Relationships: Hierarchical and Interdependent Relationship Structures in Belgium, Germany and Austria' (2002) 12/3 Regional and Federal Studies, pp. 128-155;
9. N. Tocci and T. Kovziridze, 'Cyprus' in B. Coppieters et al., note 4 above.
10. J. Christou, 'Papadopolous trashes Plan', Cyprus Mail, 8 April 2004.
11. 'Controversy brews over Cyprus plan', Turkish Daily News, 15 November 2002.
12. N. Tocci, 'Cyprus and the EU: Catalysing Crisis or Settlement?' (2002) 3 Turkish Studies, pp. 105-138.
13. Reported in UN Secretary General, 'Report of the Secretary General on his mission of good offices in Cyprus', paragraph 65, 2004.
14. On why conditionality was lifted on the Greek Cypriot side see N. Tocci, EU Accession Dynamics and Conflict Resolution: Catalysing Peace or Consolidating Partition in Cyprus? (Ashgate, London, 2004), Chapter 7.
15. J. Christou, 'Verheugen: I feel cheated', Cyprus Mail, 22 April 2004.
16. Interviews with Greek Cypriot officials and academics in Nicosia, July 2003.
17. Interviews with Turkish Cypriot opposition leaders and civil servants in Nicosia, February 2002, Brussels, March 2002, Nicosia, April 2002 and January 2003.
18. T. Bahceli, 'The Lure of Economic Prosperity Versus Ethno-Nationalism: Turkish Cypriots, the EU Option, and the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict in Cyprus' in M. Keating and J. McGarry (eds), Minority Nationalism and the Changing International Order (Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1997), pp. 203-222.
19. Interviews with Turkish and Turkish Cypriot officials in Ankara and Nicosia, February and May 2002.
20. In 1994 a European Court of Justice case judgement banned Cypriot exports without Republic of Cyprus certification.
21. For example, in 2003 the Commission stated that the conflict posed a 'serious obstacle' to Turkey's accession path (Commission of the European Communities, Continuing Enlargement: Strategy Paper and Report of the European Commission on the Progress towards Accession of Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey, 2004, p. 16, ).
22. See D. Lopandic and V. Bajic, Serbia and Montenegro on the Road to the EU (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Belgrade, 2003).
23. C. Pippan, 'The Rocky Road to Europe: The EU's Stabilisation and Association Process for the Western Balkans and the Principle of Conditionality' (2004) 9 EFA Rev, pp. 219-245 at p. 236-239.
24. See G. Noutcheva and M. Huyssene, 'Serbia-Montenegro' in B. Coppieters et al., note 4 above.
25. International Crisis Group Report, Still Buying Time, ICG, 2002, Brussels.
26. Interview with Serbian State Union official, Belgrade, July 2003.
27. See 'G17 Plus State Programme of a European Serbia' (G17 Plus, Belgrade, May 2003) and 'New Programme for the New Government' (G17 Plus, Belgrade, November 2003).
28. Commission of the EC, Serbia and Montenegro Stabilisation and Association Report, COM(204) 206 final, March 2004, Brussels, p. 1.
29. See 'Solana has not fulfilled his task - Central Bank Governor Dinkic is for separation from Montenegro' in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 28 January 2003.
30. See D. Gros and D. Kernohan, V. Najman and P. Wozniak, 'On the Cost of Re-establishing Yugoslavia: First Estimates on the Economic Impact on Montenegro of Establishing a Customs Union with Serbia' (2004) Journal of South-East European and Black Sea Studies (forthcoming).
31. On the difference between rational and sociological institutionalist explanations of Europeanization, see T. Borzel and T. Risse 'When Europe hits home: Europeanization and domestic change' (2000) 4/15 European Integration Online Paper; J. Checkel 'Social Construction and Integration' (1999) 6/4 Journal of European Public Policy, pp. 545-560.
32. See A. Erel, Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Commerce's Evaluation of the Council Regulation 866/2004 dated 29 April 2004 and the 30 July dated Proposals of the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Commerce, 5 August 2004, Nicosia.